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70018475

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Stsiapan%20Putsila

Stsiapan Putsila

Stsiapan Putsila (; born July 27, 1998) or Stepan Aleksandrovič Putilo () is a Belarusian journalist, blogger, film director and TV presenter, mostly known as founder of the media outlet Nexta. The Telegram channel NEXTA Live he founded was at times the biggest Russian-language channel in the world. He currently lives in exile in Poland. Life Putsila is the son of Aliaksandr Putsila, a sports journalist and commentator for Belsat TV. According to his own words, Putsila had been interested in video content since his childhood. Putsila graduated from the Belarusian Humanities Lyceum in Minsk where he shot his first video clips and where be began to engage in journalism by publishing an own newspaper. Foundation of NEXTA In October 2015, Putsila founded the YouTube channel NEXTA, originally as a music channel. The first video that was uploaded was a video clip under title ‘No Way Out’, dedicated to the 2015 Belarusian presidential election and massive falsifications. The KGB immediately demonstrated interest in Nexta. In that time Putsila was still going to school, the law enforcement made visits to find information about him. In 2017 the music band broke up and Putilo started using the channel to ‘accumulate the trash happening in Lukashenko’s Belarus’, making weekly reviews of state news. In that time independent media with video were scarce and Nexta soon became popular. From 2016 to 2019, Putsila attended the University of Silesia in Katowice to study the production of film and television content. Political persecution and role in the 2020 protest movement In autumn 2018, he created the Telegram channel NEXTA Live which was subscribed by 2,000 people on the first day. In the same year, Putsila was charged with “insulting the president” because of two YouTube videos. The house of his mother was searched, but a few months later, the case was closed. In October 2019, Putsila published his documentary film “Lukashenko. Criminal materials”, which gained around 3 million views. In December of the same year, the film was included in the list of extremist materials of the Belarusian Ministry of Information. During the 2020–2021 Belarusian protests, his Telegram channel NEXTA became the leading platform covering and coordinating the opposition demonstrations. The media outlet quickly transformed from a reporting tool into a de facto coordinator of the protests. The channel content included calls for help, police maps, as well as contacts between lawyers and human rights activists. In August 2020, the main criminal investigation department of criminal police of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Belarus initiated a criminal case against Putsila. He faces up to 15 years in jail for organizing “mass riots, accompanied by violence against an individual, pogroms, arson, destruction of property or armed resistance to representatives of the authorities” and other accusations. On November 5, 2020, the Investigative Committee of Belarus put Putsila along with Roman Protasevich, the former editor-in-chief of NEXTA on the international wanted list. On November 19, 2020, the KGB included Putsila and Protasevich in the list of persons involved in terrorist activities. In November 2020, Belarus applied to Poland for the extradition of Stsiapan Putsila. In January 2022, the Warsaw district court declared that Putsila's extradition would be "legally impermissible". Judge Dariusz Łubowski commented on the demands of the Belarusian government, by saying: “This country demands the extradition of a completely innocent citizen just because he has different views than the psychopathic dictator--a dictator who isn’t recognised by any civilised state”. As a result of that, the Prosecutor General's Office of Belarus initiated criminal proceedings against judge Dariusz Łubowski. Awards and Recognitions 2019: National Victar Ivashkevich Human Rights Prize by Charter 97 2020: Award "Profesion — Journalist" by the initiative Open Russia (was awarded to the collective NEXTA as a whole) 2020: Sakharov Prize for Freedom of Thought by the European Parliament (one of the awarded representatives of the democratic opposition in Belarus) 2020: Among the Top-5 nominees of the Polish Award 2021: Nominee for the "30 Most Promising Russians Under 30" according to Forbes magazine in the category "New Media" References 1998 births Living people Belarusian democracy activists Belarusian dissidents Belarusian expatriates in Poland Journalists from Minsk

70018872

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lexington%20Police%20Department

Lexington Police Department

The Lexington Police Department is the primary law enforcement agency for the town of Lexington, Massachusetts. The current Chief of Police is Mark McLean, who replaced Chief Mark Corr in late 2021. It employs 50 sworn police officers, 32 of whom are patrol officers, with about one officer for every 700 people. Programs Youth academy The LPD runs a youth academy for children ages 12–17, which operates in the summer as two 10-day programs. It covers first aid/CPR, team building, introduction to law enforcement/ LPD history and programs, fun and games, LPD history and programs. Organization Divisions The LPD has seven divisions, each of which serves a specific purpose for the department. Personnel are equally distributed across the department for the most part. Administration The Administration Division contains most of the administrative staff of the department, along with the Traffic Bureau. It is managed by an Office Manager, along with an Administrative Lieutenant and Sergeant. Patrol and enforcement The face of the department, the PED is responsible for most patrol services of the department. It is organized into four sections, each with a Patrol Commander (Lt.) and Patrol Supervisor (Sgt.), which are further divided into 10 groups of officers. It is the largest division of the department. Traffic Bureau The Traffic Bureau is composed of a Traffic Bureau Supervisor, a parking enforcement officer, eight parking lot attendants for the paid town center parking lot, and the school crossing guards program. Investigations The Detective Bureau is led by a Bureau Commander that is a Lieutenant, as well as a Sergeant/Prosecutor. They investigate all crimes in the Town of Lexington, as well as a detective serving as the School Resource Officer for Lexington High School. Dispatch The Lexington Police Department and the Fire Department are jointly dispatched, though the dispatchers are civilian employees of the LPD. It has eight full-time dispatchers, and is led by Senior Dispatcher Steven Herrera. Animal control The LPD employs an animal control officer jointly with the Bedford Police Department, Michael Leskouski. Crossing guards The LPD Traffic Bureau runs a crossing guard program, which has 16 crossing guards at 14 school crossings around the town. Ranks References Municipal police departments of Massachusetts Lexington, Massachusetts

70018886

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Critique%20of%20work

Critique of work

Critique of work or critique of labor (labour in British English), or more informally antiwork refers to the critique of, and wish to abolish work as such, and not only to critique of the worst forms of what the critics of works often deem wage slavery. Critique of work can be existential, and focus on how labor can be and or feel meaningless, and stands in the way for self-realization. But the critique of work can also highlight how excessive work may harm the productivity of society, or society itself. The critique of work can also take on a more utilitarian character in which work simply stands in the way for human happiness. Brief history The critique of work has been around for a long time, and many thinkers have critiqued and wished for the abolishment of the social activities that we in our own historical epoch define as labor. In fact, critiques of unnecessary human labor may be found as early as in Ancient Greece. Paul Lafargue was early to point out that the obsession society seemed to have with labor paradoxically harmed the productivity which society had as one of its primary justifications for not working as little as possible. During 2021 and 2021 the anti work movement has experienced rapid growth online, especially on the subreddit /r/antiwork which uses the slogan "Unemployment for all, not just the rich!". The subreddit has [2022] 1.8 million members, and has aided workers in the 2021 Kellogg's strike. Paul Lafargue In Lafargue's book The Right To Be Lazy, he claims that: "It is sheer madness, that people are fighting for the "right" to an eight-hour working day. In other words, eight hours of servitude, exploitation and suffering, when it is leisure, joy and self-realisation that should be fought for – and as few hours of slavery as possible." The automation, which had already come a long way in Lafargue's time, could easily have reduced working hours to three or four hours a day. Which would have left a large part of the day for the things which he would claim that we really want to do – spend time with friends, relax, enjoy life, be lazy. The machine is the saviour of humanity, Lafargue argues, but only if the working time it frees up becomes leisure time. It can be, it should be, but it rarely has been. The time that is freed up is according to Lafargue usually converted into more hours of work, which in his view is only more hours of toil and drudgery. Bertrand Russell Russell's book In Praise of Idleness is a collection of essays on the themes of sociology and philosophy. Russell argues that if the burden of work were shared equally among all, resulting in fewer hours of work, unemployment would disappear. As a result, human happiness would also increase as people would be able to enjoy their newfound free time, which would further increase the amount of science and art. Russell for example claimed that "Modern methods of production have given us the possibility of ease and security for all; we have chosen, instead, to have overwork for some and starvation for others. Hitherto we have continued to be as energetic as we were before there were machines; in this we have been foolish". Contemporary era David Graeber The anthropologist David Graeber has written about bullshit jobs, which are jobs that are meaningless do not contribute anything worthwhile, or even damage society. Graeber also claims that bullshit jobs are often not the worst paid ones. The bullshit-jobs can include tasks like these: Watching over an inbox which received emails and copy and paste it into another form. To be hired to look busy. Jobs where the most important thing is to sit in the right place, like working in a reception, and forwarding emails to someone who is tasked with reading them. Frédéric Lordon In Willing Slaves of Capital: Spinoza and Marx on Desire, the French economist and philosopher Frédéric Lordon ponders why people accept deferring or even replacing their own desires and goals with those of an organization. “It is ultimately quite strange,” he writes, “that people should so ‘accept’ to occupy themselves in the service of a desire that was not originally their own.” Lordon argues that surrender of will occurs via the capture by organizations of workers’ “basal desire” – the will to survive. But this willingness of workers to become aligned with a company’s goals is due not only to what can be called “managerialism” (the ways in which a company co-opts individuality via wages, rules, and perks), but to the psychology of the workers themselves, whose “psyches… perform at times staggering feats of compartmentalization.” So consent to work itself becomes problematic and troubling; as captured in the title of Lordon’s book, workers are “willing slaves.” Franco "Bifo" Berardi Franco Berardi, an Italian Autonomist thinker, suggests in The Soul at Work: From Alienation to Autonomy, that capitalism has harnessed modern desires for autonomy and independence:"No desire, no vitality seems to exist anymore outside the economic enterprise, outside productive labor and business. Capital was able to renew its psychic, ideological and economic energy, specifically thanks to the absorption of creativity, desire, and individualistic, libertarian drives for self-realization."Knowledge workers, or what Barardi calls the “cognitariat,” are far from free of this co-option. People in these jobs, he says, have suffered a kind of Taylorization of their work via the parceling and routinization of even creative activities. George Alliger In the 2022 book Anti-Work: Psychological Investigations into Its Truths, Problems, and Solutions, work psychologist Alliger proposes to systematize anti-work thinking by suggesting a set of almost 20 propositions that characterize this topic. He draws on a wide variety of sources; a few of the propositions or tenets are: Work demands submission and is damaging to the human psyche. The idea that work is a “good” is a modern and deleterious development. The tedious, boring, and grinding aspects of work characterize most of the time spent in many and probably even all jobs. Work is subjectively “alienating” and meaningless due to workers’ lack of honest connection to the organization and its goals and outcomes. Alliger provides a discussion of each proposition and considers how workers, as well as psychologists, can best respond to the existential difficulties and challenges of work. Guy Debord One of the founders of the Situationist International in France (which helped inspire the student revolt of 1968), Guy Debord wrote the influential The Society of the Spectacle (La société du spectacle). He suggested that since all actual activity, including work, has been harnessed into the production of the spectacle, that there can be no freedom from work, even if leisure time is increasing. That is, since leisure can only be leisure within the planned activities of the spectacle, and since alienated labor helps to reproduce that spectacle, there is also no escape from work within the confines of the spectacle. Debord also used the slogan "NEVER WORK", which he initially painted as graffiti, and henceforth came to emphasize could not be considered superfluous advice. Anti-work ethic The anti-work ethic states that labor tends to cause unhappiness, therefore, the quantity of labor ought to be lessened, and/or that work should not be enforced by means of withheld resources or political or otherwise normative means. This can be done both by a critique of work and by finding alternative ways of living. The ethic appeared in anarchist circles and have come to prominence with essays such as In Praise of Idleness and Other Essays by Bertrand Russell, The Right to Useful Unemployment by Ivan Illich, and The Abolition of Work by Bob Black, published in 1985. Philosopher Friedrich Nietzsche presented a critique of work and an anti-work ethic. In 1881, he wrote: The eulogists of work. Behind the glorification of 'work' and the tireless talk of the 'blessings of work' I find the same thought as behind the praise of impersonal activity for the public benefit: the fear of everything individual. At bottom, one now feels when confronted with work—and what is invariably meant is relentless industry from early till late—that such work is the best police, that it keeps everybody in harness and powerfully obstructs the development of reason, of covetousness, of the desire for independence. For it uses up a tremendous amount of nervous energy and takes it away from reflection, brooding, dreaming, worry, love, and hatred; it always sets a small goal before one's eyes and permits easy and regular satisfactions. In that way a society in which the members continually work hard will have more security: and security is now adored as the supreme goddess The American architect, designer and futurist Buckminster Fuller presented an argument that rejected the notion of it being a necessity for people to be employed in order to earn a living, saying: We must do away with the absolutely specious notion that everybody has to earn a living. It is a fact today that one in ten thousand of us can make a technological breakthrough capable of supporting all the rest. The youth of today are absolutely right in recognizing this nonsense of earning a living. We keep inventing jobs because of this false idea that everybody has to be employed at some kind of drudgery because, according to Malthusian Darwinian theory he must justify his right to exist. So we have inspectors of inspectors and people making instruments for inspectors to inspect inspectors. The true business of people should be to go back to school and think about whatever it was they were thinking about before somebody came along and told them they had to earn a living. In art The Swedish Public Freedom Service is a conceptual art project which has been running since 2014. One of the artists argued in relationship to the project that "changes in the last 200 years or so have always been shifts in power, while not much that is fundamental to the construction of society has changed. We are largely marinated in the belief that wage labour must be central." See also Critique of political economy References External links Texts regarding critique of labor Manifesto against labour Critique of work Criticism of work Social movements Social philosophy

70019567

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Schutzmannschaft%20Battalion%20258

Schutzmannschaft Battalion 258

Schutzmannschaft Battalion 258 ( ; ) was a Lithuanian auxiliary police battalion formed on 27 April 1944. The unit was disbanded at the end of July of that same year in Tilsit. Formation The battalion was formed on April 27 by Order of the Day No.5 that was issued by the Ordnungspolizei leader under the SS- und Polizeiführer in Lithuania. In this order, the 258th Schutzmannschaft Battalion was formed by transforming the Training Units () of the LAD into the battalion. History This unit, or at least its headquarters, were deployed in Kaunas from April to mid-June, judging from the orders issued to the Training Units and the 258th Battalion. According to other sources, the battalion was located in Prienai in May 1944. At the time, two other battalions were deployed in Prienai barracks: one German, the other Lithuanian. The 258th battalion then included about 250 soldiers, whose uniform was blue Wehrmacht infantry uniforms. On 1 April 1944, captain Albinas Lastauskas, the commander of the young soldiers' company, together with 21 other soldiers, was sent to Schutzmannschaft Battalion 259, that was forming in Prienai. Lastauskas' position was taken over by non-commissioned officer Jurgis Normantas. The young soldiers' company, in terms of training supervision, was under the training company's commander. The training company's lieutenant Nikodemas Reikalas was given special holidays for May 28-June 9. The 258th Battalion included one construction and one assembly company. The assembly company was commanded by lieutenant Petras Polekauskas. On April 1, the assembly company received lieutenant Jonas Paliulionis, 55 NCOs and soldiers from the 8th Battalion. On May 31, lieutenant Vytautas Andriuškevičius, also from the 8th Battalion, was also sent to the assembly company. On April 4, by the order of captain Antanas Ruzgys, commander of the Training Unit, 245 soldiers of the construction company were sent to the 259th Battalion. On April 26, the Commander of the SiPo and SD ordered the arrests of Valerijonas Janulis, the 258th Battalion's staff junior non-commissioned officer, and private Antanas Plečkaitis. They were to be given over to the Gestapo. On May 23, captain Viktoras Jarašiūnas from the 2nd Battalion, was appointed to serve in the battalion headquarters. Four days later, on May 27, captain Vladas Patašius from the 253th Battalion was temporarily appointed the Battalion commander's adjutant. For unknown reasons, the assembly company's private Antanas Strimaitis was arrested by the German police and imprisoned in the Kaunas Hard Labour Prison. On May 29, the privates Kazys Urbonas, Albertas Katilevičius, Kazys Paškevičius and Edvardas Lileika left the battalion. At the beginning of June, the 258th Battalion was moved to Kaunas, where the soldiers guarded the military warehouses. At summer's beginning, one platoon from the battalion served at the 11th resistance point, which guarded the railway section near Kazlų Rūda, the railway station and the railway bridge. There were 16 soldiers armed with 1 light machine gun, 1 light mortar and rifles at this point of resistance. As the Red Army occupied more and more of Lithuania, the battalion retreated to Tilsit. At the end of July, the 258th Battalion was disbanded in Tilsit. Aftermath From Tilsit, the battalion's remnants were moved to the town of Zinkst near the Belgium–Germany border to build fortifications there. Three weeks later, Lithuanian soldiers were sent to build new power lines at the Swiss border. The battalion's former soldiers were captured by the United States Army in early May 1945. Some of the battalion's soldiers were transferred to other military units, while other were sent to a special camp on the Rügen island, where Lithuanians, Latvians, Estonians, Russians and Ukrainians were being taught military and intelligence subjects. References Bibliography Lithuanian Schutzmannschaft Battalions Military units and formations established in 1944 Military units and formations disestablished in 1944

70019569

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Schutzmannschaft%20Battalion%20259

Schutzmannschaft Battalion 259

Schutzmannschaft Battalion 259 ( ; ) was a Lithuanian auxiliary police battalion formed in April 1944 in Prienai. It was soon disbanded in July of that same year in Tilsit. The battalion was formed from the soldiers sent by the Training Unit () and the 3rd Lithuanian Construction Battalion. The 259th Battalion was the last Lithuanian Police Battalion to be formed. The battalion was subordinated to the Ordnungspolizei leader under the SS- und Polizeiführer in Lithuania. However, the battalion's staffing, enforcing of discipline and economic affairs were taken care of by the LAD liaison officer's headquarters under the Ordungspolizei leader in Lithuania. History The battalion was stationed in Prienai between 18 April and 11 July 1944, and was then moved to Kaunas. In Prienai, the soldiers lived in the barracks, were trained and introduced to weapons. On June 20, two platoons each from the 1st and 2nd companies fought against Soviet partisans near the village in the . The operation was led by lieutenant Balys Lukošius. Upon receiving information from a farmer about the whereabouts of the partisans, the companies hurriedly prepared to march. The policemen were armed with a machine gun and French rifles. The partisan bunker was encircled. After noticing the approaching policemen, the partisans opened fire. Later, as the partisans emerged from their bunker, they attempted to escape into the forest, located about 300 metres away. In the bunker, the policemen found two killed partisans, two submachine guns and grenades in the bunker. The Lithuanian casualties of this fight were the 1st company's junior non-commissioned officer () Jonas Chmieliauskas and private Petras Umbrasas. Private Juozas Skinkys was wounded in the head and was taken to the German military hospital in Kaunas. During May and June, desertion rates became massive. About thirty policemen deserted from the battalion until the beginning of June. In the first half of July, the battalion was transferred to Kaunas. It is known from the orders of the battalion's commander that the battalion, or at least its headquarters, were in Kaunas from July 13 to 25. As of April 25, the battalion had four companies and a pioneer platoon. The soldiers guarded the railway bridge over Nemunas, the meat factory, other companies and barracks located there. At the end of the month, the battalion retreated to Tilsit. Along the way, many soldiers left the unit, preferring to remain in Lithuania. Soon, the battalion was disbanded in Tilsit. Aftermath Some of the battalion's troops were sent to Oldenburg and later Vienna, to work at the airports. They reached the end of the war in Austria, where they were taken prisoner by the United States Army. Commanders The battalion's commander was captain Albinas Lastas. On April 25, junior lieutenant Benjaminas Paulionis, who was the 4th company's commander, was temporarily acting as the battalion's adjutant commander. It is known that captain Balys Matulevičius served in the battalion, but his position is unknown. 1st company The 1st company's commander from April 25th was lieutenant Balys Lukošius. From May 2, it was junior lieutenant Antanas Gelažėla. In July, the company commander was Lieutenant Albinas Sidaravičius. 3rd company On April 6, lieutenant Antanas Baltrušis, from the 9th Battalion, was appointed the 3rd company's commander, replacing the previous commander, lieutenant Aleksas Grinius, who was sent to the 9th Battalion. From April 18, the 3rd company's commander was junior lieutenant Kostas Eidukonis. 4th company As of April 25, the 4th company's commander was junior lieutenant Benjaminas Paulionis. The 3rd company's commander Eidukonis was also temporarily the 4th company's acting commander on July 8. Pioneer platoon Lieutenant Jonas Kupstas, transferred from the Training Unit, was made the pioneer platoon's commander on May 5, but just two days later he was sent to the Police Battalion "Lietuva". The pioneer platoon's new commander was junior lieutenant Benediktas Laibėnas. References Bibliography Lithuanian Schutzmannschaft Battalions Military units and formations established in 1944 Military units and formations disestablished in 1944

70020356

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/James%20Lammers

James Lammers

James Bernard Lammers (July 16, 1924 – January 5, 1952) was an American mass murderer who murdered his pregnant wife and three children. On December 12, 1950, he strangled his wife, who was about seven months pregnant, to death, then set their trailer on fire, resulting in their children dying. James was convicted of two counts of first degree murder, sentenced to death, and executed in 1952. Murders, trial, and execution The family had moved into a trailer in Troy eight weeks before the murders after James found work as a bulldozer operator there. However, six weeks later, he was fired. On the early of morning of December 13, 1950, the Lammers' family trailer was discovered on fire. Neighbors tried to help, but were unable to extinguish the blaze. The bodies of 23-year-old Geneva Orr Lammers, 3-year-old Laura Mae Lammers, 2-year-old Melva Jean Lammers, and nine-month-old LaVern Francis Lammers were found. The children were sleeping during the fire, and had died from carbon monoxide poisoning. The fire was initially thought to be accidental, and the police guessed that an exploding oil stove caused it. James Lammers was nowhere to be found. He returned to town on December 14, 1950, claiming he had been out looking for work, and that someone had recognized his truck in Topeka and told him about the fire. Suspecting that James had intentionally set the fire, the police asked him to show them where had had traveled. James took the police to Independence, Missouri, then to Kansas City, Missouri. He attempt to provide an alibi by showing them a receipt for gas supposedly purchased on December 12, but the actual date, December 13, was smudged and over it was written the number 12. James then took them to Topeka, Kansas, where he had supposedly spent the night in a hotel and mailed a letter home to his wife. The letter was dated December 14, 1950. The group returned to Troy on December 15, and James was arrested and charged with first degree murder the next day. Upon being woken up to the news, he replied "Does it have to be as bad as that?" James then confessed to the murders, saying he had strangled his wife to death, and then poured kerosene on her body and set it on fire to conceal the crime. Due to public anger over the allegations, James was moved to a private location for his safety. He claimed that his children had drove him crazy, and he feared having a fourth child. James took his wife to a doctor in Missouri, hoping for an abortion, but the doctor refused. During his trial, a woman, 25-year-old Zada Spencer, said she and James had been having an affair for about a year and fathered a child together, and that he never told her he was married. According to Spencer, after learning she was pregnant, James said a friend of his, whose wife had had died, had offered him his trailer home if he would take care of the his three children. He asked Spencer if she would marry him on those conditions, but she declined. A friend of Spencer corroborated these allegations, but they were never confirmed. The defense argued that James did not "appreciate the enormity of his act", and presented several witnesses who testified that he had a limited mental capacity. However, doctors who examined him said he was both competent and sane. On March 7, 1951, the jury found James guilty of first degree murder and recommended a death sentence, and he was formally sentenced to death. After James's appeals failed, he was hanged at the Kansas State Penitentiary in Lansing on January 5, 1952. He declined a last meal. James's last words were "I have been treated very well." The trapdoor was sprung open at 1:01 A.M., and he was pronounced dead nine minutes later. James's parents declined to claim his body after his execution, and he was buried in Mt. Calvary Cemetery in Leavenworth, Kansas. See also Familicide Capital punishment in Kansas List of people executed in Kansas References 1924 births 1952 deaths 20th-century executions by Kansas 20th-century executions of American people American mass murderers American male criminals American murderers of children American people convicted of murder Executed mass murderers Executed people from Nebraska People convicted of murder by Kansas People executed by Kansas by hanging People executed for murder

70021242

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/%22El%20Shaab%22

"El Shaab"

"El Shaab" ( "The People") is a 2012 installation piece by the Egyptian artist Moataz Nasr composed of 25 painted ceramic figures representing participants in the 2011 Egyptian revolution. The figures are 27 x 6 x 10 cm each, arranged on two shelves. As of 2022, the piece is part of the Barjeel Art Foundation's collection. Name The title alludes to the dominant chant of the Arab Spring: ash-shaʻb yurīd isqāṭ an-niẓām (الشعب يريد إسقاط النظام " the people want to bring down the regime"). Description The ceramic miniatures, placed in groups on two shelves, represent the cross-section of the diverse population that gathered in Tahrir Square calling for an end to despotic rule and demanding bread (life), freedom, and human dignity and social justice. Some figures are depicted bearing wounds sustained in the revolution. On a separate shelf, the violence captured in the viral video of police attacking the The Girl in the Blue Bra is recreated with painted porcelain figures. Her limp body, dragged and stomped on by the three officers of the Egyptian Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF), lies on the ground, surrounded by her torn-off abaya. El Shaab was first displayed in 2012, the year following the eruption of the revolution and the year of Egypt's first democratic presidential election. The piece was part of the exhibition entitled "No to the Invasion: Breakdowns and Side Effects" curated by Fawz Kabra. References Egyptian art Egyptian revolution of 2011 Works of art

70023041

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Trigger%20Point%20%28TV%20series%29

Trigger Point (TV series)

Trigger Point is a 2022 British crime thriller series starring Vicky McClure as a police bomb disposal expert in London. It is created and written by Daniel Brierley. It was first broadcast on 23 January 2022 on ITV. Plot Lana Washington is an ex-military bomb disposal operative (known as an 'Expo') and Afghan War veteran who heads a Metropolitan Police bomb squad, using her skills to counter the terrorist threat. Cast Vicky McClure as Lana Washington Adrian Lester as Joel Nutkins Tom Stokes as Pete Gavin Sibson as PS Costa Cal MacAninch as Inspector Lee Robins Gwynfor Jones as PS Brown Mark Stanley as DI Thom Youngblood Manjinder Virk as DI Samira Desai Eric Shango as Danny Ralph Ineson as Commander Bregman Warren Brown as Karl Maguire Kerry Godliman as Sonia Reeves Nabil Elouahabi as Hassan Rahim Nadine Marshall as DSU Marianne Hamilton Kris Hitchen as John Hudson Ewan Mitchell as Billy Washington Michael Akinsulire as PS Carney Lucy Russell as Moira Bloxham Salima Saxton as Ayesha Campbell-Khan Rick Warden as Andy Phelan Kevin Eldon as Jeff Washington Tamzin Griffin as Val Washington Neil Stoddart as Nick Roberts Camilla Power as Agatha Jack Jennifer Castle as Jocasta Wellings Mo Idriss as Ali Hussein Production Mercurio mentored Brierly, who was new to television, and developed the series during a television bursary scheme. The series was filmed in London. On 27 February 2022, itv announced a second series to air in 2023. Episodes Reception Lucy Mangan for The Guardian gave the first episode three out of five stars, remarking, 'It's great fun as long as you set your preposterousness levels to “high”. Go in thinking CSI: Peckham or Line of Bomb Duty or Bomby McBombface, rather than The Wire But With Actual Wires or Breaking Explosively Badly and you'll enjoy yourself a lot more.' Ed Cumming of The Independent also gave it three out five stars, praising the tension but finding the dialogue and storytelling melodramatic. References External links 2022 British television series debuts 2020s British crime television series Crime thriller television series English-language television shows ITV crime shows Television series by Hat Trick Productions Television shows set in London

70023781

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gaston%20Da%20Costa

Gaston Da Costa

Gaston Pierre Da Costa (15 December 1850 – 11 December 1909) was a French teacher, left-wing militant and communard. Biography Da Costa was born in Paris, the son of Eugène François Da Costa (1818–1888), teacher of mathematics, and his wife Adèle-Pauline (née Varenne). A follower of Auguste Blanqui while a student, in 1871, at the age of 20, Da Costa embraced the cause of the Paris Commune. He was deputy of the prosecutor Raoul Rigault, who was in charge of the police, and took part in the events in the capital until the fall of the insurgents. It was Da Costa, accompanied by Eugène Protot, who implemented the decision of the 1871 Committee of Public Safety to destroy the house of Adolphe Thiers. In the face of the hostility of the crowd and the reluctance of the workmen commandeered to undertake the demolition, he struck the first blows of the pickaxe on the building's chimneys, while Protot broke the windows on the veranda. It required the arrival of a company of the communard Garde Nationale unit the "Vengeurs de Flourens" to disperse the hostile demonstration and to induce the workmen to start work. Da Costa was arrested at La Varenne-Saint-Hilaire in June 1871 and was tried in July 1872 on charges of "attempt with the aim of changing the form of government, complicity in assassination, illegal arrests with threats of death". The council of war sentenced him to death. After an appeal for review which confirmed the initial judgement, and a further appeal to the Commission for Pardons, the sentence was commuted in January 1873 to forced labour for life in the penal colony of New Caledonia, where he was sent without delay. After the amnesty of 1880 he was repatriated on board the Loire, which reached Brest on 7 June 1881, after which he occupied himself with pedagogical matters. In 1889 he published the Nouvelle méthode d'enseignement de la grammaire française, which was approved by the municipal council of Paris. This work was followed by several handbooks for the use of pupils in primary schools, of which the last appeared in 1906. He was close to the left-wing of the Boulangistes in 1889. He also shared the convictions of Ernest Granger, Ernest Roche and Henri Rochefort and joined the Comité central socialiste révolutionnaire (CCSR). In 1904 he published his memoirs of the events in which he had taken part, while enlarging the viewpoint to the scale of historical analysis. The three volumes of La Commune vécue, 30 years after the facts, provoked many reactions not only from his opponents but also from former communards. He died on 11 December 1909 at Bois-le-Roi. Works Nouvelle méthode d'enseignement de la grammaire française, revised and corrected by Jeannin, Paris, 1894 Mémoires d'un communard: 18 Mars–28 Mai 1871, La Commune vécue (vol. 1 online; vol. 2 online; vol.3 online). Mémoires d'un communard: 18 mars–28 mai 1871, La Commune vécue, Larousse, 2009, 383 pp. — condensed into one volume. References Bibliography La Commune, Éditions Sociales, 1970 External links Maitron.fr: notice DA COSTA Gaston, Pierre, put online 26 July 2009, latest modification 14 December 2021 1850 births 1909 deaths Communards Educators from Paris 19th-century French educators 20th-century French educators French historians

70023870

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Robert%20L.%20Sanders

Robert L. Sanders

Robert L. Sanders (December 20, 1961) is an American politician serving as a member of the Mississippi House of Representatives from the 29th district. He assumed office on November 3, 2021. Early life and education Sanders was born in Shaw, Mississippi in 1961. He earned a Bachelor of Science degree in physical education from Mississippi Valley State University. Career Sanders served as chief of police of the Mississippi Valley State University Police Department and was an officer in the Shaw Police Department. He was also an internal affairs investigator with the Mississippi Department of Corrections. He later served as sergeant-at-arms for the Mississippi State Senate from 2000 to 2004. He was elected to the Mississippi House of Representatives in a November 2021 special election, succeeding Abe M. Hudson Jr. References Living people 1961 births Mississippi Valley State University alumni People from Cleveland, Mississippi Members of the Mississippi House of Representatives Mississippi Democrats African-American state legislators in Mississippi

70024080

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Burnin%27%20Rubber%20%28Series%29

Burnin' Rubber (Series)

Burnin' Rubber is a series of vehicular combat racing video games developed by Xform and published by various companies. The series has appeared on AirConsole, Android, Browser, IOS, and Microsoft Windows. The gameplay mainly focuses on the player having to beat a set of challenges ranging from races, boss battles, and time trials. Players can gain various pickups and collectables placed throughout tracks to aid them in the event and unlock new content. The series previous used Adobe Director and Adobe Shockwave Player for its games and has since migrated to Unity. Burnin' Rubber 3 was the first game in the series to introduce the addition of weapons in which the player can add to their vehicles which would become one of the game's main element moving forward. Excluding Burnin' Rubber (2007), the vehicles can receive damage or explode once critical damage levels has been surpassed. The series takes some inspiration from the Burnout series. Series games Main series Burnin' Rubber (2007) Burnin' Rubber is the first main game in the series and was released on 4 December 2007. It features head-to-head racing on 3 different locations with a reverse variant that becomes available one the player completes the forward variant. It is one of two games in the series that do not feature weapons. Burnin' Rubber 2 (2008) Burnin' Rubber 2 is the second main game in the series and was released on 7 October 2008. gameplay being similar to the first game. The game also comes with the addition of new vehicles and locations. The vehicle damage system was also added as a new element to the game and what would used in later games. It is one of two games in the series that do not feature weapons. Hidden packages were also introduced for the first time in what would be used in other Xform games. Burnin' Rubber 3 (2009) Burnin' Rubber 3 is the third main game in the series and was released on 7 July 2009. New elements were added to the game which would also be used in later games. A new "World Dominaton" mode was introduced in which the player competes to various events in America, Asia, Africa, Europe, Australia. This was the first game to introduce weapons to the series ranging from caltrop layer, grenade launchers, machine guns, miniguns, rocket launchers, and more. With the addition of weapons, new modes such as Battle Race, Rival Battle, Survivor Customization ranging from body kits, paint, rims, and spoilers were made available for the vehicles. Some custom parts could be unlocked through the daily challenges mode. Burnin' Rubber 3 was nominated for Best Online Game in the 2010 Dutch Game Awards. Burnin' Rubber 4 (2010) Burnin' Rubber 4 is the fourth main game in the series and was released on 10 August 2010. Players collect tickets which gives entry to compete in specific events. This was the first game to introduce an open world map consisting of 4 major areas (The city, Big Rock, Snow Peak, and The Jungle). A new selection of vehicles were added with some only obtainable after completing special missions. It is also the first game to introduce boats and a flyable helicopter in an optional side mission. The game won "Shockwave.com Online Game Of The Year" award in 2010. Burnin' Rubber 4: Game Of The Year Edition (2011) After Burnin' Rubber 4 received the "Shockwave.com Online Game Of The Year" award, Xform released Burnin' Rubber 4: Game Of The Year Edition on 12 April 2011. This version was an update to the original game adding new features and fixes. The handling system which was the same as used in Burnin' Rubber 3 was reworked. A new area called The Docks which was an industrial zone was added along with the other 4 major areas. Machine gun and surface-to-air turrets added and placed around the map which fires at the player when the player gets within range. Armored trucks and police cars with mounted guns were added and fire at the player if the player fires their weapon within range of the vehicles. The city's time period has also changed to night. Burnin' Rubber 5 (2013) Burnin' Rubber 5 is the fifth main game in the series and was released on 23 April 2013. The game is also one of the last two games in the series to use Adobe Director for its engine. The game includes different challenges for the player to complete including team race and boss battles. New weapons such as the flak roof turret, railgun, striker launcer, nuclear bomb, and more were added. It is the only game in the series to include an experience point system which rewards players new weapons as they level up. Players could also unlock duplicates of a vehicle upon beating its boss race or daily challenge. The game received an award nomination in the 2013 Dutch Game Awards. Burnin' Rubber 5 HD (2018) Burnin' Rubber 5 HD was released on Steam on 14 February 2018. This was a remastered version of Burnin' Rubber 5 which used Unity instead of Adobe Director like the original version for its engine. Textures were improved and several new cars were added to the game Burnin' Rubber 6 (TBA) Burnin' Rubber 6 is an upcoming game in the series. The game is set to be the first in the series to be available for major consoles. Spin-off games Burnin' Rubber: Crash n' Burn (2013) Burnin' Rubber: Crash n' Burn is the first spin-off game in the series and was released on 4 October 2013. The game serves as a tribute to Burnin' Rubber 4. The gameplay focuses on destruction requiring the player to destroy certain objects and vehicles each mission to advance to the next. The map is set in The city from Burnin' Rubber 4 with Big Rock, Snow Peak, and The Jungle not appearing in the game. Burnin' Rubber Shift (2013) Burnin' Rubber Shift is the second spin-off game in the series and was released on 8 December 2013. The game is also one of the last two games in the series to use Adobe Director for its engine. Unlike the previous games, the player competed in head-to-head races that were located on a stretch of highway. Police chases were also an aspect of the game. Weapons were not included in the game. Burnin' Rubber: Cartapult (2018) Burnin' Rubber: Cartapult is the third spin-off game in the series and was released on 17 August 2018. The game does not feature any missions or free roam. The gameplay focuses on destruction with the player having to launch a vehicle and destroy traffic to unlock vehicles and abilities. Burnin' Rubber Multiplayer (TBA) Burnin' Rubber Multiplayer is an upcoming online game in the series. It will be the first game in the series to feature a multiplayer system. Other games Burnin' Rubber HTML5 (2014) Burnin' Rubber HTML5 was released in 2014. It is the only game in the series to run on HTML5. Burnin' Rubber 3 Standalone (2018) Burnin' Rubber 3 Standalone was released on 19 March 2018 in response to modern browsers no longer supporting NPAPI plugins. Burnin' Rubber 4 Standalone (2018) Burnin' Rubber 4 Standalone was released on 17 May 2018 in response to modern browsers no longer supporting NPAPI plugins. Burnin' Rubber (2007) Standalone (2020) Burnin' Rubber (2007) Standalone was released on 17 May 2018 in response to modern browsers no longer supporting NPAPI plugins. Burnin' Rubber 5 Air (2020) Burnin' Rubber 5 Air was released on 9 April 2020 for Airconsole. It is a lite version of Burnin' Rubber 5. Burnin' Rubber 5 XS (2020) Burnin' Rubber 4 Standalone was released on 15 October 2020 and is also a lite version of Burnin' Rubber 5 for browser. Removal Several Burnin' Rubber games along with many other games using Adobe Director and Adobe Shockwave Player were removed from Shockwave.com in March 2017 due to modern browsers no longer supporting NPAPI plugins. This prompted the release of standalone versions of various games of the series on Itch.io. References Android (operating system) games Browser games IOS games Racing video games Vehicular combat games Video game franchises Video game franchises introduced in 2007 Video games developed in the Netherlands Windows games

70024226

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2022%20Karnataka%20hijab%20row

2022 Karnataka hijab row

At the beginning of January 2022, a dispute pertaining to school uniforms erupted in the Indian state of Karnataka, when some Muslim students of a junior college who wanted to wear hijab to classes were denied entry on the grounds that it was a violation of the college's uniform policy. Over the following weeks, the dispute spread to other schools and colleges across the state, with groups of Hindu students staging counter-protests by demading to wear saffron scarves. On 5 February, the Karnataka government issued an order stating that uniforms must be worn compulsorily where policies exist and no exception can be made for the wearing of the hijab. Several educational institutions cited this order and denied entry to Muslim girls wearing the hijab. Petitions were filed in the Karnataka High Court on behalf of the aggrieved students. On 8 February, the government closed high schools and colleges for three days due to protests and disputes over the wearing of the hijab. On 10 February, the High Court issued an interim order restraining all students from wearing any form of religious attire. When the schools reopened on 14 February, the high court's interim order was implemented in all schools and colleges across Karnataka, with students, and in some cases teachers, being asked to remove hijabs and burqas outside the school gates. On 25 February, after a hearing of about 23 hours spread over 11 days, the hearings from the petitioners, the state and the colleges were concluded and the judgement was reserved. The hijab ban in high schools and colleges was criticized inside India and abroad by officials in the United States and Pakistan, by Human Rights Watch, and by figures like Malala Yousafzai and Noam Chomsky. The ban was defended by politicians such as Arif Mohammad Khan, Aaditya Thackeray and Vishva Hindu Parishad and figures like Taslima Nasrin and Masih Alinejad. Background The education system of Karnataka involves 10 years of school and two years of pre-university college ("PU college"). Using powers conferred under the 'Karnataka Education Act, 1983', Sec. 145(1), the Government of Karnataka empowered recognised educational institutions to decide on uniforms for their students. For school students, uniforms are mandated by the state government and schools can choose the colours. For PU colleges, uniforms were not mandated by the government, but, over time, most college development committees (CDCs) adopted them, according to a PU department official. In 2017, the department issued a direction to all PU colleges saying that PU students should not be asked to wear uniforms. College managements that already had uniforms questioned the direction saying that the students and parents were happy with them. The direction was still found on the PU Education Department website in February 2022, but it does not appear to have been enforced. Muslims constitute 13 per cent of the population of the state of Karnataka. Muslim women in the state are accessing public education in ever-increasing numbers. Data shows that the Gross Attendance Ratio of Muslim women in higher education rose from about 1 per cent in 2007-08 to a high of about 16 per cent in 2017-18. Many Muslim women consider hijab to be a part of the Islamic faith. In India, the public display of religious symbols is common, including the wearing of hijab and burqa. PEW reports that in Karnataka 71% of Muslim women and 42% of Hindu women cover their heads outside the home (in India, 89% of Muslim women and 59% of Hindu women cover their heads outside the home). Several colleges in Karnataka reported that a small number of Muslim students have "always" worn the hijab in classroom. M Raghupathy, who was Karnataka's education minister in a Janata Party government in the 1980s, said that the government's uniform mandates had allowed both the hijab and the Christian nun's habit. He said that the Bharatiya Janata Party had not objected to the hijab back then. According to the BBC, the coastal belt of Karnataka has seen protests over hijab in the past but such issues were often quickly resolved. Not all cases were easy, however. A second-year PU student at Moodabidri was disallowed from attending classes for an entire year in 2011–12 due to her insistence on wearing a hijab. There have also been instances of Hindu students protesting with saffron scarves to oppose Muslim students being allowed with hijab or burqa in classes. The Muslim women were said to have been anxious that their parents would not allow them to go to college without their religious clothing. The coastal districts of Dakshina Kannada and Udupi have seen sectarian polarisation over the decades with the rise of Hindu nationalism, represented by organisations like Bajrang Dal, Hindu Jagarana Vedike, Vishva Hindu Parishad (VHP) and Akhila Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP), and a parallel mobilisation of the Muslim community by the Popular Front of India (PFI) and its affiliates Campus Front of India (CFI) and the Social Democratic Party of India. Since 2019, Karnataka has been governed by the Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). It has adopted popular Hindu nationalist policies such as banning cow slaughter and passing an "anti-conversion bill" which prohibits conversion from one religion to another by misrepresentation, force, fraud, allurement or marriage. Because the bill prohibits conversion for the sake of marriage, critics fear that the bill makes it difficult for interfaith couples to marry or for individuals to convert to Christianity or Islam. Events Udupi dispute In early January 2022, a dispute over the wearing of the hijab was reported at a government-run Pre-University College for Girls at Udupi that had disallowed the wearing of hijab as being in violation of its uniform policy. Six Muslim female students insisted on wearing hijab to classes on top of their college uniform, arguing that hijab was part of their faith, and their constitutional right. The college said its uniform policy did not allow for the hijab. The girls offered to use the existing uniform's dupatta to cover their head, arguing they didn't need to wear a separate hijab of a different colour or material, but the college refused. The college allowed them to wear the hijab on campus, but did not allow them into classes. They were found sitting in corridors and working with their notebooks. The case was brought to the attention of the media by Ansar Ahmed, the district president of Karnataka Rakshana Vedike, a voluntary organisation. Campus Front of India (CFI), the student wing of the radical Islamic organisation Popular Front of India (PFI), threatened a protest, prompting the college to arrange a police presence. The political wing of the PFI, the Social Democratic Party of India (SDPI), is also said to have threatened protests. The college authorities met and talked with the parents but remained firm in their resolution not to allow religious attire. What caused the students' change of mind on the hijab issue is uncertain. They admit to having attended the first year of class as per the college's no-hijab policy. They went to campus in burqas and removed them in a "ladies' room" before going to classes. One of the students also said that the parents were told about this when they joined the college in 2020. Others were doubtful. When the classes moved to online due to Covid, the issue died down. With the on-campus classes resuming in September 2021, some of the students asked for permission to wear the hijab, which was denied on the grounds that everyone must wear a "common uniform". In October 2021, two of them took part in an anti-rape protest and a photograph of the event was circulated. This brought their situation into focus to their parents as well as the CFI. An investigation by the Udupi Police reported that CFI had approached the parents and offered help to challenge the college management. According to one of the students, the agreement "mentioned a compulsory uniform and said nothing about a hijab". So, the six students and their parents decided to insist upon hijab. According to the federated Muslim organisation Muslim Okkoota that is active in the district, PFI and its allied organisations used the students "for their benefit". The students' hijab protest seemed to be a ploy for the political wing (SDPI) to strengthen its support base. Some of the protesting parents and relatives are active members of SDPI and other PFI affiliates. The SDPI had just won six seats in the local body elections, which was termed a major triumph. Muslim Okkoota claims to have tried to resolve the dispute locally by talking to the college authorities, the parents and the CFI, but the CFI chose to publicise the issue by circulating photographs of students stranded outside classes, provoking the college and the BJP leaders to harden their stand. By the end of December, "nobody was in the mood for a compromise". The college development committee, which is responsible for setting the uniform policy, was headed by K. Raghupati Bhat, an MLA belonging to the ruling BJP. Its 21 members did not include any Muslims. After the dispute erupted, Bhat held a meeting with parents of all students on 1 January and declared that the college would continue with its uniform code, which does not allow for hijab. The CFI and SDPI took the position that, since uniforms were not mandated by the government, they could not violate the students' religious rights. Bhat wrote to the Pre-University Education Department of the state government to clarify the matter. Thus, the matter was escalated to the state government level. Saffron protests Soon after the Udupi episode became public, groups of Hindu students started coming to their colleges wearing saffron scarves to protest against Muslim students being allowed with hijabs. A leader of the Hindu Jagarana Vedike, an affiliate of the Sangh Parivar, declared, "if girls are allowed to wear hijab then other students will come with saffron shawls to institutions across Dakshina Kannada and Udupi districts." A co-educational first-grade college in Koppa tehsil in the Chikmagalur district, was the first to witness this development when some students wore saffron scarves and demanded that the dress code be enforced. The college asked the Muslim students to remove hijab in classrooms to deflect the crisis. The matter was resolved a few days later at a parent-teacher meeting where it was decided to allow Muslim girls to wear the hijab as long as they didn’t pin the headcover or tie them around their head. The parents of the Hindu students did not support their wards' demand to don saffron scarves. On 6 January, Hindu students at Pompei College in Mangalore wore saffron shawls to protest against the hijab, and were supported by the Hindu nationalist organizations ABVP, VHP and Bajrang Dal. The saffron protests gained momentum in February, being seen at the Governrment PU college in Kundapura (2 February), Bhandarkars' Arts & Science College in the same town (3 February), and Dr BB Hegde College near Udupi (3 February). At the last location, the saffron protesters successfully blocked the hijab-wearing Muslim students from entering the college. Government reaction The ministers of Bharatiya Janata Party-led Karnataka government reacted to the incidents with apparent distaste. The education minister B. C. Nagesh termed it as an "act of indiscipline". The students could not practise their "religion" in public educational institutions, in his view. The uniform had been present for over three decades and there had been no problem with it till this point, he said. He blamed "political leaders", an apparent reference to the PFI, for provoking the students, who were allegedly "playing politics". Home Minister Araga Jnanendra said that there must be a universal feeling in schools and colleges that "we are all Indians", which required that the uniform code set by colleges be followed. On 27 January, the government announced the setting up of an expert committee to study the issue. Until its decision was made, the government urged the students to maintain the "status quo". For the Udupi PU College students, the "status quo" apparently meant that they should "adhere to the uniform rule". The government issued an order to this effect. The CDC chairman Raghupati Bhat called a meeting with parents and told them that the students should remove the hijab in the classroom. On either 3 February or 4 February, the government issued an order stating that the uniforms mandated by the state government, the school managements or college development committees must be worn compulsorily. Students following religious tenents adversely impacted "equality and unity" in colleges, according to the order. The preamble stated that a ban on hijab was not illegal, and cited three court orders from Kerala, Bombay and Madras High Courts. For those colleges where the college development committees did not mandate a uniform, the students must still wear attire that maintains "equality and unity and doesn't hamper public order". The education minister B. C. Nagesh made a statment declaring, "those who want to defy the government's school uniform regulations cannot enter their schools and attend classes". Fallout The impact of the government order was instaneous. Even before the order became public, the knowledge about it reached the coastal districts by 3 February and started getting implemented. Even colleges that had customarily allowed hijab in classes now felt compelled to disallow them. In many cases, Hindu students forced the issue by wearing saffron scarves and insisting that, if hijab was allowed in classes, they should be allowed too. In Kundapura, 28 students wearing hijab were barred from entering the Government PU College premises on 3 February. Hindu students had apparently come in saffron scarves the previous day, and the minister B. C. Nagesh informed the college that students could come to classes in only uniforms and neither hijab nor saffron scarves would be allowed. The students were very anxious because their public exams were just two months away. The Telegraph commented that their "tearful pleas fell on deaf ears". At Bhandarkars' Arts & Science College, a private college in Kundapura, 40 students were barred from entering the premises the following day. The students pointed to the college rulebook, which permitted the wearing of the hijab. Some of the students said their college's treatment was "humiliating". At the Dr BB Hegde College, where the hijab-wearing students were blocked by saffron protesters the previous day, the college administration banned the hijab on 4 February, citing the government order. The students had apparently been wearing hijab for three years at the school without issue. On 8 February, Mahatma Gandhi Memorial College prevented students in hijab from entering, even though multiple students said the college had not objected to her hijab in the past. The dispute then began to spread to other institutions across Karnataka, between Muslim students who wanted to wear hijab and the administrations barring them. The controversy intensified in early February 2022. Between 4 and 7 February, counter-protests led by students who were against allowing students wearing the hijab to enter the college. These students marched to the college wearing saffron shawls. However, authorities stopped them from entering the premises and asked the students to remove the shawls. The students were allowed in only after they complied with the request. On 7 February, some students wore blue shawls and chanted Jai Bhim at a college in Chikmagalur in support of Muslim girls in hijab (as opposed to the saffron shawls that were against the wearing of hijab). On 10 February, a lone Muslim woman, named Muskan Khan, clad in a burqa was heckled on her college grounds in Mandya by a crowd of male Hindu students wearing saffron shawls and chanting "Jai Shri Ram". She responded back shouting "Allahu Akbar", while the college staff controlled the crowd and escorted her into the building. A video of the incident went viral. The treatment of Muskan Khan was condemned by many notable figures, including by actors John Cusack, Pooja Bhatt, Fakhre Alam, and footballer Paul Pogba. On 8 February, the Government of Karnataka announced the closure of high schools and colleges for three days, after the controversy over the wearing of hijab by Muslim students intensified. The Bangalore Police prohibited protests and agitations from 9 February until 22 February within the vicinity of any educational institution. Two Muslim men were arrested when they were found carrying lethal weapons during a protest. Three others managed to flee. Petitions in the High Court Several students from the Udupi PU college filed a writ petition in the Karnataka High Court on 31 January. The petition sought the wearing of hijab to be recognised as a fundamental right under Article 14 and Article 25 of the Indian constitution as it is an essential Islamic practice. The Campus Front of India said it provided them legal advice. The petition also argued that singling out the petitioner solely on the basis of wearing hijab is against "constitutional moality". The petition was argued by senior advocate Ravivarma Kumar and other lawyers. A second petition was filed by a student from Kundapura (referred to as "Smt Rasham") around 4 February, seeking a directive to permit Muslim students to wear hijab to classes. The petitioner was represented by senior advocate Davadatt Kamat. Two students from the Bhandarkar's arts and science college in Kundapura also filed a petition, who were represented by senior advocate Yusuf Muchhala. Hearings began on 8 February, with Justice Krishna S. Dixit presiding. After hearing the initial arguments, the judge concluded that the chief issue was whether wearing hijab is an essential religious practice, and, if it is so, why the state should interfere in the matter. The judge decided that, given its public importance, the case should be heard by a "full bench" (consisting of three judges). A full bench consisting of the Chief Justice Ritu Raj Awasthi, Justice Dixit and Justice Khazi Jaibunnisa Mohiuddin was constituted the next day. By this stage, there were said to be five petitions representing 18 students in front of the court. Hearings resumed on 10 February. The three-judge bench passed an interim order on 11 February. It requested the State to re-open the educational institutions and restrained students from wearing any sort of religious clothes in classrooms until the court decided the matter. Religious rights During the hearings on 14–15 February (Days 3 and 4), the students' lawyer, Senior Advocate Devadatt Kamat argued that the Muslim women's right to wear the hijab is protected by the Article 25(1) of the Indian Constitution, which guarantees freedom of conscience and the right to practise one's religion. He asserted that wearing the hijab is an 'essential religious practice' as per Islamic scriptures including the Quran. These rights are subject only to concerns regarding public order, morality and health. He argued that for a practice to violate public order, it must be 'abhorrent by itself' and must cause 'disturbance to society'. Wearing the hijab is neither of such and so does not violate public order. When the bench questioned whether every verse of Quran should be treated as an Essential Religious Practice, Adv. Kamat replied that this isn't the matter in front of the court and hence should not appear for consideration before the court. Senior advocate Ravivarma Kumar also claimed that, by choosing to ban the hijab, the government was selectively targeting Muslim students. This amounted to religious discrimination as per Article 15(1) of the Indian constitution. He argued that the goal of education was to promote plurality, not uniformity, and the classroom should be a reflection of the diversity in society. The Advocate General (AG) of the state, Prabhuling Navadgi, on 21–22 February (Days 8 and 9), challenged the petitioners by stating that only 'essential religious practices' are protected by Article 25. He claimed that the petitioners failed to prove that wearing of hijab is an essential practice. Further, by claiming it to be an essential practice, they were trying to bind every Muslim woman to the dress code consisting of hijab. Citing the Supreme Court decision in the Ismail Farooqui case, the AG asserted that an essential religious practice must be obligatory. Optional practices do not fall under the ambit of essential religious practices and do not merit constitutional protection. The AG asserted that the petitioners' claim to protection under Article 19(1) of the Indian constitution (right to freedom of expression) and the claim under Article 25(1) are "mutually destructive" (contradictory). The AG and other lawyers representing the state, CDC, MLA, teachers etc, backed these assertions by stating that the right to freedom of expression is 'forum internum' and applied to inner convictions and inner thoughts, while the right to practice religion is 'forum externum' and applies to the outwardly expression/manifestation of one's faith or practice. They also stated that these rights are subject to reasonable restrictions. Government order Devadatt Kamat assailed the Government Order of February 2022 during the Day 3 hearing. He stated that the order relied on three former High Court judgements to argue in favour of dress codes, but none of them applied to the present case. Senior Advocate Yusuf Mucchala, appearing on behalf of a Muslim student, stated that the Government Order was "manifestly arbitrary". It violated the Article 14 of the Indian constitution as well as the principle of fairness since the Muslim students were not allowed to be heard. Barring students from wearing hijab due to objections from other students was blatantly partisan. The Advocate General of the state defended the Government Order by stating that it did not in fact ban hijab, it was merely a "suggestion". After the resistance from the Muslim students at the Udupi PU College, its college development committee referred the issue to the states PU Department. The government formed a "high-level committee" to study the issue and issued the order, giving autonomy to college development committees to prescribe uniforms. The order itself did not prescribe uniforms and was, therefore "innocuous". It neither prescribed nor proscribed the hijab. Upon query from the Chief Justice as to why the order mentioned hijab at all, the AG responded that it was merely an "indication" to the college authorities. The CJ probed further by asking the AG whether the government would have any objections to the hijab being worn in classrooms if they are permitted by the college. The AG replied that the state would be okay with it and that it would only intervene if grievances were raised under section 131 of the Karnataka Education Act. In his rejoinder, Devadatt Kamat alleged that the AG had given up ninety per cent of the Government Order in his arguments, thus effectively rendering the order inoperative, and that consequently, there was no need for further discussion on whether the wearing of the hijab was an essential religious practice. College development committees During the hearing on 16 February (Day 5), the senior advocate of the petitioners, Ravivarma Kumar, challenged the legality of the college development committees, which are said to have been empowered to decide on uniforms. He claimed that the CDCs were not recognised by either the Karnataka Education Act or the Rules issued under it. He also questioned the propriety of the CDCs being chaired by MLAs, who are subject to a political party and ideology. He contended that MLAs (legislators) could not be given executive functions. The Advocate General of the state responded to the criticisms during the hearing on 18 February (Day 7). He said that CDC consisted of the local MLA as the President, a person appointed by them as the Vice-President, and representatives of parents and students as well as the college principal and the lecturers' representatives. He said that the CDCs were constituted under directions given by the state government per section 133(2) of the Karnataka Education Act. He also contended that MLAs could perform executive functions under the Westminster form of governance. Udupi college and other institutions The Advocate General of the state stated in the Day 7 hearing that the Udupi PU College had a dress code prescribed in 2013, and uniform had been the norm at the institution since its founding in 1985. Senior Advocate S. Naganand, arguing for the PU college, asserted that the college had decided in 2004 to make uniforms compulsory. The government had left it to the colleges to decide uniforms and there was no problem with them for 20 years. Naganand claimed that the wearing of the hijab was a "cultural" practice, not a religious practice. He stressed that educational institutions had the power to impose dress codes to maintain discipline and that they were exercising "parental powers" in doing so. He said that a parent delegates their parental responsibility to the teacher or the institution when they send their child there (In loco parentis). The advocate for the teachers of the Government PU College, R. Venkataramani, argued that the practice of wearing hijab violates 'public order' under Article 25(1), and when a religious practice violates the restrictions under Article 25(1) (public order, morality and health), checking if a practice is essential is not necessary, since the question of essentiality applies only when interpreting Article 25(2). Senior Advocate Sajan Poovayya, appearing on behalf of educational institutions, cited the Article 28 of the Indian constitution to assert that education was a secular activity and no religious instruction was to be provided in schools. Even if the wearing of the hijab was an essential religious practice, authorities must ensure that no religious symbols be allowed into schools. Violence Parallel to the protests, there have been several instances of violence. Allegedly, these were a result of the victims' social media posts against allowing the hijab in colleges. Dilip, a shopkeeper in Davanagere, was attacked by a mob who dragged him out of his shop where he was attacked and stabbed. A man Naveen and his mother Sarojamma were also attacked in the village of Nallur, by an angry mob of around 300 masked people bearing deadly weapons. Both were alleged by the victims families to be a result of posting an anti hijab status on Whatsapp. On 21 February, a Bajrang Dal member who took part in the anti-hijab protests of Hindu students was found murdered in the Shivamogga district. According to the police, the incident may have been a result of his prior involvement in at least five assault cases and attempt to murder that had religious overtones. Investigations are ongoing. The Home Minister said that no connection had yet been found between the protests and the murder. A fatwa was issued against him earlier in 2015 by a Facebook group named ‘Mangalore Muslims’. Stones were pelted at his funeral procession, which injured 3 people. Some vehicles were also set on fire. 3 arrests were made out of the suspected 5 involved in the murder. Hazra Shifa, one of the petitioners in the Karnataka High Court, alleged that her brother Saif was beaten up by a group of intoxicated people, who opposed the statements made by their father to a local news channel in support of the hijab. In her social media post, she claimed that the attackers were "Sangh Parivar goons". Reactions Domestic Apoorvanand, a professor of Hindi at the University of Delhi, called the controversy a part of a larger project in which "Muslim identity markers are being declared as sectarian and undesirable in public spaces", noting that "it is telling Muslims and non-Hindus that the state will dictate their appearance and their practices". Opposition leader and former CM of Karnataka, Siddaramaiah said, "No one has a problem if students apply ‘sindhoor,’ nor is anyone affected if students wear hijab. These are traditions that are being followed for years". "Following ancient culture and belief does not create problem to anyone. While people had been wearing hijab for a long time, people were not wearing saffron shawl. It shows the narrow mentality of people who are wearing saffron shawl just to oppose hijab." Rahul Gandhi, the leader of the opposition Indian National Congress party, criticized the government and said "By letting students' hijab come in the way of their education, we are robbing the future of the daughters of India. Prohibiting hijab-wearing students from entering school is a violation of fundamental rights." Aaditya Thackeray, state minister of Maharashtra, told journalists that if there was a uniform at schools, there should not be a place for any other dress other than that, saying, "Schools and colleges are the Centres of education, only education should be imparted there". Muslim Rashtriya Manch (MRM), the Muslim wing of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS): In a statement, Anil Singh, the Prant Sanchalak (Awadh) of the MRM backed the burqa-clad student who was heckled by youth shouting 'Jai Shri Ram' slogans at a Karnataka college, saying ‘purdah’ is part of Indian culture. The MRM distanced itself from Singh's statement and said that it does not support such "fanaticism and religious frenzy" and supported the enforcement of dress code in educational institutions in Karnataka. Vishva Hindu Parishad - Dr Surendra Jain, joint secretary of Vishwa Hindu Parishad termed the hijab row "a conspiracy to propagate jihadi terrorism" and said that Muslim students were attempting "hijab jihad" on college campuses. Madhya Pradesh Education Minister Inder Singh Parmar (BJP) said "Hijab is not a part of uniform and, therefore, I feel it should be banned". The Madhya Pradesh government clarified that no proposal to ban the hijab was under consideration. Education ministers in BJP ruled Himachal Pradesh and Tripura said their governments currently had no plans for a uniform dress code. Education ministers of Maharashtra and West Bengal, both states ruled by opposition parties, accused the BJP of "politicising" the school uniform. West Bengal education minister promised his state would "never" implement a hijab ban. Maharashtra education minister maintained the Indian Constitution gave freedom of religion. Rajasthan Education Minister Bulaki Das Kalla said his state doesn't restrict the hijab and accused the BJP of "mak[ing] issues out of non-issues". Sonam Kapoor – She shared an Instagram picture of a man in a turban and a woman in a hijab, and it questions why can a turban be a choice but a hijab can't. Sadhvi Pragya, an MP from the BJP, said that there is "no need to wear hijab anywhere" and that only those who are "not safe in their houses need to wear Hijab". She also said that there is no need to were a hijab when in the company of the Hindu community, especially at educational institutions. Arif Mohammad Khan, a BJP leader and governor of the state of Kerala, stated that Islam has only five essential practices of Islam, and that hijab wasn't one of them and thus Article 25 of the Indian constitution didn't apply to the hijab as the article covers only essential, intrinsic and integral practices. He also added that following the ban on triple talaq, Muslim women are "having a sense of freedom" and are "pursuing education" and "joining great career" and that the ongoing row is "not a controversy but a conspiracy" and a "sinister design" to push back Muslim women, especially young girls. Kerala CM Pinarayi Vijayan condemned the hijab row in Karnataka, stating "This shows how dangerous communalism is for our country. Educational institutions should be places to nurture secularism. Instead, efforts are made to inject communal venom in young children." He tweeted a picture of schoolgirls in Kerala wearing hijabs. Kamal Haasan stated, "What's happening in Karnataka shouldn't be allowed in Tamil Nadu." Citizen group Bahutva Karnataka alleged that the violence related to the Hijab controversy was perpetrated by members of Hindutva organisations associated with the RSS and that these organisations coaxed, exhorted and threatened youth. They also claimed that the statewide incidents of anti-hijab protests in colleges appeared to be coordinated. They stated that they came to these conclusions after visiting the spots where religious violence had occurred. International The United States Ambassador-at-Large for International Religious Freedom Rashad Hussain described the hijab ban was a violation of freedom of religion. The National Assembly of Bahrain condemned the hijab ban, calling for an end to discrimination against Muslims in India. Kuwaiti MPs joined international criticism of hijab row; demanding for Kuwait to ban BJP leaders from entering the country. Pakistani Foreign Minister Shah Mahmood Qureshi accused India of denying Muslim girls their right to education. Taliban spokesman Inamullah Samangani praised the college girls for wearing hijab and defending their religious values. Human Rights Watch criticized the ban as a violation of the right to education without discrimination. Malala Yousafzai tweeted that it is terrible to prevent girls wearing hijab from entering school. She said that there were still objections against women in the matter of dressing more or less and demanded that Indian leaders should stop the process of separating Muslim women from the mainstream. Paul Pogba slammed Hindu mob for harassing Muslim girls in hijab by sharing an Instagram story. Noam Chomsky said that Islamophobia has taken a "most lethal form" in India, turning some 250 million Indian Muslims into a "persecuted minority". Taslima Nasrin supported the implementation of a secular dress code in schools and colleges, and added that "hijab or niqab or burqa are symbols of oppression". Rezaul Karim, president of Islami Andolan Bangladesh, said that It is the violation of religious and civil rights. The Organisation of Islamic Cooperation voiced 'deep concern' over the hijab ban. Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) Reacting to comments by some countries, including the United States, on the controversy, the MEA's spokesperson said that the matter "is under judicial examination" and that the issue will be resolved according to "constitutional framework and mechanisms" and "democratic ethos and polity". He stated that "motivated comments" on India's internal issues "are not welcome". Reacting to the statement by the General Secretariat of the OIC, the MEA's spokesperson termed the statement "motivated and misleading" and the OIC Secretariat's mindset "communal". He also said that the "OIC continues to be hijacked by vested interests to further their nefarious propaganda against India. As a result, it has only harmed its own reputation." See also Controversies with School Uniforms Backlash against Dress Codes Notes References Bibliography External links Karnataka Education Act, 1983 at righttoeducation.in (indiacode.nic.in), dpal.kar.nic.in Karnataka Government Order on Dress Code for Students (Translated to English), Supreme Court Observer (scobserver.in), 14 February 2022. 2022 in Islam 2022 hijab row Clothing controversies Controversies in India February 2022 events in India Hijab 2022 hijab row Islam-related controversies in Asia January 2022 events in India 2022 hijab row Islamic female clothing

70026265

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Siegfried%20Rautenberg

Siegfried Rautenberg

Siegfried Walter Rautenberg (1942 – August 18, 1975?) was a German waiter and suspected serial killer who was indicted for the murder of Monika Schwiegerhausen, a 22-year-old prostitute who worked at a red-light district in Hamburg, who was found drowned on October 10, 1968. In addition to this, he was also considered the prime suspect in the killings of two others committed months earlier. Rautenberg fled the country before he could be arrested and was later said to have died while serving in the Spanish Legion, but as his body was never recovered, this cannot be confirmed with certainty. Murders, investigation and indictment On May 23, 1968, the body of 35-year-old prostitute Ursula Beier was found in a well near Schenefeld by a father and daughter who were walking by. Beier, a mother of three from Chemnitz who had been prostituting herself around St. Pauli, was stabbed repeatedly and had her throat cut by the killer. Four days after her murder, a dock worker named Bernhard M. was arrested and charged with her murder, as during the investigation, police had learned that Beier had met a client by the name of "Berni". He was interrogated at the local police station, but as there was no further mention of him in the newspapers, he was presumably cleared of suspicion and released. On June 4, a passer-by found the body of a young woman in Eidelstedt, showing signs of sexual abuse and strangulation marks around her neck. A police sketch was released of the unknown decedent, allowing a local housewife to positively identify her as her daughter, 22-year-old Helga Apitz. At the time of her death, Apitz, the mother of a 2-year-old child who lived with relatives, was living at a women's shelter in Winterhude and was known for prostituting herself in St. Pauli and for being reported missing on six previous occasions. According to witnesses, she was last seen entering a gray Volkswagen Transporter driven by a young man wearing a brown hat and a bluish summer coat, which had Hamburg license plates. Around the time of her identification, links were already made with the Beier homicide due to their similarities, with authorities attempting to track down the killer via paper bags which had been left behind at the crime scene. A task force mobilized by Police Commissioner Hans Lühr led to the inspection of thousand of Volkswagen Transporters matching the description given by witnesses, but no results came out of it. The last murder occurred on October 10, when the naked body of 22-year-old prostitute Monika Schwiegerhausen was found floating in the Pepermölenbek river near Wedel, by a group of children who were playing next to the riverbank. While her cause of death was designated as drowning, the manner in which she had died suggested to the investigators that she had been killed, with a high possibility that Schwiegerhausen being sedated with an anesthetic, undressed, robbed and then thrown into the river by the assailant. Identification, search and presumed death In early November, authorities discovered an abandoned Mercedes near Lake Constance, and upon inspecting it, they discovered a myriad of stolen goods, including jewellery, clothing and handbags. Among these items were a pair of purple suede boots, which one witness claimed were worn by Schwiegerhausen on the day of her disappearance. Suspecting that this might be the killer's vehicle, the police checked the registration number and discovered that the Mercedes had been rented on October 4 in Sasel by a man named Siegfried Rautenberg. Rautenberg, a 26-year-old waiter who lived in Bergstedt with his wife and two children, had reportedly approached the car dealership claiming that he needed the vehicle for "business trips" and was last seen on October 9, the day before Schwiegerhausen disappeared. Due to the strong circumstantial evidence pointing towards his guilt, a red notice was issued by Interpol for his arrest in her murder. In addition to this, authorities from Hamburg also wanted him for questioning in the murders of Beier and Apitz, due to their proximity and similarities to one another. However, Rautenberg fled the country and joined the Spanish Legion, which refused to extradite him to Germany as long as he served in their ranks. He was then dispatched to Fort Semara in Smara, Spanish Sahara, from where it was reported that he attempted to escape on August 18, 1975. However, his attempt supposedly failed, as the reports claimed that he died from dehydration out in the desert. As no body was ever recovered, this claim remains unverified. See also List of fugitives from justice who disappeared References 1942 births 20th-century German criminals German murderers Suspected serial killers Fugitives wanted by Germany Fugitives wanted on murder charges Crimes against sex workers Thieves Deaths by dehydration Criminals from Hamburg Spanish army personnel

70027623

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Battle%20of%20Kunduz%20%282021%29

Battle of Kunduz (2021)

The Battle of Kunduz was a battle between the Afghan National Security Forces (ANSF) and the Taliban for control of the city of Kunduz. The fighting started in late June and lasted until the city was overrun by the Taliban on 8 August. The Afghan government forces, defending the city, withdrew to 217 Pamir Corps headquarters and airport within in the city. After resisting for three days, an entire 217 Pamir Corps had surrendered, allowing Taliban to take control of the airport and a number of military vehicles and tanks stationed inside the headquarters. Background Kunduz is the strategic city located in northern Afghanistan with routes to Kabul and other major cities in Afghanistan and also Tajikistan. The city was the stronghold of the Taliban before they took over Afghanistan in 1990s. The city was also briefly occupied by the Taliban forces in 2015 and 2016 before being driven out of the city by Afghan government forces and United States Air Force. Battle On 21 June, Taliban captured the entrance to the Kunduz city before dispersing throughout its neighborhoods. By 23 June, Taliban had laid the siege of Kunduz city after capturing districts in vicinity of the city and the main border crossing with Tajikistan. On 24 June, an airstrike by an Afghan Air Force in Eighth Police District of Kunduz City killed two Afghan police officers and wounded eight others. The friendly fire incident allowed the Taliban to capture the district. On 26 June, Afghan government officials said that around 24 Taliban fighters were killed while 15 others were injured in clash with Afghan government forces in Kunduz city. On 5 July, Abdul Hadi Nazari, an Afghan army spokesman said that around 15 Taliban fighters were killed in an Afghan Air Force airstrike targeting Taliban fighters gathering outside the city. By mid-July, the Taliban were inside four out of nine municipal districts of Kunduz city, battling for control with the government forces. All the districts surrounding the city including the roads that lead outside the city were also under Taliban control. Lt. Col. Masound Nijrabi, commander of Afghan commandos, expressed contempt for the regular Afghan army soldiers who fail to hold territory and later the Afghan army commandos are forced to retake the territory from the Taliban forces. On 23 July, Afghan police chief Zabardast Safi said that Afghan government forces had evicted Taliban fighters from villages around the city. Around ten Taliban fighters were killed and five others were injured during the operation. On 7 August, Taliban forces had captured a large part of the city. The Taliban spokesman said that they had taken over the city. However, Afghan Interior Ministry spokesman , Mirwais Stanekzai, announced that a joint operation by Afghan National Security and Defense Forces (ANSDF) is underway with many areas of the city recaptured and many Taliban fighters killed or wounded. By 8 August, Taliban had overrun most part of the city with government control reduced to a military base near the airport. Taliban assault on the city was also aided by reinforcements from neighbouring areas and Jowzjan province which fell to the Taliban forces on 7 August. After entering the city, the Taliban attacked the city prison, overpowered the prison guards and released hundreds of prisoners. Some of those freed prisoners were Taliban fighters and commanders who then aided the Taliban in launching attacks on the main government compounds in central Kunduz. Later that day, an airstrike was also carried out targeting local headquarters of National Directorate of Security which had fallen to the Taliban earlier. Afghanistan's ministry of defense also announced that operations to retake Kunduz were underway. On 11 August, after resisting for three days, an entire 217 Pamir Corps surrendered, allowing Taliban to take control of the Pamir Corps headquarters and the airport. Taliban also captured a number of military vehicles, equipment and tanks stationed inside the headquarters and also a Mil Mi-24 helicopter at the airport. Commander Ain Ullah, one of the commander of 217 Pamir Corps, had also surrendered to the Taliban. Zargul Alemi, a member of the Kunduz provincial council, said that there were around 2,000 soldiers in 217 Pamir Corps headquarters before surrender and desertions. Alemi said, "I don't know why the commanders did not gather their forces and fight until the last drop of their blood, with all the guns, resources and ammunition they had in the airport and the corps". On 12 August, Ehsanullah Omarzad, Najibullah Omarkhel and Zabardast Safi had also surrendered to the Taliban. Key factors Exhausted government forces, lack of reinforcements and delay in targeting of Taliban by Afghan Air Force, were described by Sayed Jawad Hussaini, the deputy police chief of a district in Kunduz city, as the key factors that benefited the Taliban and allowed them to capture the city. Afghan politicians from Kunduz and Jawzjan provinces accused the Afghan government of not paying enough attention to the security situation in northern Afghanistan. Rabbani Rabbani, a member of Kunduz's provincial council, says that the Taliban knew the importance of Kunduz while the Afghan government saw it as a small village. Aftermath Afghan army chief, Gen. Wali Ahmadzai, was sacked following the fall of the Kunduz city. See also 2021 Taliban offensive: Capture of Zaranj Fall of Herat Battle of Kandahar Battle of Lashkargah Fall of Kabul References 2021 in Afghanistan 21st century in Kunduz Province History of Kunduz Province Battles in 2021 Kunduz June 2021 events in Asia July 2021 events in Asia August 2021 events in Afghanistan

70027714

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Terbit%20Rencana%20Perangin%20Angin

Terbit Rencana Perangin Angin

Terbit Rencana Perangin-angin (family name, or marga Perangin-angin), born 24 June 1972, is the suspended Bupati (regent) of Langkat, a second-level administrative division below its province of North Sumatra in Indonesia. He was elected as Bupati in 2018, and began serving his five-year term on 20 February 2019, until his suspension on 19 January 2022 on suspicion of corruption. Further revelations included accusations of slavery, torture, and wildlife crimes. Background Terbit was born in Langkat, and went to primary school and junior high school near his home of Raja Tengah, Kuala district, Langkat, followed by high school in the nearby city of Medan, and then studied management in the other nearby local city, Binjai. Terbit was elected leader of the Langkat branch of Pemuda Pancasila, a legal paramilitary 'ormas' (mass-membership organization) in 1997, and re-elected every 4 years subsequently until his arrest. In 2002 he became Langkat leader of FSPTI/SPSI, a transport workers' union. In 2014 Terbit was elected as head of the DPD (local regional Parliament) for Langkat, as head of the largest party, Golkar, for the 2015–2020 cycle. Corruption investigation Terbit was arrested as part of a corruption investigation by the KPK (Corruption Eradication Commission), in January 2022. Subsequently, further revelations gave him international notoriety: a cage was found with people in it, said to be used for modern slavery protected wildlife was discovered on his property, including an orangutan and 2 Bali starlings Corruption A total of six people were arrested in connection with corruption in government contracts, and 2.1 billion rupiah (around US$150,000) in Indonesian and foreign cash was recovered. The others arrested: Iskandar Perangin-angin, Terbit's older brother, and elected administrative village head ('kepala desa') for the neighboring village of Balai Kasih. Marcos Surya Abdi, Shuhandra Citra, and Isfi Syahfitra, three contractors accused of receiving bribes Muara Perangin-angin, as contractor accused of paying a bribe. Slavery and torture accusations, deaths A cage containing human occupants was found on Terbit's property. It was said that the inmates were used for slave labour on Terbit's palm oil plantation. The inmates were found with bruises when the cage was discovered by investigators. The wife of one of the inmates said that she sent her husband there for drug treatment. However, after it was disclosed that Terbit had no permit to run a drug treatment facility, he said that the cage did not constitute drug 'rehabilitation' but merely 'training' for drug addicts, and had been operating informally for many years under the auspices of the Pemuda Pancasila, with the knowledge of local authorities. A video posted on Terbit's wife Tiorita's YouTube channel in March 2021, stated that Terbit and Tiorita ran a 'drug guidance' facility at their home. They stated that as a mother, it was Tiorita who responsible for providing food for the patients, as being a mother she would understand this well. The police said they had received three reports of deaths of the inmates, in 2015 and 2021, and that they had found graves on the site. Investigators stated that certain code words ('2½ buttons', 'mos' and 'das') were used when torturing inmates to indicate the type of punishment, and that this torture resulted in the deaths of inmates. Terbit acknowledged that there had been deaths of inmates. Wildlife crimes Seven protected animals were fond on Terbit's property. a Celebes crested macaque a Sumatran orangutan a Changeable hawk-eagle 2 Bali starlings a Common hill myna References 1972 births Indonesian businesspeople Golkar politicians Indonesian Muslims Karo people Living people People from Langkat Regency Regents of places in Indonesia Slavery in Asia Corruption in Asia

70028638

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Deshraj%20Karanwal

Deshraj Karanwal

Deshraj Karnwal is an Indian politician. He is a member of the Legislative Assembly from Jhabrera as a candidate of the Bharatiya Janata Party. He contested Legislative Assembly election from Jhabrera (SC) (Haridwar) in 2017 and won.He is associated with the Bhartiya Janta Party. Deshraj Karnwal does not have any criminal records. Early life and education Deshraj Karnwal was born in Roorkee, Haridwar in 1969. He belong from Dalit Caste and his wife Vaijantimala is a school teacher. As per his election affidavit, Karnwal is Graduated . Prior to entering politics, he was a Ration Dealer, Property Agent by profession. Controversy Deshraj Karnwal had given a controversial statement regarding the violence in Delhi on 26 January 2021. While on one hand he had condemned the Delhi violence, on the other hand he had given a controversial statement.The media asked him questions about the farmers' movement and Delhi violence, he blamed the opposition for it. At the same time, he said angrily that the farmers do not want a solution. Deshraj Karnwal had accused the leader of his own party, Kunwar Pranav Singh Champion, of endangering the life of his family.Both made verbal attacks for several days. Later both reconciled. MLA Deshraj Karnwal, who has been in controversies many times.he threatened a Sugar mill officers on phone, abuse the officer was also being done in the audio. Audio was gone viral on social media. Deshraj Karnwal given an absurd statement and create controversy, he  described himself as Eklavya, targeted the opposition. MLA Deshraj Karnwal had reached In Bhagtowali village of Jhabreda police station area,   to get information regarding development works. During this, he was taking information from the villagers about the development works. Meanwhile, some villagers had started abusing him. Also indecent words were used. A villager had made a video of it and put it on social media, which went viral on sight. A complaint was lodged at the Jhabreda Police Station on behalf of the MLA's private secretary Jitendra. Requested to ECI to postponed election Bharatiya Janata Party's Jhabreda MLA Deshraj Karnwal has written a letter to the Election Commission demanding change in the date of elections in Uttarakhand. He said that since February 14 is Guru Ravidas Jayanti, the date of election should be changed in the state also on the lines of Punjab. MLA Deshraj Karnwal told that he has submitted a letter in this regard to the officials of the Election Commission of India in Delhi.But Election Commission of India did not consider his request letter and Election was held on 14 February as decided schedule. References External links Living people Uttarakhand Legislative Assembly 1968 births

70029335

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Don%27t%20Be%20Foolish

Don't Be Foolish

Don't Be Foolish is a one-reeler 1922 silent film directed by and starring Billy West made by Sunrise Comedies and distributed by Superior Films. West is less Chaplin-like in this role than former movies, limiting himself to a Chaplin moustache. Plot A man enters a park and sits on a bench, the titles tell us that the trees are full of sap and the sap is full of bananas. The man starts eating a banana. A senior policeman in the park directs two junior policemen where to go. The man on the bench throws his banana skin on the ground and the policeman glares at him. When the policeman turns he throws a second skin, somewhat harder, hitting the senior officer in the chest. He thinks this is the second junior officer and tells him to stop getting fresh. When the junior officer leaves and he continues to get hit by more skins he goes to source the problem. He confronts the man, whio hands him a banana and walks off with the policeman following. A chase begins. A second policeman joins as the man zigzags through the park. He poses with a statuary group to avoid being seen. He finds a man dressed similarly and tells him to run as there is a mad dog. The police run after the wrong man. Outside the park a woman (Lydia) drops her handbag. He picks it up and taps her on the shoulder. When she turns her ugly face makes him faint. Back in the park a pretty girl is feeding the ducks from a bench. Lydia goes into the park and sits on the other end of the bench to read a magazine. They chat and it is made clear that they live in the same apartment block. Lydia gives the younger girl a calling card. The Toff bumps into a man as they meet on a corner. A nearby accident hurls the girl's small case which hits the man and he thinks it was the Toff (who is holding a stone). The man punches him to the ground. He looks inside the case and finds various make-up items all of which he eats. He particularly enjoys the powder puff. Walking with the little case two men ridicule him for looking effeminate. The girl catches up and asks for her case and he returns it. She gives him a calling card... but it is Lydia's. The Toff does not realise that the girl has gone and he takes the policeman's arm and they go for a stroll. When they encounter a second policeman the Toff holds back, without seeing whose arm he has. He says "there is a certain cop I want to avoid". Eventually seeing him he runs off, again with various devices to stop being seen but is caught. The cop calls for the paddy wagon on a street phone but the Toff says he is hungry and wants to go to the nearby Sip and Bit Cafe. The policeman goes in to get him a sandwich. He takes the opportunity to use the phone to cancel the paddy wagon. A different policeman arrives who saw him using the police phone. He walks briskly off with the new policeman matching his stride. The tempo increases until they are running. He escapes and uses a phone to call Miss Lydia. Her maid answers and passes the phone to Lydia. The Toff calls her "sweet angel face" and asks if he can visit. When he arrives the maid answers the door. He sits on a sofa but when Lydia arrives he does not look and just repeatedly nudges her in a playful manner. When he eventually looks his hat flies off. He asks her to play hide and seek and blindfolds her. He climbs in the dumb waiter and it descends to the apartment of the girl he thought he was visiting. At first he does not see her and tries to creep out. She spots him and asks where he came from. He asks for a carnation from her vase. Meanwhile, Lydia is still counting. She faints soon after reaching one million. The toff spots a policeman's cap in the girl's flat and decides to leave - just as the policeman returns. He hides behind a screen but does not realise he is visible in a mirror to the side. They walk up and down in tandem and it turns into a dance and then a circular chase. He escapes via the fire escape and finds white overalls to dress as a decorator but the policeman spots the change. But when he gets closer and hits him it is a black man in white overalls. Another chase begins joined by a second policeman. He hides in a blanket striped with black paint which transforms his overalls into a typical prison uniform. He hides behind a fence but is rammed by sheep and pushed through, where three policemen now wait. He runs into a tall gate and closes it, but it is the penitentiary. Cast Billy West as the Toff Tom Murray as the Cop Frank Hayes as Lydia Pinkham References Silent films 1922 films

70029492

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Judianna%20Wai-ling%20Barnes

Judianna Wai-ling Barnes

Judianna Wai-ling Barnes (born 1952) is a judge in the Hong Kong High Court. She has ruled in a number of notable and widely reported cases, including those concerning applications of bail filed by politician and activist Agnes Chow, and in the acquittal of politician and legislator, Wong Yuk-man, after he threw a glass at Hong Kong Chief Executive Leung Chun-ying. Biography Barnes was born in 1952 in China. She completed an LL.B. from the University of Hong Kong in 1981, and a P.C.LL. in 1982. She went on to earn an M.Sc. in forensic and legal psychology from the University of Leicester. Career Barnes joined the Hong Kong Bar in 1982, practicing privately until 1989. In 1989, she was appointed as a magistrate and was promoted to District Judge in 1997. She became a judge in the Hong Kong High Court on 24 November 2006. During her tenure as a judge, Barnes has ruled in several notable cases. In 2016, Barnes overturned a sentence awarded to legislator Ted Hui Chi-fung, after a magistrate required him to sign a 'good behavior bond' following an incident during a protest that he had organised. Pointing to the absence of any prior record of violence, she held that the bond was not necessary. In 2018, Barnes quashed the conviction of former legislator, Wong Yuk-man, after he threw a glass at Hong Kong Chief Executive Leung Chun-ying, and was subsequently convicted of assault. Barnes ruled that there was insufficient evidence to prove the offence of assault, pointing to the lack of reaction by Chun-ying after the glass was initially thrown. The incident, and Barnes' ruling, attracted extensive discussion in the press. In 2019, she sentenced an 89-year-old man who had killed his terminally ill wife to only two years in prison, allowing his release within a month based on time served, and called for "justice to be tempered with mercy.". The decision was widely reported and discussed, in the context of debates on the legalization of euthanasia. In November 2021, she issued a ruling releasing Ka Wan-lung, a student activist, holding that he had been wrongly convicted of assaulting a police officer during the 2019–2020 Hong Kong protests. Also in August 2021, she granted bail to politician and activist Agnes Chow, who had been charged with incitement after organizing a rally in memory of the 1989 Tiananmen Square protests and massacre. Barnes had previously denied bail to Chow in 2020, during her appeal against a 10-month sentence for her participation in the 2019–2020 Hong Kong protests. References 1952 births Hong Kong judges Hong Kong women lawyers Alumni of the University of Hong Kong Living people

70029590

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pukekohe%20massacre

Pukekohe massacre

On 20 May 1992, Brian Schlaepfer murdered six members of his family on their Paerata farm, near Pukekohe, Auckland Region, New Zealand before he shot himself. The massacre was one of the most high-profile shootings in New Zealand's history. Murders Schlaepfer, who suffered from mild depression, quarreled with his wife in their bedroom before stabbing her to death with a knife. One of his sons went to investigate the noise of the fight and was shot. Schlaepfer then went to the barn where he shot his other son. The wife of one of his sons went from another house to search for the origin of the gunshots and was wounded by shots on the way to the house where the murders had taken place. She ran to her house and called the police on the emergency telephone number (111). Schlaepfer next shot and stabbed his grandson in his bed, then shot his son's wife in the kitchen while she was talking to the police. Schlaepfer then returned to the barn where he shot his son and waited for his other son to return from work. Schlaepfer shot and stabbed him when he arrived, then went to the bushes near the house and shot himself. Schlaepfer's granddaughter, who had hidden from him in a wardrobe, survived the shooting of her mother and continued speaking to police on the emergency line for three hours, describing what was happening at the scene until it was secured by police. Schlaepfer used a shotgun and a .22-calibre rifle during the shooting. Gun control context At the time of the event, gun owners were still regulated under the Arms Act 1983, which granted lifetime licences. New Zealand legislation to amend the act in order to review licences every 10 years (a consequence of the 1990 Aramoana massacre) had not yet been enacted. Thomas Thorp considered the Schlaepfer murders in his comprehensive 1995 Review of Firearms Control in New Zealand for the New Zealand Government. Thorp found that Schlaepfer had been issued with a class A firearms licence in 1984 and had no known history of mental illness or domestic violence according to police records. See also Aramoana massacre Arms Act 1983 Raurimu massacre References Further reading External links - Podcast - Auckland Libraries references to newspaper cuttings and books. 1990s mass shootings in Oceania 1990s murders in New Zealand 1992 in New Zealand Deaths by firearm in New Zealand Massacres in 1992 Massacres in New Zealand May 1992 crimes May 1992 events in Oceania Spree shootings in New Zealand Family murders History of the Auckland Region

70029751

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Adeneko%20Svhat-Haimovitch

Adeneko Svhat-Haimovitch

Adenko Svhat-Haimovitch (born 1976, Hebrew: אדנקו סבחת-חיימוביץ) is an Israeli Lawyer who serves as a Judge in the Magistrate's Court in the Central District of Israel. Svhat-Haimovitch is one of the first two judges from Ethiopia appointed in Israel (along with Esther Tafta-Gerdi). Personal life Svhat-Haimovitch was born in 1967 in the village of Mawari near the city of Gondar in the state of Amhara in northern Ethiopia. Her name, Adenko in Amharic means "praise." She is the fourth daughter of Sarah and Taga Sabhat's six children. She has more siblings from her father's other marriage. When she was eight, she immigrated to Israel via Sudan as part of Beta Israel with her family. After walking on foot to Sudan, her family arrived in Israel on a secret flight as part of Operation Moses. Upon arriving in Israel, her family settled in the Ramot Alon neighborhood of Jerusalem. Svhat-Haimovitch's father worked in a printing house, and her mother worked as a cleaner. In 2013, she married musician Yotam Haimovich. Haimovich's brother is Tel Aviv Magistrate's Court Judge Rami Haimovich. Education As the daughter of a traditional Jewish family, Svhat-Haimovitch attended a state-religious school. In high school she moved to Kfar Batya boarding school but after two years, e returned home and completed her studies at Rene Kassen High School, graduating in 1995. Svhat-Haimovitch enrolled in the Israel Defense Forces reserve, and began studying for a bachelor's degree in law at Tel Aviv University, completing her degree in 2000. In 2002 Svhat-Haimovitch passed the Bar Exam and was certified by the Israeli Bar Association. In 2008, she graduated with a Masters in Law through a joint program between Tel-Aviv University and Northwestern University. Career In 2000, Svhat-Haimovitch enlisted in the Israel Defense Forces (IDF). During her service in the IDF, she worked as a legal advisor, prosecutor, and defense attorney in the Military Prosecutor's Office. In 2006, she graduated from military service as an outstanding officer with the rank of Captain. Afterwards, Svhat-Haimovitch continued to work with a colleague from the army, Adv. Ilan Katz, joining the private law firm he founded representing suspects and criminal defendants. In many cases she represented the accused as part of an agreement with the Public Defender's Office. Public Defender Michal Urakbi of the Public Defender's Office described Svhat-Haimovitch: "Her judicial representation is not aggressive, but filled with values, and she knows how to stand up for herself ... she has succeeded in bridging the cultural differences that characterize the immigrant population."Svhat-Haimovitch volunteered as a lawyer for the Takaba Association, an organization dedicated to promote Ethiopians' rights in Israel, and fight against discrimination and racism directed at members of the community. In 2013, Svhat-Haimovtich served as a member of its board of directors. Ethiopian protests On April 26, 2015, Israeli police officers assaulted and arrested an Ethiopian-Israeli, Damas Pakada, while he was wearing his IDF uniform.  A video of the incident went viral, sparking Ethiopian-Israeli protests against discrimination and alleged police brutality against the Ethiopian community. During the protests, Svhat-Haimovitch represented many of the protesters arrested by the police. After the protests, Svhat-Haimovitch was selected as an Ethiopian representative in discussions with the Police Commissioner Yohanan Danino. Svhat-Haimovtich sent Danino a letter of appreciation following the meeting, which was criticized by social activists as contradicting the purpose of the meeting. Following the protests, in July 2016, an Israeli State Panel issued a report on Eradicating Racism against Ethiopian-Israelis. The 170-page report contained 53 recommendations, including equipping police with body cameras, limiting their use of stun guns in areas with many Ethiopian residents, and combating racism in government ministries. Judicial appointment In September 2016, two months after the report was issued, the Judicial Selection Committee announced that among 26 appointees, for the first time in Israel's history, two Ethiopian lawyers were elected judges - Svhat-Haimovitch and Esther Tafta-Gerdi. In September 2016, Svhat-Haimovitch was selected by the Central District Magistrate's Judicial Selection Committee. There was some criticism following Svhat-Haimovitch's appointment due to her support of former Police Commissioner Danino. References 1976 births Living people Israeli judges Ethiopian Jews People from Amhara Region

70030769

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vernon%20massacre

Vernon massacre

The Vernon massacre was a 1996 mass shooting that occurred in Vernon, British Columbia. At the time of the shooting, it was the deadliest mass shooting since École Polytechnique massacre in 1989. Shooting On April 5, 1996, at about 10:30 a.m. in Vernon, Mark Vijay Chahal drove to his ex-wife's home, where one of her sisters was preparing for a wedding. He held a .40 caliber S&W semi-automatic pistol and a .38 caliber revolver in both hands. He shot his ex-wife's father in front of the house while he was washing the car. He then fired at the window of the house. Then he went into the house and went from room to room shooting everyone. In the house, he shot the mother of his ex, his ex, her four sisters, her brother and the husband of one of the sisters. The girl and the old woman were injured and survived. Two girls remained unharmed. Six people died on the spot, three more in hospital. The shooting lasted 3-4 minutes. Two empty 10 charging magazines and 28 revolver shell casings were found at the scene. After the shooting, he got into a car and went to a motel, which was 3 kilometers away. At the motel, he wrote a note apologizing to his family for the shooting and writing several numbers of his relatives. At about 11 a.m., he shot himself in a motel. A 12-gauge pump-action shotgun was found in his car. Perpetrator Mark Vijay Chahal, 30, divorced his wife in January 1995. The wife has repeatedly complained to the police about domestic violence. He also threatened his ex-family that not one of the daughters would marry. Chahal had no criminal record and all weapons were registered to him. Before the shooting, he exchanged his car for a rented van. Because of this, police speculated that he was planning to flee after the shooting. References External links Memorial to the victims of the shooting Vigil to remember Vernon mass murder 1990s murders in Canada 1996 mass shootings Deaths by firearm in British Columbia Murder–suicides in Canada Murder in British Columbia Massacres in Canada Mass shootings in Canada Massacres in 1996

70032634

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Toowoomba%E2%80%93Karara%20Road

Toowoomba–Karara Road

Toowoomba–Karara Road is a continuous road route in the Toowoomba and Southern Downs regions of Queensland, Australia. Most of the route is signed as State Route 48. Toowoomba–Karara Road (number 331) is a state-controlled district road. As part of State Route 48 it provides an alternate route between and . It is also part of the shortest route from Toowoomba to . Route Description The Toowoomba–Karara Road commences as Old Wyreema Road at an intersection with the Toowoomba Athol Road in , a suburb of Toowoomba. It runs south-west, becoming Toowoomba-Karara Road as it runs between and . It passes through as Wyreema One Mile Road and Balgour Street before again becoming Toowoomba-Karara Road. This runs south to , following the railway line. It passes through Cambooya as Railway Street, Quarry Street and Alfred Street before reaching an intersection with Cambooya Connection Road (State Route 48). Here it turns west on William Street as State Route 48, soon becoming Toowoomba-Karara Road again. The road continues south-west through , , and before reaching . In Felton it passes exits to Felton-Clifton Road and Pittsworth-Felton Road. As it enters Leyburn it passes exits to Leyburn-Cunningham Road (Tourist Drive 12) and Millmerran-Leyburn Road. It runs through Leyburn as Dove Street and turns south as Toowoomba-Karara Road. The road ends in Karara at an intersection with the Cunningham Highway. Land uses along this road is primarily rural, including some areas of native vegetation. State Route 48 State Route 48 starts as Cambooya Connection Road at an intersection with the New England Highway in Cambooya, east of Cambooya village. It joins Toowoomba-Karara Road in Cambooya and follows it to Karara. Road condition Toowoomba–Karara Road is fully sealed. It has no incline greater than about 4%. History Westbrook pastoral run was established in 1841, and Eton Vale pastoral run was established in 1840 in what is now Cambooya. Felton and Felton South were the site of an early pastoral run. Ellangowan pastoral run was established in 1842, and Leyburn was settled in the 1840s. The first roads were cut to provide access to the pastoral runs and new settlements for wheeled vehicles. In 1877 land was resumed from many pastoral runs to establish smaller farms. These resumptions included Westbrook (), Eton Vale (), and Felton (). These resumptions soon led to closer settlement and a demand for better roads to enable the commercial success of the new farms. Cambooya was connected by rail to Toowoomba in 1871, and quickly grew as a commercial centre. A post office had opened in 1869, and the first school opened in 1882. The development of new farms led to greater use of the road to Toowoomba. The site for the town of Leyburn was surveyed in 1852. By 1861 the town had a post office and a police station, and the first school opened in 1862. Despite not having a railway connection the town grew quickly, with a hotel built in 1863, a court house in 1866 and a church in 1871. This placed great reliance on a road connection to Toowoomba. As settlement spread south from Leyburn it was inevitable that a road connection to the Cunningham Highway was established. Major intersections All distances are from Google Maps. See also List of road routes in Queensland List of numbered roads in Queensland Notes References Roads in Queensland

70032969

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Anna%20Leporskaya

Anna Leporskaya

Anna Aleksandrovna Leporskaya (; – March 14, 1982) was a Soviet avant-garde artist. She was a recipient of several awards, including Honored Artist of the RSFSR and the Repin State Prize. Leporskaya was a longtime student and assistant of Kazimir Malevich. She was closely associated with Malevich from 1924 until his death in 1935, and was responsible for creating the authoritative register of Malevich's works. Many of her works are on display at the Tretyakov Gallery, having previously been part of the private collection of George Costakis. On or about December 8, 2021, the painting Three Figures by Leporskaya was damaged while on loan from the Tretyakov Gallery to the Yeltsin Center. An individual added eyes to the painting's faceless title figures with a ballpoint pen; owing to the negligible damage done to the painting, local police initially declined to open a criminal case. Yeltsin Center staff confirmed on February 8 that the vandal had been identified as a member of site security who had gotten bored on his first day of work. A police investigation was ongoing as of February 10, 2022. If found guilty, the security guard could face a fine and up to three months in prison. A day after the vandalism was discovered, the painting was returned to Moscow's State Tretyakov Gallery for restoration. References 1900 births 1982 deaths 20th-century Russian painters 20th-century Russian women artists Soviet painters Russian women painters People from Chernihiv

70033080

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Yahya%20Butt

Yahya Butt

Yahya Butt (1961/1962 – 6 February 2022) was a leading bodybuilder in Pakistan. He won the Asian Gold Medal three times. He was also the chairman of Punjab Bodybuilding Association. Butt succumbed to bowel cancer and died on 6 February 2022 at a local hospital in Lahore. Butt had won the Mr. Pakistan Olympia title five times and represented Pakistan four times in the Mr. Universe competitions. Butt won the Mr. Asia title in 1994. Yahya Butt was also a Certified Trainer from Gold's Gym California, USA. He was a police officer in the Punjab Police. Yahya had retired to divert his attention to bodybuilding. He ran his own gym and ran a sports manufacturing company to manufacture gym equipment. Personal life and death Butt died on 6 February 2022 at a local hospital in Lahore. He contracted COVID-19 in 2020 and, after recovering from it, was diagnosed with colon cancer. Provincial Sports Minister Rai Taimoor Khan expressed grief over his demise and said that Yahya Butt's bodybuilding services could never be forgotten. See also Gule Sheikh References 1960s births 2022 deaths Year of birth uncertain Pakistani bodybuilders People from Lahore

70033227

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Wadas%2C%20Bener%2C%20Purworejo

Wadas, Bener, Purworejo

Wadas () is a village located at the Bener district, Purworejo Regency, Central Java, Indonesia. The village gained attention nationally after recent conflicts between the inhabitants and police forces in 8 February 2022 due to the construction of Bener Dam. References Villages in Central Java

70033331

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mystery%20in%20the%20Channel

Mystery in the Channel

Mystery in the Channel is a 1931 detective novel by Freeman Wills Crofts. It is the seventh book in his series of novels featuring Inspector French of Scotland Yard, a prominent figure of the Golden Age of Detective Fiction known for his methodical technique. Like much of the series it features elements of police procedural, particularly the painstaking breaking down of alibis. It was published in America the same year by Harper under the altered title Mystery in the English Channel. Synopsis During its regular Channel crossing the Newhaven-Dieppe Ferry encounters a yacht floating in its path. Further examination reveals that there are two dead bodies on board, both of whom have been shot. The yacht is taken back towards the English coast. On the way it is met by a launch, crewed only by an Irishman named Nolan who identifies the dead men and explains the background. All three are directors of a securities firm based in the City of London. They had been planning to rendezvous mid-channel and then head across to France to meet an important client. The case is turned over to Scotland Yard and Inspector French appointed to the case. The fate of the two men is made more striking by disquieting rumours that the company is about to crash. The following day this indeed happens, the company has over eight million pounds sterling in liabilities which come due, and it folds ruining thousands of people and threatening to trigger a wider international financial collapse reminiscent of the recent Wall Street Crash. Investigation proves that two other senior members of the company disappeared on the day of the murders. French and his colleagues fail to find little initial evidence at the company's Threadneedle Street headquarters and he turns to examining the two vessels still lying in police custody at Newhaven. This leads him to Dieppe and other destinations on the French coast where it appears likely the murder head next. After encountering multiple false leads, he eventually establishes a theory that after realising that the company was beyond saving, the men had been raising what capital they could, investing it in diamonds, and then planning to make off and start new lives in Argentina. However, it seems one of them double-crossed the others and killed them in cold blood. Yet, everyone with any possible motive seems to have an unbreakable alibi. References Bibliography Evans, Curtis. Masters of the "Humdrum" Mystery: Cecil John Charles Street, Freeman Wills Crofts, Alfred Walter Stewart and the British Detective Novel, 1920-1961. McFarland, 2014. Herbert, Rosemary. Whodunit?: A Who's Who in Crime & Mystery Writing. Oxford University Press, 2003. Reilly, John M. Twentieth Century Crime & Mystery Writers. Springer, 2015. 1931 British novels Novels by Freeman Wills Crofts British crime novels British mystery novels British thriller novels British detective novels Irish mystery novels Irish crime novels Collins Crime Club books Novels set in London Novels set in Kent Novels set in Sussex Novels set in France

70033374

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gregory%20Parsons

Gregory Parsons

Gregory Parsons was wrongfully convicted in the Canadian province of Newfoundland and Labrador of murdering his mother, Catherine Carroll, in 1994. Background On New Year's Eve 1990, then 19-year-old, Gregory Parsons, was celebrating the New Year's holiday with his girlfriend Tina at her family's home. Just after midnight, Parsons telephoned his mother to wish her a Happy New Year, and told his mother that he loved her. Several hours after the conversation, Tina's father drove Parsons home to his St. John's apartment arriving at approximately 4:00 am. At approximately 10:30 pm on January 2, 1991, Gregory Parsons left his apartment with his girlfriend, and went to his mother's home on James Place in St. John's, to check on her well-being after repeatedly failing to reach her by telephone. Upon arriving at his mother's residence, Parsons attempted to open the front door, but found that it was locked. He then gained entry through a ground level front window, and once inside, he discovered his mother's bloodied body in the upstairs bathroom. Distraught and in a state of shock over the discovery, Parsons immediately called 911. Police investigation Police quickly theorized, based on their interpretation of evidence at the scene, that no forcibly entry was made to the home and concluded that Catherine Carroll's murderer was someone who knew her, or someone who had access to and was familiar with the home. An autopsy report revealed that Ms. Carroll had 53 serrated blade knife wounds, and was not sexually assaulted, which led police to believe that her murder was more likely motivated by hate or anger rather than an act of passion. Police also believed, based on the dilution of blood and water found at the scene, that Carroll's murderer had showered, while she lay dead on the bathroom floor. As police investigated the gruesome murder, they learned that Carroll was a single mother, who had raised Gregory without spousal support, and struggled with alcoholism and her own mental heath. Police also learned, that in the year's preceding the murder, Gregory and several of his friends had formed a heavy metal rock band, and often hung out in the basement of the home, practicing and listening to music, recording songs and drinking beer. After interviewing numerous people who knew Carroll, including, Gregory and his friends, who were known to have frequented the home, police began to suspect that Carroll was fearful of her son. Their theory was reinforced after interviewing Gregory's friend Brian Doyle, who described witnessing a violent fight between Gregory and his mother, and informing police of a song Greg's band had written and performed called, "Kill Your Parents". Without an alibi, and unable to account for Gregory's whereabouts from 4:00 am January 1, to 10:30 pm on January 2, police quickly zeroed in on Parsons as their primary suspect. Eight days after finding his mother's mutilated body on the bathroom floor of his childhood home, the Royal Newfoundland Constabulary (RNC) charged Gregory Parsons with second-degree murder in relation to his mother's death, despite no forensic evidence linking Gregory to the crime. Trial and court proceedings Based on that theory, and the steadfast belief by the police that Parsons had murdered his own mother, NL prosecutor's brought the matter to trial in 1994. With no evidence to link Parsons to the crime scene, NL prosecutor's relied heavily on an audio taped recording of Parsons' garage band's performance of the song "Kill Your Parents", which was pointed out to police in the days following the murder by Parsons' friend Brian Doyle. Robert Simmonds a St. John's based attorney, who represented Parsons at trial, said in a documentary about the case, that "This was never an impartial, objectively undertaken investigation based upon hard fact. They attempted to use this (song) as indicative of a state of mind, a state of hatred, a clear indication that he had it out for his mother, and that is without a doubt, very flimsy, very circumstantial and absolutely inconclusive." Darren Bent, a well-known former NL journalist, who covered Parsons' trial for NL's NTV News, said, in relation to the song, "When the jury heard that, I don't think there was any way, that; that case could have been won by the defense, no matter what evidence they produced." Despite the lack of evidence against Parsons, and what would later be determined as sloppy police work and a egregious case of tunnel vision; Parsons was convicted of his mother's murder and sentenced to life in prison. Appeal Following the conviction, Parsons' defense filed an appeal on his behalf with the Supreme Court of Newfoundland and Labrador. The appeals court quickly overturned the conviction and Parsons was granted bail, after serving 68 days at Her Majesty's Penitentiary, to await a second trial. However, before a new trial could commence, advancements in DNA testing, a technology that was in its infancy at the time of Carroll's murder, allowed police to test previously untested blood samples. The new testing revealed that the samples retrieved at the crime scene were from an "unknown male", and did not match Parsons, and he was conclusively cleared of the charge against him. On November 2, 1998, after seven years of living under a cloud of suspicion within the NL community, NL prosecutors declared Parsons' innocence. Second investigation The shocking revelation that the NL justice system had convicted an innocent man led to a second police investigation into the murder of Catherine Carroll. Armed with a definitive DNA sample from the crime scene, NL police began a search for a killer. With new eyes on the case, police followed previous leads, which had not been pursued, leading them to seek DNA samples from more than 150 individuals. Still unable to find the source of the DNA, Robert Johnston, the lead investigator on the second investigation into the case, received an anonymous phone call indicating that police should look closely at Gregory's childhood friend, Brian Doyle. Doyle, who was at the time living out of province, had been an individual who police had wanted to exclude in their DNA testing. Unable to locate Doyle, police retrieved a DNA sample from a relative of Doyle's, and learned that the blood sample obtained from the Carroll murder scene was related to Brian Doyle. Almost ten years after the murder of Catherine Carroll, police began to focus in on Brian Doyle, who they learned was living and working just outside Toronto, Ontario, and began a surveillance operation with the help of the Peel Regional Police, who were able to obtain Doyle's DNA from a discarded cigarette. The DNA sample from Doyle matched the unknown male DNA profile collected at the Carroll murder scene. Convinced they had Carroll's killer, Johnston, launched a full scale undercover police sting, known as "Mr. Big", with the hope that Doyle would provide police with a confession. The sting involved the use of an undercover police operative, who posed as a black market dealer selling alcohol and cigarettes out of his pick-up truck. After several days of baiting the accused, Doyle saw an opportunity to make extra money, acting as a middleman, by buying directly from the operative and selling to his co-workers. Blinded by his own greed, Doyle became more involved in the elaborate police operation, and eventually offered to kill the undercover operative's fictional wife, in an effort to prove his loyalty to his newly found crime boss. The sting proved invaluable, as Doyle eventually agreed to a meet with the head of the fictional crime family, where he ultimately provided intimate details of the Carroll murder and described the crime in gruesome detail. Unbeknownst to Doyle, Johnston and Peel Regional police inspector Mike McMullin were sitting in an adjacent room video and audio recording the entire interaction. Confession and retrieval of murder weapon In 2001, Brian Doyle was arrested and returned to NL, where he provided police with a confession to the murder of Catherine Carroll. In addition to the confession, Doyle led police to the disposal site of the murder weapon, in which police were able to recover the knife that was used to kill Carroll ten years previous. In 2002, Brian Doyle pleaded guilty to second-degree murder, and was sentenced to life in prison without the possibility of parole for 18 years. Aftermath In November of 1998, NL's then Justice Minister, Chris Decker announced that the province of NL had asked retired NL Justice Nathaniel Noel to conduct a review of the investigation and prosecution of Gregory Parsons. However, the NL government suspended the review after Parsons initiated a civil action against the province. In February of 2002, the government of NL, paid $650,000 in compensation to Parsons, stating that the compensation was on humanitarian grounds, and not an admission of wrongdoing by the Crown. In 2003, the government of NL appointed former Supreme Court of Canada Justice Antonio Lamer, to lead an inquiry into the wrongful conviction of Parsons, and two other NL men (Randy Druken and Ronald Dalton), who had been wrongfully convicted in other murder cases. In 2004, the government of NL, increased the Royal Newfoundland Constabulary's operating budget by approximately five million dollars, primarily to implement a police training program in partnership with NL's Memorial University. The desire and decision for the Province of NL, to recruit and train police officers was directly related to the then ongoing Lamer inquiry, which was revealing a NL police force that was ill-equipped and improperly trained. In April of 2005, during hearings for the Lamer inquiry, the Newfoundland and Labrador Crown Attorney's office apologized to Parsons for the role they played in his prosecution. Parsons' then lawyer Jerome Kennedy, said at the time, that the Crown's apology did not go far enough stating; that he didn't hear prosecutor's Colin Flynn, Bern Coffey, Wayne Gorman or Cathy Knox, apologize for allowing hearsay evidence to be used against Parsons. In September of 2005, NL's then Justice Minister, Tom Marshall, announced that the government of NL, was providing an additional $650,000 in compensation to Parsons after reviewing statements made by Justice Lamar. During the inquiry, Lamar noted that he had concerns regarding the original compensation package offered to Parsons indicating that Parsons' ten year ordeal had left him in dire financial need, and that he most likely instructed his counsel to accept a compensation package that was less than adequate, given the level of emotional and financial hardship he endured. In 2006, Antonio Lamer released his report into the wrongful conviction's of Gregory Parsons, Randy Druken and Ronald Dalton. Lamer's report was highly critical of the RNC, and the NL Crown Attorneys Office, characterizing the prosecution of Parsons as "excessive zeal" and describing the RNC's handling of the case as a runaway train,' fueled by tunnel vision and picking up many passengers along the way." The Lamer report contained 45 recommendations, many of which, were directed at the RNC. In January of 2007, the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation (CBC) reported that the government of NL had spent upwards of $11 million in relation to the mishandling of the Parsons, Druken and Dalton wrongful convictions, and noted that costs would continue to mount. In 2007, the NL government announced it was launching an internal investigation into the NL Crown Attorneys Office, stemming from the Lamar inquiry. In April of 2010, the Royal Newfoundland Constabulary became the first North American police department to introduce the use of the PEACE interviewing technique, in relation to the interrogation of individuals suspected of crimes. The adoption of the PEACE interviewing method was a direct result of recommendations stemming from the Lamer inquiry. In June of 2010, Ab Singleton, the Royal Newfoundland Constabulary's lead investigator in the original Catherine Carroll murder investigation was promoted to the deputy chief of police of the RNC, sparking harsh criticism from Parsons. Personal life Gregory Parsons married his longtime girlfriend Tina, and together the couple had two children, Josh and Zachary. Parsons went on to become a NL firefighter with the St. John's Regional Fire Department were he currently holds the rank of lieutenant. In 2021, Parsons was named St. John's Firefighter of the year. Advocacy Parsons is a vocal advocate for the wrongfully accused, and continues to raise questions in relation to the handling of his mother's murder case and prosecution. In 2021, Parsons alluded to misconduct within the NL Crown Attorneys Office, alleging that prosecutors failed in their responsibility to properly prosecute his mother's murderer, by not opting to charge Brian Doyle with first-degree murder despite evidence that supported premeditation. Parsons and his wife Tina continue to seek justice for the murder of Catherine Carroll and remain highly critical of the Canadian justice system, including the Correctional Service of Canada. Parsons regularly attends, and provides victim impact statements at parole hearings in relation to Brian Doyle, where he continues to speak out against his release. In April of 2020, Brian Doyle was granted day parole from the minimum security William Head Institution in British Columbia. Parsons was restricted from attending the hearing due to COVID-19 restrictions in place at the time of Doyle's release. In April of 2021, Doyle's day parole was revoked after breaching the conditions of his release. During the hearing Parsons read a 30-page victim impact statement to the parole board, which included previously unreported evidence against Doyle. Parsons stated that the NL Crown prosecutor only selected 31 pages of transcript from the video that was obtained in the Mr. Big police sting, Parsons stated that Doyle's admission to the murder included acts that clearly spoke to Doyle's premeditated intent to kill Catherine Carroll, and that the transcript of the video also revealed that Doyle had a previous criminal record for crimes he committed while living in the United States, during the time that police were unaware of his involvement in the Carroll murder. Parsons stated, that he will never find peace and suffers with post-traumatic stress disorder over his ordeal, "If it wasn't for the corruption within the Newfoundland justice system, Brian Doyle would have been tried for first-degree murder, sentenced to life in prison, locked in a cage without parole for at least 25 years and I wouldn't have to endure this over and over." In June of 2021, the Parole Board of Canada upheld its decision to revoke Brian Doyle's day parole. Parsons attended the hearing where he said, "It takes a little piece of me, but I will never stop fighting for my mom." References Year of birth missing (living people) Living people People from St. John's, Newfoundland and Labrador Canadian firefighters Overturned convictions in Canada People wrongfully convicted of murder

70034520

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Eddie%20Melo

Eddie Melo

Eduardo Manuel de Melo (5 April 1961 – 6 April 2001), nicknamed "Eddie the Hurricane", was a Portuguese-born Canadian boxer and gangster. Boxer Melo was born in São Miguel in the Azores archipelago, but grew up in Toronto, where his father worked in construction. He recalled about his youth in a working-class neighborhood: "I was always fighting. If I had a black eye, I didn't put on dark glasses to hide it. If I got a little scratch and come home bleeding, my mother would go crazy. But the way I figured it, you can't give pain to somebody else and not expect to get a little bruised yourself". Melo dropped out of high school in Grade 9 and with a forged birth certificate moved to Verdun, Quebec where he worked as a boxer. As an amateur boxer, Melo won 93 matches while losing only 4. Melo made his debut as a professional boxer in Montreal on 7 March 1978 at the age of 17. Melo's boxing style gave him the nickname of "The Hurricane". Spider Jones said of Melo: "Eddie Melo filled the Montreal Forum at 18 years old. His explosive power punching style made him on one of Canada’s most exciting fighters of our time". Melo won his first 12 matches in a row in 1978–1979, with the majority being by knock-out. In 1979, Melo became the Canadian middleweight boxing champion. Melo rapidly became a favorite of boxing fans in Montreal. On 31 October 1978, Melo first fought Fernand Marcotte at the Verdun auditorium in a match that lasted 10 rounds and ended with him winning by split decision. In their second match, Marcotte won by majority decision. The final match in the famous rivalry ended in a draw. The fights between Melo and Marcotte were regarded as some of the best boxing matches in Montreal. In 1981, Melo finally became old enough to box in Ontario. In the early 1980s, Melo's boxing career went into decline with him losing a match by knock-out to Ralph Hollett in Toronto in January 1981. On 4 May 1982, Melo had a much publicized match against Jimmie Gradson at the CNE Coliseum in Toronto that had been promoted by George Chuvalo. Prior to the match, both men had taken to insulting each other in public, and by all accounts the two boxers hated each other. The match was an extremely hard-fought one with judge Jackie Silver saying: "I’ve seen a lot of fights but never a war like this". The first three rounds of the Gradson-Melo match was described as leaving the audience breathless with excitement. Gradson finally won the match by knock-out in the tenth round. The last noteworthy fight by Melo was when he defeated via knock-out the former Canadian lightweight champion Gary Summerhayes in June 1983. Melo had married a former Miss Montreal Alouette cheerleader. He used his boxing wealth to buy a Lincoln Continental automobile, a house in Toronto and some $20, 000 worth of jewelry. It was felt that Melo suffered from poor management as his managers kept pushing for him "too hard, too fast" while he began to show signs of brain damage caused by his boxing. One of Melo's fans was the gangster Frank Cotroni of the Cotroni family of Montreal. Melo came to enjoy a friendship with Cotroni, whom he called "my number one fan". The hitman Réal Simard served as the Toronto representative of the Cotroni family starting in July 1983. Cotroni would visit Toronto about once every month to see Simard and during those visits Melo would serve as his chauffer and bodyguard. A police check-up of Melo revealed that Melo was working as an organizer for Local 75 of the Hotel and Restaurant Employees' Union, a union so corrupt that it had been expelled in 1981 from the Fédération des travailleurs et travailleuses du Québec under the grounds that the union was controlled by Cotroni and it represented the interests of management instead of the workers. Starting in October 1984, a Royal Commission under Justice Raymond Bernier of the Quebec Sports Safety Board examined Mafia influence within boxing. Between October 1984 and July 1985, the Bernier Commission interviewed 105 people and in its report presented in March 1986 concluded that the boxing industry in Quebec was systemically corrupt and under the control of Cotroni, an avid boxing fan. Bernier wrote that Cotroni was the "guiding spirit" of boxing in Montreal. The report listed Melo as one of the boxers who was associated with Cotroni. With his career in decline, Melo retired in 1986. During his boxing career, Melo won 24 matches out of 34. Gangster Melo at the time of his retirement went to work as an organizer for the Cotroni-controlled Hotel Employees and Restaurant Employees Union and then in the vending machine business. Melo was known for his aggressive style both in and outside of the ring with many finding his temper to be quite ungovernable. Melo's real job was as the supervisor for the Cotroni family in Toronto, bringing in strippers and video machines from Montreal to various Toronto bars. The previous Cotroni family representative for Toronto, the hitman Réal Simard, had turned Crown's evidence, thus requiring a replacement. Johnny Papalia, the boss of the Papalia family, came to detest Melo, once telling Cotroni: "Put a lease on Melo or I'll kill him". In 1989, at a pool hall on College Street, Melo assaulted a Mafiosi, which led to a murder plot against him with a hitman being hired to kill him. The hitman turned informer, and the police faked the murder of Melo with a photograph being taken of a crash test dummy designed to look like Melo being shot up and covered in fake blood. The hitman showed the photographs of the crash test dummy and was paid for the supposed murder, leading to those who had paid him being charged with conspiracy to commit murder. In April 1989, Melos first marriage ended in divorce with his ex-wife, Sine, moving to Vancouver with their two daughters. In the early 1990s, Melo was often photographed eating in a Yorkville restaurant with a visiting Vancouver-area Hells Angel who worked as a loanshark. In 1993, a police report listed Melo as a member of the Siderno Group. In early 1994, Melo decided to resume his boxing career, hiring the Israeli-Canadian businessman Harold Arviv as his manager. Arviv was a flamboyant character, well known in Toronto, who had gone to prison for four years starting in 1986 for hiring via the Commisso 'ndrina the Satan's Choice hitman and bomber Cecil Kirby to blow up his disco in 1980 in order to allow him to collect the insurance money. Arviv was given to flouting his wealth as he owned a luxury yacht, The Problem Child, that was worth $170,000 that he used to sail Lake Ontario with; previous yachts owned by Arviv had been named Monkey Business and Misbehavior. In March 1994, Melo and Arviv called a press conference when they talked grandly about plans for Melo to perform a comeback tour of Europe, a tour that never occurred. In August 1994, Melo was recorded by a police wiretap talking to a Cotroni family member, Tony Volpato, where he said: "I went there when they had the meeting. I had a couple of guys. We took care of things. You know what I mean?... Went down and took care of things, so there is no problem... So what I'm doing, I think, is the right thing for us and fuck the other guy". Before Melo could resume boxing, later in 1994 it was discovered that he had never taken Canadian citizenship, thus leading for the government to order him deported to Portugal. Melo fought against the deportation order, arguing: "My parents brought me here for a better life. I did everything in Canada. Had two daughters and now a baby. And I have to add I got in a lot of trouble here, too". In an immigration hearing, Melo admitted that one of his close friends was Joe Diardo, a "leg and arm man" who had thirty convictions going back to 1958 for arson, for passing counterfeit money, robbery, and possession of illegal guns. Melo described Cotroni as one of his best friends and admitted that Volpato was the godfather to one his daughters. Melo also admitted to being a godfather to one of Arviv's daughters. Melo was asked why he should be allowed to stay in Canada given his association with known criminals such as Cotroni, Arviv, and Volpato, leading for him to reply: "All I know is that they've been OK with me. They're never asked me to do any criminal activity or get into trouble. They've only been supportive in whatever it was that I had to do". Melo's friendship with Arviv ended in a bitter dispute over money. Melo remained a celebrity in Toronto, attending the 1998 Toronto International Film Festival, where he posted for photographs with his second wife, Rhonda, whom it was noted resembled Pamela Lee Anderson. At the same time, Melo claimed to be taking drugs to control his anger, saying he was trying to reform. However, the police remained suspicious of Melo, noting he was still working in the all-cash vending machine business, through Melo complained that police surveillance made it difficult for him to work in the vending machine business. The police also noted that Melo listed his annual income when filing taxes as being about $24,000 yet he lived in a condo on Lakeshore Boulevard West that cost $2,000 per month; paid $1,500 in child support to his ex-wife every month; owned another condo on Queen's Quay; and owned two vehicles, a Jaguar automobile and a sports utility car. Murder On Thursday 5 April 2001, Melo planned to go out with his wife Rhonda to attend a concert by Andrea Bocelli at the Air Canada Centre. At about 5:15 pm, Melo went to Amici Sport Café to meet his friend Joao "Johanny" Pavao . At about 6:25 pm, Melo was in the parking lot talking to Pavao when the hitman Charles Gagné shot Melo in the head and then killed Pavao. Melo died of his wound the next day. On 8 April 2001, his widow, his daughter Jessica and his brother Tony were all charged with obstruction of justice and assault after they attacked the officers of the Peel Regional Police who tried to seize Melo's Jaguar for evidence. Gagné was paid $75,000 for killing Melo. On 30 September 2003, Gagné pledged guilty to second-degree murder and was sentenced to life in prison, being eligible for parole after 12 years in exchange for testifying against his employer. The police believe that Melo's murder was linked to a "historical conflict within the 'Ndrangheta (in Ontario) and that the organization has had with other Italian criminalized groups (in Canada)." The Canadian journalists Peter Edwards and Michel Auger wrote: "Ironically, Melo might have still been alive if he hadn't recently won his fight with the Canadian authorities to keep him from being deported to Portugal. He wasn't famous or feared over there, but then nobody there wanted him dead either". On February 18, 2022, Gagné was denied full parole, but was granted limited release. Books External links Eddie Melo's Final Round References 1961 births 2001 deaths Boxers from Toronto Canadian male boxers Canadian gangsters Canadian male criminals Deaths by firearm in Ontario Portuguese male boxers Portuguese emigrants to Canada People from São Miguel Island 2001 murders in North America 20th-century Canadian criminals 21st-century Canadian criminals

70034877

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kua%20Kia%20Soong

Kua Kia Soong

Kua Kia Soong is a Malaysian social activist, researcher and former member of parliament for Petaling Jaya (1990-1995). He is a director of the human-rights organisation SUARAM. Family Kua's grandfather, Kua Kim Pah, was an immigrant from China and founder of a bank in Batu Pahat, Johor. Education Kua was educated at SRJK Cina Lim Poon and SMK Tinggi Batu Pahat. He then received a BA and MA in economics from the University of Manchester. He holds a PhD in sociology. He served as principal of New Era College, Kajang, Selangor. Published work Questioning Arms Spending in Malaysia :Gerakbudaya, 2010. New Era College controversy : the betrayal of Dong Jiao Zong : Oriengroup, c2009. May 13: Declassified Documents on the Malaysian Riots of 1969: Suaram Komunikasi, c2007. Policing the Malaysian police / editor Kua Kia Soong. :Suaram Komunikasi, 2005 The Malaysian : civil rights movement :SIRD, 2005. Malaysian political realities :Oriengroup, 1992. Malaysian cultural policy and democracy / compiled & edited by Kua Kia Soong. :The Resource and Research Centre, 1990. Of myths and mystification, 1986 Malaysian political myths, 1990 445 days behind the wire, 1989 Reforming Malaysia, 1993 Malaysia's energy crisis, 1996 445 days under Operation Lalang, 2000 Malaysian Critical Issues, 2002 Xin ji yuan jiao yu 20 years defending human rights The Chinese schools of Malaysia, 1990 Inside the DAP, 1990-95 (1996) Protean Saga: The Chinese Schools of Malaysia May 13: Declassified Documents on the Malaysian Riots of 1969. Buku ini terbit pada 2007 oleh SUARAM. References Malaysian politicians of Chinese descent Democratic Action Party (Malaysia) politicians Malaysian human rights activists Living people

70037727

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Day%20of%20Rage%3A%20How%20Trump%20Supporters%20Took%20the%20U.S.%20Capitol

Day of Rage: How Trump Supporters Took the U.S. Capitol

Day of Rage: How Trump Supporters Took the U.S. Capitol is a 2021 American documentary short film about the January 6 Capitol attack caused by supporters of former president Donald Trump, reported by The New York Times. Summary A six-month investigation of these events using videos posted on social media by the rioters themselves, police bodycam footage and archived audio from police communications alongside news coverage. Reception It was shortlisted for the Academy Award for Best Documentary Short Subject. The video had earned 68,000 comments on YouTube. The video also won the prestigious Alfred I. duPont–Columbia University Award. See also QAnon Pepe the Frog Alt-right References External links The New York Times Official YouTube video 2021 short films 2021 United States Capitol attack 2020s short documentary films Collage film American short documentary films 2021 documentary films Collage television

70037856

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/%C3%94ng%20c%E1%BB%91%20v%E1%BA%A5n%20%28novel%29

Ông cố vấn (novel)

Ông cố vấn: Hồ sơ một điệp viên (Mr. Advisor: Records of an espionage agent) is a non-fiction historical novel written by Hữu Mai. The novel recorded the life and activities of Vũ Ngọc Nhạ, an intelligence agent of People's Army of Vietnam during the Vietnam War. Nhạ is the organizer of the A.22 espionage network, and was know with the name Ông cố vấn (Mr. Advisor) due to his cover as an advisory member of the Saigon government. The novel was first published in 1987 by the People's Army Publishing House in three volumes. It was reprinted several times by various publishing house, the most recent publish were reorganized in two volumes. The novel was adapted in to a film with the same name during the 1990s. Content The novel opened with a brief description shocking espionage case of Vũ Ngọc Nhạ and his colleagues in the A.22 network in 1969. The novel's author then proclaimed about the objective of the book as a non-fiction historical novel: The novel went back to the year of 1958, when the character Vũ Ngọc Nhạ, at the moment was named as Hai Long, was living with his family near Thị Nghè market, Saigon, as a typewriter in Ministry of Public Works. However he was arrested by the Delegation of Special Task in Central Vietnam and was jailed at Toà Khâm, Huế due to being suspected as communist. He tried his best to hide his identity as an intelligence agent of Democratic Republic of Vietnam, and received vital instruction from his direct superior Trần Quốc Hương who was also jailed here. Due to proper preparation and strong assistance of well-know established Catholic figures, especially priest Hoàng Quỳnh, Hai Long was freed from any charges but he was still imprisoned unofficially. Using his understanding of the uneasy relationship between Ngô Đình Diệm family and the pro-French Catholic figures like Bishop Lê Hữu Từ and priest Hoàng Quỳnh, Hai Long wrote an essay named "Four dangers threantened our regime" and submitted to Ngô Đình Cẩn, the leader of Central Vietnam at that time. Hai Long's essay, together with his accurate prediction of the unsuccessful 1960 coup, managed to attract the attention of Cẩn, and later both Ngô Đình Nhu and Ngô Đình Diệm. The Ngô family released him from the jail after two years of imprisonment, and Ngô Đình Nhu took he back to Saigon as his personal advisor. Hai Long exploit his close relationship with both Ngô family and Catholic clergy to gather the information needed for his espionage mission. Ngô Đình Diệm regime collapsed after the 1963 coup and Saigon politics fell into great turmoil due to the power struggle between the politicians and military leaders took part in the coup. Hai Long worked at Bình An Parish as a close assistant of priest Hoàng Quỳnh and became a well-known Catholic figure, respected by both the politician and the Catholic clergy. In 1965, Hai Long agreed to assist Nguyễn Văn Thiệu election campaign as an envoy between Thiệu and Catholic electorates, and later became Thiệu's advisor after Thiệu won the President election. Hai Long together with his colleagues Thắng, Hoè, Ruật, Trọng, Năm Sang,... organized an espionage network named A.22, using their influence and political connection for espionage activities. They assist the Liberation Army's 1968 Tết Offensive. Under the guise of preparing for a diplomatic mission to the United States, Trọng managed to get the files and documents of America's pacification plans against the Liberation Army in 1968–1969 and other information about contemporary U.S. politics. Hai Long and his A.22 teammates also detected signs showed that they had been suspected by the enemy's counter-intelligence. His colleagues in the government and Catholic population also warned him about the threat from CIA. Thắng proposed secretly killed all the enemy agents monitoring them, but Hai Long refused since it would alarmed the CIA. All members decided to keep working as usual, while secretly withdrew and relocated several members to increase the cover and safety for the network. However Hai Long and most of A.22 network was arrested in July 1969. He was brutally tortured by Saigon police and CIA agents for days but refused to say anything. His tenacity gained the respect of the Vietnamese policemen and the anger of the revengeful CIA agents. Outside of the jail, Catholic figures and other politicians were strongly protesting the arrest and expressed their support for Hai Long. During the imprisonment, he managed to made contact with several of A.22 teammates and other supporters of the Liberation Army. One of them informed Hai Long of President Hồ Chí Minh's death. Hai Long and his A.22 teammate decided to make a counter-move to turn the tide of the situation. He admitted he worked with the Liberation Army, but explained that was due to his loyal to the Catholic Church and the 2nd Vatican Council which he believed was supporting peace and unification for Vietnam. His teammates then claimed to know nothing of Hai Long's relationship with the Liberation Army and only carried out the missions out of respect for Hai Long and for his ideas. They presented the information and proof of the involvement of well-known statesmen and politicians with Hai Long and their activities.They also made use of the court to exposed the political conflicts inside Saigon government and their U.S. allied, turned the espionage case into a political case, and promoted the idea of peace and unification for Vietnam. The affair quickly deteriotated from a CIA "victory" to a political mess. CIA attempted to get out of the turmoil by proposing Hai Long to admit that he worked for CIA, but was frustrated by Hai Long's immediate refusal. A.22 counter-attack was successful. None of the member was sentenced to death. Nhạ was sentenced to penal servitude for life. The A.22 case sowed distrust inside Saigon political arena. Hai Long was kept at the interrogation facilities for a time and then was sent to Chí Hoà prison, and in 1971 he was sent to Côn Đảo prison with Trọng and Thắng. He had good relationship with the prison wardens and was visited by well-known Catholic figures and politicians, including priest Hoàng Quỳnh, Chaplain O'Connor, general Lewis William Walt. Even Nguyễn Văn Thiệu sent his envoy to ask for Hai Long's assistance. On 25 June 1971, a Vatican Ambassador presented Hai Long the merit certification and medal that the Pope awarded him for his contributions to the Catholic Church. He also continued his intelligence mission together with former A.22 members and other supporters of the Liberation Army in the prison. They gather information and images of the brutality and crimes against the prisoners. They also gather all the data of the political prisoners in Côn Đảo, exposing Nguyễn Văn Thiệu's lies about the prisoners numbers and his scheme to violate the Paris Peace Accord in releasing political prisoners. The Saigon government sent Hai Long and Trọng back to Chí Hoà in 1973, and released Hai Long to the Liberation Army in the same year under the name of "Liberation Priest". The Liberation Army verified Hai Long identity and recognized his military rank. In April 1974 Hai Long was sent back to Củ Chi to organized a new intelligence network. He re-established the connection with priest Hoàng Quỳnh, with other Catholic figures and politicians in the "Third Forces" who supported the reconciliation with the Liberation Army. He secretly relocated to the Inner City of Saigon in 1975 to monitor the situation, and he witnessed the last moment of Saigon government in the Independence Palace on 30 April 1975. The novel returned to the date of September 1987, described the author's conversation with all living A.22 members in an anniversary meeting in Hai Long's house (now named as Hai Nhạ). The author commented that the A.22 members were very similar in a mysterious way. Citation Historical novels Vietnamese novels

70040271

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Eduardo%20Gordon%20Ca%C3%B1as

Eduardo Gordon Cañas

Eduardo Gordon Cañas (1918 − 8 November 2001) was a Chilean police officer and football leader who served as president of the Chilean Football Association, then called Asociación Central del Fútbol (ACF). Biography During his period as president of the ACF, it was created many clubs in bordering zones of Chile for geopolitical reasons, with the goal to generate a sense of belonging, especially in front of Peru and Bolivia. On that way, it was established Cobreloa (1978), Deportes Iquique (1979) or Cobresal (1979). In 1979, after a signature forgery scandal related to the Chile U-20 team, Gordon lost the ANFP elections to Abel Alonso, and, immediately afterward, Augusto Pinochet appointed him ambassador to Nicaragua. References Further reading External links Profile at Annales de la República 1918 births 2001 deaths Chilean people Presidents of the ANFP Chilean anti-communists

70040510

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Murder%20of%20Ippolito%20Gonzalez

Murder of Ippolito Gonzalez

Ippolito "Lee" Gonzalez (July 26, 1954 – May 6, 1995) was an American Police Sergeant who was fatally shot multiple times during a routine traffic stop in Camden, New Jersey on May 6, 1995. Two Warlocks Motorcycle Club members, Robert Simon (1950 – September 7, 1999) and Charles Staples (born September 18, 1957), were tried and convicted for Gonzalez's murder, the former being sentenced to death and later murdered while on death row. Victim Ippolito Gonzalez was born on July 26, 1954, in Landisville, New Jersey, one of six children who grew up on a migrant farm. He graduated from Vineland High School in Vineland, New Jersey, and later from the Camden County Police Academy in 1975. During his law enforcement career, Gonzalez received numerous awards. At the time of his death, Gonzalez was 40-years-old. Murder On the night of May 6, 1995, at around 10:25pm, Gonzalez was nearly at the end of his shift, when he pulled over a suspicious looking vehicle. The vehicle was occupied by Robert Simon, nicknamed "Mudman", and Charles Staples, nicknamed "Shovel", two Warlocks Motorcycle Club members who had committed a burglary minutes before. Upon pulling over the two, Simon drew his gun and shot Gonzalez in the neck, knocking him down, and Simon shot once again at Gonzalez's head, killing him. At the same time Gonzalez had radioed in for backup before the incident. The resulting police chase that followed ended with Staples losing control of the vehicle and crashing and attempting to run on foot. An officer fired three shots at both, striking Simon in the leg, resulting in him surrendering to police. Staples was arrested not long after. Trial At Gonzalez's subsequent funeral, more than 1,000 people showed up to mourn the fallen officer. Simon and Staples were indicted on charges of burglary, multiple firearm offenses, and later both were charged with Felony Murder due to the prosecution not knowing who pulled the trigger. During the trial, the prosecution brought up Simon's prior criminal record; He had been convicted of killing 19-year-old Beth Duzenbergin in Pennsylvania in 1974, after she allegedly refused to have sex with fellow Warlock members. While in prison, he also stabbed fellow inmate Jose Gonzalez (No relation), but details of that are vivid. He was paroled in 1994, after which he began a friendship with Charles Staples, the vice president for the South Jersey Warlocks. During this time, Simon was unable to get a job, and the two frequently struggled to maintain a financial living. At the end of their trial, Simon and Staples were found guilty of Felony Murder. At the same time, the court accepted a guilty plea Simon took; Staples was sentenced to 30-years to life in prison, while Simon was ultimately was sentenced to death. After his sentence, Simon came forward and claimed that his plea hearing failed to establish that he was the shooter. Aftermath Simon was held on New Jersey's death row until, on September 7, 1999, when he was stomped to death by fellow death row inmate Ambrose Harris. Harris had been sentenced to death in 1996 for the 1992 murder of Kristin Huggins, a 22-year-old art student who was visiting from Pennsylvania. Harris was brought to trial for Simon's murder, but his defense was able to convince the jury that the killing was in self-defense, and he was acquitted in 2001. Harris’ original death sentence was later commuted to life imprisonment after New Jersey abolished the death penalty in 2007. He died in prison in 2020. , Staples is still serving his sentence at South Woods State Prison. His latest parole eligibility date is set for May 5, 2025. He maintains that he did not know Simon was going to shoot and kill Gonzalez, and in a recent interview described himself as mainly just a witness, not an accomplice. See also List of law enforcement officers killed in the line of duty in the United States References External links FindAGrave 1995 in New Jersey Crime in New Jersey 1995 murders in the United States Deaths by person in the United States May 1995 events in the United States American people convicted of murdering police officers

70042806

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Allister%20Adel

Allister Adel

Allister Adel is the County Attorney for Maricopa County, Arizona. Originally appointed to the position, Adel subsequently won election to a full term in November 2020. She is the first woman to hold the position. Early life and career Adel grew up in Dallas, Texas where she attend an all-girls school, The Hockaday School. Adel received her bachelor's degree in political science with a minor in criminology from the University of Arizona in 1999. She then worked at the Maricopa County Superior Court from 1999 to 2001 as a criminal court administrator. Deciding to go law school to become a prosecutor, Adel graduated from the Sandra Day O'Connor College of Law in 2004. After graduating law school, Adel served as a prosecutor with the Maricopa County Attorney's Office (2004 – 2011) in the vehicular crimes, gang and drug enforcement bureaus. She then became an administrative law judge with the Arizona Department of Transportation. Adel briefly served as general counsel for the Department of Child Safety. There, Adel sent Governor Doug Ducey a memo under the state's whistle-blower statute regarding Ducey's appointment of Greg McKay as DCS Director. The details of the memo were never revealed. From 2016 to 2018, Adel was the executive director for the Maricopa County Bar Association. County Attorney In 2019, Bill Montgomery resigned as county attorney to take a seat on the Arizona Supreme Court. Adel was selected by the Maricopa County Board of Supervisors to replace Montgomery. Other applicants who applied for the position included: Rachel Mitchell, Jon Eliason, Rodney Glassman, John Kaites, Gina Godbehere, Chris DeRose, and Lacy Cooper. In 2020, Adel was unopposed in the Republican primary and defeated Democrat Julie Gunnigle in the general election, receiving 46.45% of the vote. Policies Adel campaigned on a promise to move the county away form the hard-line policies implement under Bill Montgomery. During the 2020 election, Adel made several pledges, including to reduce Arizona's mass incarceration rate, increase alternatives to prison, reduce the county's practice of overcharging defendants, and giving prosecutors more leeway in plea negotiations. After her appointment, Adel reversed a county policy that prevented gay couples from getting legal services for adoption required by state law. Adel fired controversial Jodi Arias prosecutor Juan Martinez who was accused by multiple women of sexual harassment and faced investigations by the state bar for alleged prosecutorial misconduct in several death penalty cases. In September 2020, the county attorney's office declined to file charges against the police officer involved in the Shooting of Dion Johnson. Prosecution of protestors In October 2020, several Black Lives Matter protestors arrested in Phoenix were charged by the county attorney's office as gang members. Questions over the way Adel's office handled the prosecution of 15 protesters resulted in a critical reporting in August 2021 accusing the office of colluding with Phoenix police officers to falsely charge protesters. The cases were dropped a week after ABC 15 published an investigation on the dubious nature of the charges. Adel claimed that her brain injury "impacted her ability to vet the case and understand the evidence behind the charges." The incident led to the Department of Justice opening an investigation of the Phoenix Police Department. Calls for resignation Multiple groups have pushed for Adel to resign since her election. In September 2021, the Maricopa County Democratic Party sought Adel's resignation in response to the controversial prosecution of the Black Lives Matter protestors and Adel's rehab treatment. A week later, Mass Liberation AZ, a criminal justice reform and activist group, launched a “Resign or Be Recalled" campaign. On February 15, 2022, five top prosecutors in the county attorney's office wrote a letter demanding that Adel step down, sending it to the board of supervisors and the state bar. The letter "raised ethical questions about her sobriety, long absences from work and judgment." ON February 22, 2022, Adel rejected their call for resignation, stating they "either stick it out or resign." Former long-serving county attorney Rick Romley also publicly stated Adel should step down. Health issues On the night of the 2020 election, Adel was hospitalized and had emergency surgery for bleeding to the brain. Nine days prior, she had fallen and hit her head resulting in a blood clot in her brain. She remained hospitalized for two months, and underwent a second surgery in January 2021, but by February had returned to work. In August 2021, Adel checked herself into a rehab facility in California to work on problems that included stress, anxiety, an eating disorder and alcoholism. Adel continued to run the county attorney's office and returned to work in September. Adel confirms two alcohol relapses since leaving the rehab center. Personal Adel is married to David DeNitto and they have two children. She has been a registered Republican since 2000. References External links Vacancy Application. Archived from the original on October 3, 2019. Profile on Ballotpedia Campaign Website Sandra Day O'Connor College of Law alumni People from Maricopa County, Arizona Arizona Republicans 21st-century American women lawyers Lawyers from Dallas Year of birth missing (living people) Living people District attorneys in Arizona

70043001

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Benjamin%20W.%20Heineman%2C%20Jr.

Benjamin W. Heineman, Jr.

Benjamin W. Heineman, Jr. is an American journalist, lawyer, government official, business executive, academic and author. He is currently a Distinguished Senior Fellow at Harvard Law School’s Program on the Legal Profession as well as Senior Fellow at the Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs at Harvard's Kennedy School of Government. He is also a lecturer at Yale Law School. He frequently speaks to professional groups and at universities around the globe. His works covers such subjects as law, government, public policy, international affairs, anti-corruption and integrity in large institutions. He has authored four books: The Inside Counsel Revolution: Resolving the Partner-Guardian Tension, High Performance with High Integrity, Memorandum for the President: A Strategic Approach to Domestic Affairs in the 1980s and The Politics of the Powerless: A Study of the Campaign Against Racial Discrimination. Heineman is a Fellow of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences; a member of the American Philosophical Society; a member of the board of managers of Memorial Sloan Kettering Cancer Center; and a member of the board of Partners for Justice. Early life and education Born in Chicago in 1944, Heineman received his elementary and secondary education at the University of Chicago Laboratory Schools. Heineman graduated magna cum laude with a B.A. in history from Harvard College in 1965, where he was editorial chairman of the Harvard Crimson. He received a B. Litt. in political sociology from Oxford University, where he was a student at Balliol College, in 1967 and graduated with a J.D. from Yale Law School in 1971, where he was editor-in-chief of the Yale Law Journal. Career Heineman started his career as a reporter at the Chicago Sun-Times in 1968 where he covered, among other things, civil disturbances relating to SDS protests, gang wars, the assassination of Martin Luther King and police-protester confrontations at the Democratic National Convention. After law school, he became a law clerk to Associate Justice Potter Stewart at the United States Supreme Court from 1971 to 1972, a Term in which he worked for the Justice Stewart on landmark cases involving abortion, the death penalty, obscenity, press freedom and religious freedom. He was a staff attorney at a public interest law firm, the Center for Law and Social Policy, from 1973 until 1975, focusing on test case litigation to establish rights for those with disabilities. He was then a constitutional and general litigator at Williams, Connolly and Califano, representing the Washington Post on First Amendment cases, among other matters. In 1977, he was named executive assistant to Joseph Califano, the secretary at the Department of Health for Education & Welfare, and served in that position until 1978, when he became the HEW Assistant Secretary for Planning and Evaluation. He worked on, among things, national health insurance, controlling health care costs, welfare reform, the Bakke case and other civil rights issues relating to racial equality and disability rights. In 1979–87, he worked in private law practice with most of his time spent at Sidley & Austin where he started the firms’ Supreme Court practice with former Solicitor General Rex Lee and his partner Carter Phillips. In 1987, General Electric CEO Jack Welch hired him as GE's senior vice president and general counsel. He served in that position from 1987 to 2003 and then as the senior vice president for law and public affairs until 2005, when he retired. Heineman has been an occasional lecturer at Yale Law School since 2006 and he is a Distinguished Senior Fellow at Harvard Law School's Program on the Legal Profession and has been a senior fellow at its Program on Corporate Governance. He is Senior Fellow at the Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs at Harvard's Kennedy School of Government. He teaches at Harvard's Law School and Kennedy School. He has been a member of the board of trustees of Central European University; the National Academy of Sciences Committee on Science, Technology and Law; the Board of Trustees, Committee for Economic Development; the Advisory Council for Millstein Center for Governance and Performance, Columbia Law and Business Schools; the External Advisory Group for World Bank Group’s Governance and Anti-Corruption Strategy; the Independent Review Panel on World Bank Group’s Department of Institutional Integrity; and the Board of Transparency International-USA., He is also a member of the Council on Foreign Relations, and the American Law Institute. Key themes in recent research and writing Heineman has frequently written and lectured on business, law, public policy and international affairs. His work has been published by The Atlantic, The Washington Post, Yale Law Journal, Harvard Business Review, and Corporate Counsel. In his latest book, The Inside Counsel Revolution: Resolving the Partner-Guardian Tension, Heineman describes the three fundamental roles of lawyers: expert technician, wise counselor, and lawyer as leader. He explains how in the past 30 years, general counsel have risen in power and status within the profession, becoming core members of top management and being intimately involved in complex, multi-faceted problem solving and strategy setting that involve a broad range of considerations in addition to law: ethics, reputation, risk management, public policy, politics, communications, citizenship and institutional structure and culture. Heineman also argues that the emphasis in corporate governance debates on shareholders and directors is misplaced. He says that the most important dimension of governance is from the CEO down into the company. Only in that dimension of governance---not in the shareholder company relationship nor in the board-management relationship---can the essential systems, processes and resources be created and deployed on the core issues facing a corporation: high performance, high integrity, sound risk management and an overarching culture of integrity. Heineman also argues that performance does not just involve economic performance but also performance with integrity on a range of business and society issues. He submits that the business in society dimension of a corporation's activities have become ever more important and are essential to developing the trust among the corporation's varied constituencies that is key to corporate sustainability. Moreover, he maintains that corporations need systematic processes for prioritizing, analyzing and deciding on questions of ethics and the important subset of ethics—public policy (what ought public goods and public norms be). The corporate role in public policy must be broad-gauged and concerned about advancing genuine public interests not just private ones in order to create a strong, durable constitutional democracy which is necessary for business to thrive. Heineman is credited with transforming the role of General Counsel in the modern global corporation into a core member of the top management team. These are core ideas in basic courses Heineman teaches at law and public policy schools at Harvard and Yale, one on "Lawyers as Leaders" covering the role of general counsel in the private, public and non-profit sectors and a second on "Corporate Citizenship and Public Policy: Can Business Advance the Public Interest?" which explores the tensions inside companies between public and private interests. Awards and honors 1965–1967 – Rhodes Scholarship Fellow, American Academy of Arts and Science Member, American Philosophical Society Oliver Smithies Lectures–Balliol College "50 Top Innovators in Law in Past 50 Years," American Lawyer Magazine "100 Most Influential People in Business Ethics," Ethisphere Magazine "100 Best Lawyers in America," National Law Journal Lifetime Achievement Award, American Lawyer Magazine Lifetime Achievement Award, Board Member Magazine Scales of Justice Award, Equal Justice Works (National Council on Public Interest Law) National Legal Aid and Defenders Association Exemplar Award GE Chairman's Leadership Award Excellence in Corporate Practice Award, American Corporate Counsel Association Public Service Award, ABA-Section of Business Law Personal life Heineman's father, Ben Heineman, Sr. was a businessman and civic leader, who was chairman and CEO of Northwest Industries and headed Federal, State and local task forces on such subjects as civil rights, income maintenance, higher education and fair housing. His mother was a social worker and later led many local and national civic and charitable organizations; she was the first woman president of the Chicago Child Care Society and was also the president of the Child Welfare League of America. His wife, Cristine Russell, former national health and science reporter for the Washington Star and then the Washington Post, is a Senior Fellow at Harvard Kennedy School’s environment and natural resources program. They have two sons, Zachary, an architect and entreprenuer, and Matthew, a filmmaker. Bibliography Books The Inside Counsel Revolution: Resolving the Partner-Guardian Tension (Ankerwycke/American Bar Association 2016) ISBN 9781634252799 High Performance with High Integrity (Harvard Business School Press 2008) ISBN 9781422122952 Memorandum for the President: A Strategic Approach to Domestic Affairs in the 1980s (Random House 1981) ISBN 9780394513652 The Politics of the Powerless: A Study of the Campaign Against Racial Discrimination (Oxford University Press 1972) ISBN 9780192181787 Selected articles Selected articles References Living people American journalists American lawyers Harvard College alumni Alumni of the University of Oxford Yale Law School alumni

70044701

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fatal%20Strike

Fatal Strike

Fatal Strike, also known as The Brother Two (), is a 1974 Hong Kong action martial arts film directed by Lung Chien, and starring Yasuaki Kurata. Plot Two policemen try to defeat a drug boss just using the art of Kung Fu. Cast Kang Chin Yasuaki Kurata Ping Lu Lung Fong Chi Ma Ai-ling Pai Mao Shan Chin-Lai Sung References External links 1970 films 1970 martial arts films 1970s action films 1970s martial arts films 1970s Cantonese-language films Films shot in Hong Kong Hong Kong action films Hong Kong films Hong Kong films about revenge Hong Kong martial arts films Kung fu films 1970s Mandarin-language films Films directed by Lung Chien

70044745

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Joe%20Michael%20Ervin

Joe Michael Ervin

Joseph Michael Ervin (June 25, 1951 – July 1, 1981), also known by the alias Joe Michael Erwing, was an American serial killer who was indicted for two murders committed in Texas and Colorado in 1969 and 1981, respectively, but has been posthumously linked to four others committed in the Denver metropolitan area from 1978 to 1981. Ervin was never convicted of the crimes, as he hanged himself while awaiting trial for the final murder. Crimes First murder, flight and detention On August 9, 1969, the 17-year-old Ervin, then a former football player at the Kirkpatrick High School in Fort Worth, Texas, was hanging around with an unidentified friend near the Berry Bowl bowling alley when he came across a car with two men inside. The pair consisted of 21-year-old Rodney Gene Bonham and his friend Larry Holt, both students at the Tarrant County Junior College who had recently arrived at the establishment to play bowling with friends. Ervin and his friend walked up to the driver's window and leaned in to ask him a question, which, depending on the source, was either about offering them a bottle of beer or if Bonham and Holt were waiting for somebody. When Bonham replied that they were about to go inside, Ervin pulled out a pistol and shot him in the neck, threatening to do the same with Holt if he did not do what he ordered him to. Holt pretended to comply, but once they were distracted, he slammed the car door shut, opened the passenger door and fled inside the bowling alley, where he called for help. Ervin and his accomplice fled the scene and Bonham, who was in critical condition, was driven to the St. Joseph Hospital for treatment. His injuries proved too severe, and Bonham succumbed to them four days later. At the initial stages, police had trouble identifying any suspects due to the seemingly random nature of the killing, which was called 'senseless' by law enforcement. On the same day as this was announced in the news, Ervin phoned the Bonham household and claimed that he was "sorry" for killing their son. One of the detectives assigned to the case, L. V. LeFils, eventually managed to identify Ervin as a potential suspect after he questioned a variety of people in unrelated cases, leading to him being charged with Bonham's murder and a $650 reward for Ervin's arrest. Fearing arrest, Ervin fled to Colorado and settled in Denver, changing his name to "Joe Michael Erwing" in an attempt to conceal his identity. From 1970 to 1977, Ervin would be repeatedly charged with offenses such as burglary, rape, sexually abusing children, and assault with a deadly weapon, but each time was found not guilty on the grounds of diminished responsibility. Instead of serving jail time, he was repeatedly interned at the Colorado State Hospital in Pueblo, from where he was repeatedly released after months of treatment. Later investigations would reveal that on at least two occasions, typographical errors in listing Ervin's real name and birth date failed to link him to the active arrest warrant in Texas, allowing him to post bail in two cases of rape and theft. Attempts from district attorneys to raise the bail bonds in both cases were also unsuccessful. Release and serial murders On December 7, 1978, Ervin knocked on the door of 33-year-old Madeleine Furey-Livaudais, a housewife who was alone with her two young daughters at the time. When she opened the door, he forced her into the bedroom, where he repeatedly stabbed her until she died. Furey-Livaudais' body was later discovered by her husband, Antonio, as he returned home from work. At the time, Denver police were prevented from properly investigating her killing due to a slew of unrelated murders taking place in their jurisdiction. On August 10, 1980, Ervin confronted 53-year-old Delores Barajas, an employee at the Fairmont Hotel in downtown Denver, who was walking home from work. He stabbed her multiple times and then dragged her body to the back of a nearby apartment building, where it was found several hours later. On December 21, the body of 27-year-old Gwendolyn Harris was found with multiple stab wounds in the Montbello neighborhood, not far from Ervin's own apartment. Her identity could not positively be established at first, but she was later positively identified after an autopsy at the Denver General Hospital. On January 24, 1981, Ervin stabbed to death his youngest known victim, 17-year-old Antoinette Parks, in a field in Adams County. At the time of her death, Parks was six to seven months pregnant. Arrest and suicide On June 27, Ervin was flagged down by 26-year-old police officer Deborah Sue Corr in Aurora for driving under the influence. As she attempted to arrest him, the pair got into a scuffle, with Ervin managing to get a hold of her gun and subsequently shooting Corr. He then fired the weapon at 19-year-old Glen Spies, an Explorer Scout who had driven by the scene and attempted to help Corr, wounding him as well, before driving away. After the shooting was reported to other officers, he was quickly tracked down to his apartment, where he was attempting to saw off a handcuff bracelet that had been placed on his wrist. Ervin was subsequently charged with Corr's murder and the attempted murder of Glen Spies. While awaiting trial, Ervin was placed in a solitary cell at the Adams County Jail in Brighton. On July 1, he hanged himself with a makeshift rope made from pieces of a towel, and by the time he was driven to Brighton Community Hospital, he was pronounced dead. Upon examining his jail cell, prison officials found a suicide note in which Ervin expressed remorse for his crimes and begged for forgiveness from his victims and the residents of Denver. Due to his death, Bonham and Corr's murders were officially closed. Spies, who fully recovered from his injuries, was later awarded $10,000 by the city of Aurora for his bravery. Identification At the time of his death, Ervin was not considered a suspect in the murders of Furey-Livaudais, Barajas, Harris, and Parks, all of which were initially believed to be unrelated to one another and investigated separately. Between 2013 and 2018, the four cases were finally linked via DNA evidence, and in the following year, the Denver Police Crime Laboratory started reinvestigating the cold cases. In the summer of 2021, they found an ancestral link in Texas, which upon further investigation led them to Joe Michael Ervin, whose body had been buried at a cemetery in Arlington, Texas. His body was exhumed to extract DNA from his remains, which conclusively linked him to the four murders in January 2022. As a result, the Denver Police Department announced that they would be closing the cases, as they now considered them solved. Surviving family members of the victims attended the press conference, expressing relief that the murders of their relatives had finally been solved. See also List of serial killers in the United States References 1951 births 1981 deaths 20th-century American criminals American male criminals Male serial killers American serial killers American murderers of children People charged with murder Fugitives wanted by the United States Fugitives wanted on murder charges People acquitted by reason of insanity Serial killers who committed suicide in prison custody Suicides by hanging in Colorado Violence against women in the United States Criminals from Texas People from Fort Worth, Texas

70045161

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2022%20Alabama%20House%20of%20Representatives%20election

2022 Alabama House of Representatives election

The 2022 Alabama House of Representatives elections will be held on November 8, 2022, with the primary election held on May 24, 2022, as part of the biennial United States elections. All 105 of Alabama's state representatives were up for reelection. In Alabama, members of both the House of Representatives and the Senate serve four year terms, running in years corresponding with presidential midterm elections. Background Retirements Republicans Democrats Incumbents defeated In primary elections Republicans Democrats Predictions Results † - Incumbent not seeking re-election Closest races Seats where the margin of victory was under 10%: Detailed results Overview District 1 2nd term incumbent Republican Representative Phillip Pettus has represented Alabama House of Representatives 1st District since November 2014. He is running for reelection. Maurice McCaney is running as a Republican candidate, so that there have two candidate that need a Republican primary election. Democratic primary and general election were canceled by the Republican candidate was the only candidate in general election. District 2 3rd term incumbent Republican Representative Lynn Greer has represented Alabama 2nd State House of Representatives District since November 2010. He announced not seeking for reelection. Jason Black, Kimberly Butler, Ben Harrison and Terrance Irelan are running as Republican candidates so there are a Republican primary election. Democratic primary and general election were canceled by the Republican candidate was the only candidate in general election. District 3 1st term incumbent Republican Representative Andrew Sorrell has represented Alabama House of Representatives 3rd District since November 2018. He is retiring to run for state auditor. Fred Joly and Kerry Underwood are running as Republican candidates so there are a Republican primary election. Susan Bentley and Wesley Thompson are running as Democratic candidates so there are a Democratic primary election. District 4 2nd term incumbent Republican Representative Parker Moore has represented Alabama House of Representatives 4th District since May 2018. He is running for reelection. Sheila Banister and Terrance Irelan are running as Republican candidates so there are a Republican primary election. No other candidates running. Democratic primary and general election were canceled by the Republican candidate was the only candidate in general election. District 5 2nd term incumbent Republican Representative Danny Crawford has represented Alabama House of Representatives 5th District since 2016. All the elections were canceled by he is the only candidate for elections, he was reelected for his 2nd term. District 6 1st term incumbent Republican Representative Andy Whitt has represented Alabama House of Representatives 6th District since November 2018. He is running for reelection. He is the only Republican candidate in the elections, so the Republican primary is canceled. Andy Whitt is running as a Democratic candidate in the general election. District 7 1st term incumbent Republican Representative Proncey Robertson has represented Alabama House of Representatives 7th District since November 2018. He is running for reelection. Ernie Yarbrough is running as a Republican candidate, so that there have two candidate that need a Republican primary election. Mose Jones Jr. is running as only Democratic candidate, so that Democratic primary was canceled. Mose Jones Jr. is running as a Democratic candidate in the general election. District 8 3rd term incumbent Republican Representative Terri Collins has represented Alabama House of Representatives 8th District since November 2010. He is running for reelection. All the elections were canceled by he is the only candidate for elections, he was reelected for his 4th term. District 9 1st term incumbent Republican Representative Scott Stadthagen has represented Alabama House of Representatives 9th District since November 2018. He is running for reelection. All the elections were canceled by he is the only candidate for elections, he was reelected for his 2nd term. District 10 5th term incumbent Republican Representative Mike Ball has represented Alabama House of Representatives 10th District since November 2002. He is retiring. Retired colonel .David Cole and Anson Knowles are running as Republican candidates so there are a Republican primary election. Marilyn Lands is only Democratic candidate, so Democratic primary was canceled. Marilyn Lands is running as a Democratic candidate in the general election. District 11 3rd term incumbent Republican Representative Randall Shedd has represented Alabama House of Representatives 11th District since 2013. He is running for reelection. All the elections were canceled by he is the only candidate for elections, he was reelected for his 4th term. District 12 2nd term incumbent Republican Representative Corey Harbison has represented Alabama House of Representatives 12th District since November 2014. He is running for reelection. He is the only Republican candidate in the elections, so the Republican primary is canceled. Mose Jones Jr. is running as only Democratic candidate, so that Democratic primary was canceled. District 13 2nd term incumbent Republican Representative Connie Rowe has represented Alabama House of Representatives 13th District since November 2014. He resigned in January 2022. Greg Barnes, Keith Davis, Matt Dozier, Charlie Waits and Matt Woods running as a Republican candidate so there are a Republican primary election. Democratic primary and general election were canceled by the Republican candidate was the only candidate in general election. District 14 1st term incumbent Republican Representative Tim Wadsworth has represented Alabama House of Representatives 14th District since November 2018. He is running for reelection. Cory Franks and Tom Fredricks are running as a Republican candidate, so that there have three candidate that need a Republican primary election. Democratic primary and general election were canceled by the Republican candidate was the only candidate in general election. District 15 3rd term incumbent Republican Representative Allen Farley has represented Alabama House of Representatives 15th District since November 2010. He announced no seeking for reelection. Leigh Hulsey and Brad Tompkins are running as a Republican candidate, so that there have three candidate that need a Republican primary election. Richard Rouco is only Democratic candidate, so Democratic primary was canceled. Richard Rouco is running as a Democratic candidate in general election. District 16 2rd term incumbent Republican Representative Kyle South has represented Alabama House of Representatives 16th District since 2015. He is running for reelection. All the elections were canceled by he is the only candidate for elections, he was reelected for his 3nd term. District 17 1st term incumbent Republican Representative Tracy Estes has represented Alabama House of Representatives 17th District since November 2018. He is running for reelection. All the elections were canceled by he is the only candidate for elections, he was reelected for his 2nd term. District 18 1st term incumbent Republican Representative Jamie Kiel has represented Alabama House of Representatives 18th District since November 2018. All the elections were canceled by he is the only candidate for elections, he was reelected for his 2nd term. District 19 8th term incumbent Democratic Representative Laura Hall has represented Alabama House of Representatives 19th District since 1993. All the elections were canceled by he is the only candidate for elections, he was reelected for his 9th term. District 20 9th term incumbent Republican Representative Howard Sanderfordhas represented Alabama House of Representatives 20th District since 1989. He announced no seeking for reelection. James Brown, James Lomax, Angela McClure and Frances Taylor are running as a Republican candidate, so that there have four candidates that need a Republican primary election. Democratic primary and general election were canceled by the Republican candidate was the only candidate in general election. District 21 2nd term incumbent Republican Representative Rex Reynolds has represented Alabama House of Representatives 21st District since March 2018. All the elections were canceled by he is the only candidate for elections, he was reelected for his 3rd term. District 22 2nd term incumbent Republican Representative Ritchie Whorton has represented Alabama House of Representatives 22nd District since November 2014. He is running for reelection. All the elections were canceled by he is the only candidate for elections, he was reelected for his 3rd term. District 23 2nd term incumbent Republican Representative Tommy Hanes has represented Alabama House of Representatives 23rd District since November 2014. He is running for reelection. Mike Kirkland is running as a Republican candidate, so that there have two candidate that need a Republican primary election. Democratic primary and general election were canceled by the Republican candidate was the only candidate in general election. District 24 2nd term incumbent Republican Representative Nathaniel Ledbetter has represented Alabama House of Representatives 24th District since November 2014. He also represented as Majority leader sine 2017. He is running for reelection. Don Stout is running as a Republican candidate, so that there have two candidate that need a Republican primary election. Democratic primary and general election were canceled by the Republican candidate was the only candidate in general election. District 25 4th term incumbent Republican Representative Mac McCutcheon has represented Alabama House of Representatives 25th District since November 2006. He announced not seeking for reelection. Buck Clemons and Phillip Rigsby are running as Republican candidates so there are a Republican primary election. Mallory Hagan is running as only Democratic candidate, so that Democratic primary was canceled. Mallory Hagan is running as a Democratic candidate in the general election. District 26 3rd term incumbent Republican Representative Kerry Rich has represented Alabama House of Representatives 26th District since November 2010. He is retiring. Brock Colvin, Annette Holcomb and Todd Mitchem are running as Republican candidates so there are a Republican primary election. Ben Alford is running as only Democratic candidate, so that Democratic primary was canceled. Ben Alford is running as a Democratic candidate in the general election. District 27 1st term incumbent Republican Representative Wes Kitchens has represented Alabama House of Representatives 27th District since November 2018. He is running for reelection. He is the only Republican candidate in the elections, so the Republican primary is canceled. He is running as a Republican candidate in general election. Herb Neu is running as a Democratic candidate in the general election.]] is running as only Democratic candidate, so that Democratic primary was canceled. Herb Neu is running as a Democratic candidate in the general election. District 28 1st term incumbent Republican Representative Gil Isbell has represented Alabama House of Representatives 28th District since November 2018.He is running for reelection. Mack Butler is running as a Republican candidate, so that there have two candidate that need a Republican primary election. Democratic primary and general election were canceled by the Republican candidate was the only candidate in general election. District 29 3rd term incumbent Republican Representative Becky Nordgren has represented Alabama House of Representatives 29th District since November 2010. She resigned to be come Etowah County's revenue commissioner. Since she left office thus seat has no member service. Mark Gidley, Jamie Grant and Steve Reagan are running as a Republican candidate, so that there have two candidate that need a Republican primary election. Democratic primary and general election were canceled by the Republican candidate was the only candidate in general election. District 30 1st term incumbent Republican Representative Craig Lipscomb has represented Alabama House of Representatives 30th District since November 2018. He is running for reelection. All the elections were canceled by he is the only candidate for elections, he was reelected for his 2nd term. District 31 3rd term incumbent Republican Representative Mike Holmes has represented Alabama House of Representatives 31st District since January 2014. He announced no seeking for reelection. R.T. Barksdale, Chadwick Smith and Troy Stubbs are running as a Republican candidate, so that there have three candidate that need a Republican primary election. Democratic primary and general election were canceled by the Republican candidate was the only candidate in general election. District 32 8th term incumbent Democratic Representative Barbara Boyd has represented Alabama House of Representatives 32nd District since January 1994. He is running for reelection. He is the only Democratic candidate in the elections, so the Democratic primary is canceled. He is running as a Democratic candidate in general election. Evan Jackson is running as only Republican candidate, so that Republican primary was canceled. Evan Jackson is running as a Republican candidate in the general election. District 33 10th term incumbent Republican Representative Ronald Johnson has represented Alabama House of Representatives 33rd District since January 1984.He died in office in July 2020. He was replaced by Ben Robbins on 2021. Robbins is running for reelection. He is the only Republican candidate in the elections, so the Republican primary is canceled. He is running as a Republican candidate in general election. Fred Crum is running as only Democratic candidate, so that Democratic primary was canceled. Fred Crum is running as a Democratic candidate in the general election. District 34 3rd term incumbent Republican Representative David Standridge has represented Alabama House of Representatives 34th District since 2012. He is running for reelection. All the elections were canceled by he is the only candidate for elections,so he was reelected for his 4th term. District 35 7th term incumbent Republican Representative Steve Hurst has represented Alabama House of Representatives 35th District since January 1998. He is running for reelection. All the elections were canceled by he is the only candidate for elections,so he was reelected for his 8th term. District 36 6th term incumbent Republican Representative Randy Wood has represented Alabama House of Representatives 36th District since February 2002. He is running for reelection. All the elections were canceled by he is the only candidate for elections,so he was reelected for his 7th term. District 37 2nd term incumbent Republican Representative Bob Fincher has represented Alabama House of Representatives 37th District since November 2014. He is running for reelection. All the elections were canceled by he is the only candidate for elections,so he was reelected for his 3rd term. District 38 1st term incumbent Republican Representative Debbie Wood has represented Alabama House of Representatives 38th District since November 2018. He is running for reelection Micah Messer is running as a Republican candidate, so that there have two candidate that need a Republican primary election. Democratic primary and general election were canceled by the Republican candidate was the only candidate in general election. District 39 1st term incumbent Republican Representative Ginny Shaver has represented Alabama House of Representatives 39th District since November 2018. He is running for reelection. Brent Rhodes is running as a Republican candidate, so that there have two candidate that need a Republican primary election. Democratic primary and general election were canceled by the Republican candidate was the only candidate in general election. District 40 4th term incumbent Republican Representative K. L. Brown has represented Alabama House of Representatives 40th District since February 2010. He announced no seeking for reelection. Gayla Blanton, Julie Borrelli, Katie Exum, Bill Lester, Bill McAdams, Chad Robertson and Jakob Williamson running as a Republican candidate so there are a Republican primary election. Pam Howard is the only Democratic candidate, so Democratic primary was canceled. Pam Howard is running as a Democratic candidate in general election. District 41 2nd term incumbent Republican Representative Corley Ellis has represented Alabama House of Representatives 41st District since 2016. He is running for reelection. He is the only Republican candidate in the elections, so the Republican primary is canceled. He is running as a Republican candidate in general election. Chris Nelson is running as only Democratic candidate, so that Democratic primary was canceled. Chris Nelson is running as a Democratic candidate in the general election. District 42 2nd term incumbent Republican Representative Jimmy Martin has represented Alabama House of Representatives 42nd District since November 2014. He died on 2019. He succeeded by Ivan Smith on 2019. He is running for reelection. All the elections were canceled by he is the only candidate for elections,so he was reelected for his 3rd term. District 43 2nd term incumbent Republican Representative Arnold Mooney has represented Alabama House of Representatives 43rd District since November 2014. He is running for reelection. He is the only Republican candidate in the elections, so the Republican primary is canceled. He is running as a Republican candidate in general election. Prince Cleveland is running as only Democratic candidate, so that Democratic primary was canceled. Prince Cleveland is running as a Democratic candidate in the general election. District 44 2nd term incumbent Republican Representative Danny Garrett has represented Alabama House of Representatives 44th District since November 2014. He is running for reelection. All the elections were canceled by he is the only candidate for elections,so he was reelected for his 3rd term. District 45 3rd term incumbent Republican Representative Dickie Drake has represented Alabama House of Representatives 45th District since 2011. He is running for reelection. Susan DuBose is running as a Republican candidate, so that there have two candidate that need a Republican primary election. Democratic primary and general election were canceled by the Republican candidate was the only candidate in general election. District 46 2nd term incumbent Republican Representative David Faulkner has represented Alabama House of Representatives 46th District since November 2014. He is running for reelection. All the elections were canceled by he is the only candidate for elections,so he was reelected for his 3rd term. District 47 1st term incumbent Republican Representative David Wheeler has represented Alabama House of Representatives 47th District since November 2018. He is running for reelection. He is the only Republican candidate in the elections, so the Republican primary is canceled. He is running as a Republican candidate in general election. Christian Coleman and Jim Toomey are running as a Democratic candidate, so that there have three candidate that need a Democratic primary election. District 48 3rd term incumbent Republican Representative Jim Carns has represented Alabama House of Representatives 48th District since November 2018. He is running for reelection. William Wentowski is running as a Republican candidate, so that there have two candidate that need a Republican primary election. Democratic primary and general election were canceled by the Republican candidate was the only candidate in general election. District 49 2nd term incumbent Republican Representative April Weaver has represented Alabama House of Representatives 49th District since November 2014. She resigned on 2020. She succeeded by Russell Bedsole on 2021. He is running for reelection. Michael Hart is running as a Republican candidate, so that there have two candidate that need a Republican primary election. Democratic primary and general election were canceled by the Republican candidate was the only candidate in general election. District 50 3rd term incumbent Republican Representative Jim Hill has represented the Alabama House of Representatives 50th District since November 2014. He is seeking reelection. All other campaigns were canceled by his opponents making him the only candidate up for election, so he was reelected for his 4th term. District 51 4th term incumbent Republican Representative Allen Treadaway has represented Alabama House of Representatives 51st District since November 2006. He is running for reelection. All the elections were canceled by he is the only candidate for elections,so he was reelected for his 5th term. District 52 10th term incumbent Democratic Representative John Rogers has represented Alabama House of Representatives 52nd District since November 1982. He is running for reelection. Latanya Millhouse is running as a Democratic candidate, so that there have two candidate that need a Democratic primary election. Republican primary and general election were canceled by the Democrat candidate was the only candidate in general election. District 53 2nd term incumbent Democratic Representative Anthony Daniels has represented Alabama House of Representatives 53rd District since 2014. He also represented as Minority Leader sine 2017. He is running for reelection. All the elections were canceled by he is the only candidate for elections,so he was reelected for his 3nd term. District 54 1st term incumbent Democratic Representative Neil Rafferty has represented Alabama House of Representatives 54th District since November 2018. He is running for reelection. Brit Blalock and Edward Maddox are running as a Democratic candidate, so that there have two candidate that need a Democratic primary election. Republican primary and general election were canceled by the Democrat candidate was the only candidate in general election. ) District 55 5th term incumbent Democratic Representative Rod Scott has represented Alabama House of Representatives 55th District since before February 13, 2006. He is running for reelection. Travis Hendrix, Phyllis Oden-Jones, Fred Plump and Antwon Womack are running as a Democratic candidate, so that there have two candidate that need a Democratic primary election. Republican primary and general election were canceled by the Democrat candidate was the only candidate in general election. District 56 2nd term incumbent Democratic Representative Louise Alexander has represented Alabama House of Representatives 56th District since November 2014. He announced no seeking for reelection. Tereshia Huffman, Cleo King, Jesse Matthews and Ontario Tillman are running as a Democratic candidate, so that there have two candidate that need a Democratic primary election. Republican primary and general election were canceled by the Democrat candidate was the only candidate in general election. District 57 5th term incumbent Democratic Representative Merika Coleman has represented Alabama House of Representatives 57th District since November 2002. He is retiring to run Alabama Senator. Delor Baumann is running as the only Republican candidate in the elections, so the Republican primary is canceled. He is running as a Republican candidate in general election. Kevin Dunn, Patrick Sellers and Charles Winston III are running as a Democratic candidate, so that there have three candidate that need a Democratic primary election. Danny Wilson is running as the only Republican candidate in the elections, so the Libertarian primary is canceled. He is running as a Libertarian candidate in general election. District 58 2nd term incumbent Democratic Representative Rolanda Hollis has represented Alabama House of Representatives 58th District since 2017. He is running for reelection. All the elections were canceled by he is the only candidate for elections,so he was reelected for his 3nd term. District 59 6th term incumbent Democratic Representative Mary Moore has represented Alabama House of Representatives 59th District since before February 13, 2002. He is running for reelection. All the elections were canceled by he is the only candidate for elections,so he was reelected for his 7th term. District 60 3rd term incumbent Democratic Representative Juandalynn Givan has represented Alabama House of Representatives 60th District since November 2010. He is running for reelection. Nina Taylor is running as a Democratic candidate, so that there have two candidate that need a Democratic primary election. Republican primary and general election were canceled by the Democrat candidate was the only candidate in general election. District 61 1st term incumbent Republican Representative Rodney Sullivan has represented Alabama House of Representatives 61st District since November 2018. He announced that he would not seek for reelection. Retired Northport police captain Ron Bolton is seeking the Republican nomination. Ron Bolton and Kimberly Madison are running as a Republican candidate, so that there have two candidate that need a Republican primary election. Democratic primary and general election were canceled by the Republican candidate was the only candidate in general election. District 62 2nd term incumbent Republican Representative Rich Wingo has represented Alabama House of Representatives District 62 since 2014. He is retiring. Bill Lamb is running for election. He is the only Republican candidate in the elections, so the Republican primary is canceled. He is running as a Republican candidate in general election. Brenda Cephus is running as only Democratic candidate, so that Democratic primary was canceled. Brenda Cephus is running as a Democratic candidate in the general election. District 63 3rd term incumbent Republican Representative Bill Poole has represented Alabama House of Representatives 63rd District since November 2010. He resigned July 2020. He succeeded by Cynthia Almond on 2021. He is running for reelection. He is the only Republican candidate in the elections, so the Republican primary is canceled. He is running as a Republican candidate in general election. Samuel Adams is running as only Democratic candidate, so that Democratic primary was canceled. Samuel Adams is running as a Democratic candidate in the general election. District 64 4th term incumbent Republican Representative Harry Shiverhas represented Alabama House of Representatives 64th District since 2007. He announced not seeking for reelection. Angelo Jacob Fermo and Donna Givens are running as a Republican candidate, so that there have two candidate that need a Republican primary election. Democratic primary and general election were canceled by the Republican candidate was the only candidate in general election. District 65 1st term incumbent Republican Representative Brett Easterbrook has represented Alabama House of Representatives 65th District since November 2018.He is running for reelection Elaine Beech,l and Dee Ann Campbell are running as Republican candidates, so that there have two candidate that need a Republican primary election. Marcus Caster is running as only Democratic candidate, so that Democratic primary was canceled. Marcus Caster is running as a Democratic candidate in the general election. District 66 4th term incumbent Republican Representative Alan Baker has represented Alabama House of Representatives 66th District since November 2006. He is running for reelection. All the elections were canceled by he is the only candidate for elections,so he was reelected for his 5th term. District 67 2nd term incumbent Democratic Representative Prince Chestnut has represented Alabama House of Representatives 67th District since 2007. He is running for reelection. Larine Irby Pettway is running as a Democratic candidate, so that there have two candidate that need a Democratic primary election. Jarmal Jabbar Sanders is running as the only Republican candidate in the elections, so the Republican primary is canceled. He is running as a Republican candidate in general election. District 68 8th term incumbent Democratic Representative Thomas Jackson has represented Alabama House of Representatives 68th District since February 1994. He is running for reelection He is the only Democratic candidate in the general election, so the Democratic primary is canceled. He is running as a Democratic candidate in general election. Fred Kelley is running as only Republican candidate, so that Republican primary was canceled. Fred Kelley is running as a Republican candidate in the general election. District 69 2nd term incumbent Democratic Representative Kelvin Lawrence has represented Alabama House of Representatives 69th District since November 2014. He is running for reelection. He is the only Democratic candidate in the general election, so the Democratic primary is canceled. He is running as a Democratic candidate in general election. Karla Knight Maddox is running as only Republican candidate, so that Republican primary was canceled. Fred Kelley is running as a Republican candidate in the general election. District 70 4th term incumbent Democratic Representative Christopher J. England has represented Alabama House of Representatives 70th District since November 2006. He is running for reelection. He is running for reelection. All the elections were canceled by he is the only candidate for elections,so he was reelected for his 5th term. District 71 5th term incumbent Democratic Representative Artis J. McCampbell has represented Alabama House of Representatives 71st District since February 2006. He is running for reelection. All the elections were canceled by he is the only candidate for elections,so he was reelected for his 6th term. District 72 5th term incumbent Democratic Representative Ralph Anthony Howard has represented Alabama House of Representatives 72nd District since 2005. He is running for reelection. Curtis Travis is running as a Democratic candidate, so that there have two candidate that need a Democratic primary election. Republican primary and general election were canceled by the Democrat candidate was the only candidate in general election. District 73 2nd term incumbent Republican Representative Matt Fridy has represented Alabama House of Representatives 73rd District since November 2014. Fridy resigned December 2020. He succeeded by Kenneth Paschal on 2021.Paschal is running for reelection. All the elections were canceled by he is the only candidate for elections,so he was reelected for his 2nd term. District 74 3rd term incumbent Republican Representative Dimitri Polizos has represented Alabama House of Representatives 74th District since 2013. Fridy resigned 2019. He succeeded by Charlotte Meadows on 2019.Meadows is running. He is the only Republican candidate in the elections, so the Republican primary is canceled. He is running as a Republican candidate in general election. Malcolm Calhoun and Phillip Ensler are running as a Democratic candidate, so that there have two candidate that need a Democratic primary election. District 75 2nd term incumbent Republican Representative Reed Ingram has represented Alabama House of Representatives 75th District since November 2014. He is running for reelection. All the elections were canceled by he is the only candidate for elections, he was reelected for his 3rd term. District 76 3rd term incumbent Democratic Representative Thad McClammy has represented Alabama House of Representatives 76th District since 2013. Fridy died 2019. He succeeded by Patrice McClammy on 2021.McClammy is running for reelection. All the elections were canceled by he is the only candidate for elections, he was reelected for his 4th term. District 77 1st term incumbent Democratic Representative Tashina Morris has represented Alabama House of Representatives 77th District since November 2018. He is running for reelection. All the elections were canceled by he is the only candidate for elections, he was reelected for his 2nd term. District 78 1st term incumbent Democratic Representative Kirk Hatcher has represented Alabama House of Representatives 78th District since November 2018. Hatcher resigned 2021. He succeeded by Kenyatté Hassell on 2021.Hassell is running for reelection. All the elections were canceled by he is the only candidate for elections, he was reelected for his 2nd term. District 79 2nd term incumbent Republican Representative Joe Lovvorn has represented Alabama House of Representatives 79th District since 2016. He is running for reelection. All the elections were canceled by he is the only candidate for elections, he was reelected for his 3rd term. District 80 2nd term incumbent Republican Representative Chris Blackshear has represented Alabama House of Representatives 80th District since 2016. He is running for reelection. All the elections were canceled by he is the only candidate for elections, he was reelected for his 3rd term. District 81 1st term incumbent Republican Representative Ed Oliver has represented Alabama House of Representatives 81st District since 2016. He is running for reelection. All the elections were canceled by he is the only candidate for elections, he was reelected for his 2nd term. District 82 5th term incumbent Democratic Representative Pebblin Warren has represented Alabama House of Representatives 82nd District since 2005. He is running for reelection. Terrence Kareem Johnson is running as a Democratic candidate, so that there have two candidate that need a Democratic primary election. Lennora Pierro is running as the only Republican candidate in the elections, so the Republican primary is canceled. He is running as a Republican candidate in general election. District 83 1st term incumbent Democratic Representative Jeremy Gray has represented Alabama House of Representatives 83rd District since November 2018. He is running for reelection. All the elections were canceled by he is the only candidate for elections,so he was reelected for his 2nd term. District 84 3rd term incumbent Democratic Representative Berry Forte has represented Alabama House of Representatives 84th District since November 2010. He is running for reelection. All the elections were canceled by he is the only candidate for elections,so he was reelected for his 4th term. District 85 3rd term incumbent Democratic Representative Dexter Grimsley has represented Alabama House of Representatives 85th District since November 2010. He is the only Democratic candidate in the general election, so the Democratic primary is canceled. He is running as a Democratic candidate in general election. Payne Henderson is running as only Republican candidate, so that Republican primary was canceled. Fred Kelley is running as a Republican candidate in the general election. District 86 3rd term incumbent Republican Representative Paul Lee has represented Alabama House of Representatives 86th District since November 2018. He is running for reelection. All the elections were canceled by he is the only candidate for elections,so he was reelected for his 4th term. District 87 1st term incumbent Republican Representative Jeff Sorrells has represented Alabama House of Representatives 87th District since November 2018. He is running for reelection. Eric Johnson is running as a Republican candidate, so that there have two candidate that need a Republican primary election. Democratic primary and general election were canceled by the Republican candidate was the only candidate in general election. District 88 1st term incumbent Republican Representative Will Dismukes has represented Alabama House of Representatives 88th District since November 2018. He is running for reelection. Jerry Starnes is running as a Republican candidate, so that there have two candidate that need a Republican primary election. Democratic primary and general election were canceled by the Republican candidate was the only candidate in general election. District 89 1st term incumbent Republican Representative Wes Allen has represented Alabama House of Representatives 89th District since November 2018. He announced not seeking for reelection. Marcus Paramore is running for election. All the elections were canceled by he is the only candidate for elections, he was reelected for his 1st term. District 90 2nd term incumbent Republican Representative Chris Sells has represented Alabama House of Representatives 90th District since November 2014. He is running for reelection. All the elections were canceled by he is the only candidate for elections,so he was reelected for his 3rd term. District 91 1st term incumbent Republican Representative Rhett Marques has represented Alabama House of Representatives 91st District since November 2018. He is running for reelection. Les Hogan is running as a Republican candidate, so that there have two candidate that need a Republican primary election. Democratic primary and general election were canceled by the Republican candidate was the only candidate in general election. District 92 1st term incumbent Republican Representative Michael Jones has represented Alabama House of Representatives 92nd District since November 2018. He is retiring to run Alabama Sente. Matthew Hammett and Greg White is running as a Republican candidate, so that there have two candidate that need a Republican primary election. Steve Hubbard is running as only Democratic candidate, so that Democratic primary was canceled. Steve Hubbard is running as a Democratic candidate in the general election. District 93 8th term incumbent Republican Representative Steve Clouse has represented Alabama House of Representatives 93rd District since February 1994. He is running for reelection. All the elections were canceled by he is the only candidate for elections,so he was reelected for his 9th term. District 94 4th term incumbent Republican Representative Joe Faust has represented Alabama House of Representatives 94th District since 2004. He is running for reelection. Jennifer Fidler is running as a Republican candidate, so that there have two candidate that need a Republican primary election. District 95 11th term incumbent Republican Representative Steve McMillan has represented Alabama House of Representatives 95th District since 1980. He announced not seeking for election. Frances Holk-Jones, Michael Ludvigsen Jr. and Reginald Pulliam are running as Republican candidates, so that there have two candidate that need a Republican primary election. Steve Hubbard is running as only Democratic candidate, so that Democratic primary was canceled. Steve Hubbard is running as a Democratic candidate in the general election. District 96 1st term incumbent Republican Representative Matt Simpson has represented Alabama House of Representatives 96th District since November 2018. He is running for reelection. Danielle Duggar is running as a Republican candidate, so that there have two candidate that need a Republican primary election. Democratic primary and general election were canceled by the Republican candidate was the only candidate in general election. District 97 3nd term incumbent Democratic Representative Adline Clarke has represented Alabama House of Representatives 97th District since November 2010. He is running for reelection. All the elections were canceled by he is the only candidate for elections,so he was reelected for his 4th term. District 98 3nd term incumbent Democratic Representative Napoleon Bracy Jr. has represented Alabama House of Representatives 98th District since November 2010. He is running for reelection. All the elections were canceled by he is the only candidate for elections,so he was reelected for his 4th term. District 99 1st term incumbent Democratic Representative Sam Jones. has represented Alabama House of Representatives 99th District since November 2010. He is running for reelection. Levi Wright Jr. is running as a Democratic candidate, so that there have two candidate that need a Democratic primary election. Republican primary and general election were canceled by the Democrat candidate was the only candidate in general election. District 100 11th term incumbent Republican Representative Victor Gaston has represented Alabama House of Representatives 100th District since February 1982. He announced not seeking for reelection. Pete Kupfer, Joe Piggott and Mark Shirey is running as a Republican candidate, so that there have two candidate that need a Republican primary election. Democratic primary and general election were canceled by the Republican candidate was the only candidate in general election. District 101 2nd term incumbent Republican Representative Chris Pringle has represented Alabama House of Representatives 101st District since November 2014. He is running for reelection. All the elections were canceled by he is the only candidate for elections,so he was reelected for his 3rd term. District 102 1st term incumbent Republican Representative Shane Stringer has represented Alabama House of Representatives 102nd District since November 2018. He is running for reelection. All the elections were canceled by he is the only candidate for elections,so he was reelected for his 3rd term. District 103 1st term incumbent Democratic Representative Barbara Drummond has represented Alabama House of Representatives 102nd District since November 2018. He is running for reelection. All the elections were canceled by he is the only candidate for elections,so he was reelected for his 2nd term. District 104 3rd term incumbent Republican Representative Margie Wilcox has represented Alabama House of Representatives 104th District since February 2014. He is running for reelection. All the elections were canceled by he is the only candidate for elections,so he was reelected for his 4th term. District 105 1st term incumbent Republican Representative Chip Brown has represented Alabama House of Representatives 105th District since N 2018. He is running for reelection. All the elections were canceled by he is the only candidate for elections,so he was reelected for his 2nd term. References External links House of Representatives 2022 Alabama House of Representatives 2022 Alabama elections Alabama House of Representatives elections

70045852

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/A%20Thursday

A Thursday

A Thursday is a 2022 Indian Hindi-language thriller film written and directed by Behzad Khambata. The film is jointly produced by Ronnie Screwvala, Premnath Rajagopalan under the banners RSVP Movies and Blue Monkey Films. It stars Yami Gautam, Atul Kulkarni, Neha Dhupia, Dimple Kapadia and Karanvir Sharma. The film premiered on 17 February 2022 on Disney+ Hotstar. Plot Naina Jaiswal is a teacher at the Little Tots Play School in Colaba who has just returned from a three-week leave she took for an unknown reason. The school is located in the front portion of the property owned by her fiance Rohit Mirchandani, who lives there. The parents come to drop off their kids, and Naina requests one of the parents to send a cake, as she remembered that it was their daughter Niharika’s birthday the next day. She asks if their driver could deliver the cake to the school. Everybody leaves the premises, and Naina engages the children into a cartoon film, later drawing up the curtains, latching up all doors, and loading up a pistol. She then calls the Colaba police station and informs them that she has taken 16 children hostage. The story proceeds with twists and turns. Cast Yami Gautam as Naina Jaiswal Atul Kulkarni as Javed Khan Neha Dhupia as ACP Catherine "Cathy" Alvarez Dimple Kapadia as Prime Minister Maya Rajguru Karanvir Sharma as Rohit Mirchandani, Naina's fiance Maya Sarao as Shalini Guha, Naina's student Yash's mother Kalyanee Mulay as Savitri, Naina's maid Boloram Das as Charan Kumar, Naina's rapist and Niharika's family driver Shubhangi Latkar as Kusum Jaiswal, Naina's mother Adi Irani as Police Commissioner Divjyot Kaur as Renuka Dubey Production The principal photography began on 12 March 2021. and wrapped up in July 2021. Reception Cyril of India Today gave the film a rating of 4/5 and wrote "Yami Gautam's A Thursday is the kind of thriller that has been missing from Indian screens for a while". Renuka Vyavahare of The Times Of India gave the film a rating of 3/5 and wrote "Despite a rather predictable backstory, A Thursday redeems itself with its powerful emotional arc and social commentary in the latter half. It touches upon a relevant issue that will resonate with women across the globe". Pradeep Menon of Firstpost gave the film a rating of 2.75/5 and wrote "A Thursday strives to be urgent, relevant and cool, but succeeds only partially, because it stops to make a point far too often". Shubham Kulkarni of Koimoi gave the film a rating of 2.5/5 and wrote "A Thursday is a Yami Gautam show and she does bring her A-game on. But the set up ditches her a bit". Shubhra Gupta of Indian Express gave the film a rating of 1.5/5 and wrote "The chief problem with Yami Gautam film is that we do not take any of this seriously, whether it is Naina brandishing a gun, or snarling and cooing at her hostages. Soundtrack The soundtrack to A Thursday featured twenty one instrumental compositions used in the film score curated and composed by Rooshin Dalal and Kaizad Gherda. References External links Indian thriller drama films Indian action thriller films 2022 films 2020s Hindi-language films 2020 thriller drama films Indian films

70046070

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cornelius%20%22Tenoo%22%20Coleman

Cornelius "Tenoo" Coleman

Cornelius Jessie Coleman (July 5, 1928- February 20, 1973), also called "Tenoo", was an American R&B drummer best known for playing with Fats Domino's band and on many of his hit records. Tenoo Coleman was born in New Orleans. He was raised uptown on Rocheblave Street, in a rough neighborhood known as "The Blade". Career Coleman first sat in with Fats Domino at the Mac Hansbury Lounge on Galvez Street, and joined his band in early 1951. He came aboard about the same time as guitarist Walter "Papoose" Nelson and sax man Wendell Duconge. He filled the chair previously held by Victor Leonard, Robert Stevens, Dave Oxley, Frank Parker, Willie Barbarin, John Cook, and Earl Palmer. After a successful string of hits on the charts only one song, "Rockin' Chair," hit the charts in 1951, in the final week in December. Fats continued touring with his new band. Domino's producer Dave Bartholomew had a brief falling out with Imperial Records owner Lew Chudd over money, so Fats went to work with producer Al Young, a local record store owner. He and his road band, including Coleman, went into the studio in January 1952. Released from that session was "Goin' Home" backed with "Reelin' and Rockin'". The A-side of the disc went to #1 on the R&B chart, and became the first R&B record to appear in the Pop chart, at #30. Domino's band, on the road and in the studio beginning in 1952, was comprised of Fats on piano and vocals, Buddy Hagans and Wendell Duconge on sax, Walter "Papoose" Nelson on guitar, Billy Diamond on bass, and Cornelius "Tenoo" Coleman on drums. Years later Domino remembered this band as his "best ever." He especially valued the hard-driving Coleman. "Tenoo was left-handed and could really keep a beat," Fats recalled, "I used to have him set up his drums right next to the piano because the drummer is where I get my drive from." Tenoo Coleman was Fats Domino's drummer for fifteen years, touring and playing on the majority of his Imperial Records recordings. From 1950 through 1962 Fats Domino sold sixty million records. During this time he established himself as "the cornerstone" of rock 'n' roll, according to Dave Bartholomew. Touring was a fact of life for the Fats Domino band. In 1957, for example, Domino and his band traveled 13,000 miles across the country working 355 shows, many of them sold out. He was the biggest rock 'n' roll act in the United States, but still Fats and his musicians suffered from segregation. Black musicians on the road often couldn't stay at white hotels, eat at white restaurants, were sometimes banned from using restrooms at gas stations, and forced to used "For Colored Only" facilities. In an incident in Breaux Bridge, Louisiana in 1962, sax man Herb Hardesty was beset by a group of angry white men outside a club who mistook his light-skinned black girlfriend for white. Domino's band took cover inside the club as police quelled the altercation. Tenoo Coleman, upset by the encounter, warned Hardesty, "Man, don't you ever do that to us again! Don't ever! Man, all of us could have been dead!" On September 2, 1956, Coleman appeared with the Fats Domino band in its network television debut on The Steve Allen Show. Two months later on November 18 Fats performed with the band on The Ed Sullivan Show. Sullivan showed Fats at the piano and kept the band off-camera. Early the next year on February 2, 1957, Fats performed with his band on The Perry Como Show. Como, like Sullivan, declined to show the band, keeping the cameras only on Domino. Como had the band back on May 25, this time showing Domino fronting his band. In 1957 Fats performed twice, once solo and once with his band, on the recently launched nationwide American Bandstand. These and other TV appearances kept the Fats Domino band in high profile. Coleman appeared with Fats and his band in the feature film "Shake Rattle And Rock"! in 1956. Director Joe Lauro's 2015 Fats Domino documentary "The Big Beat", highlights concert footage of Fats' band with drummer Coleman from the French National Archives . January 1961 saw the Domino band, with Coleman on drums, on a tour of Jamaica, playing at the Jamaica Music Festival in Montego Bay, followed by 10 dates in Kingston. Jamaicans could pick up radio signals from New Orleans and Miami. Fats' records were being played regularly on Jamaican sound systems in the 1950s, and his accentuation of the offbeat is one of the roots of ska. His song "Be My Guest" was particularly influential in Jamaica. Musicians began copying that style in their songs, with the beat eventually beginning to bounce in its own Jamaican way. Bob Marley said reggae had its roots in Domino's music. From February 1957 until the early 1960s Charles "Hungry" Williams was the most in-demand drummer recording in New Orleans. But for Domino's recordings, Fats and Dave Bartholomew preferred Tenoo Coleman. "Tenoo was one hell of a drummer," said Bartholomew, "one of the best drummers in the world..." Coleman recorded for some of Dave Bartholomew's solo releases, and also for Smiley Lewis, Pee Wee Crayton, T-Bone Walker, Billy Tate, Roy Brown, and Roosevelt Sykes. He was highlighted on Herb Hardesty's "The Domino Effect: Wing & Federal Recordings 1958-1961" from Ace Records UK in the song "Rhumba Rockin' With Coleman". The album by Hardesty leading Fats Domino's band was recorded in 1958, but unissued until 2012. Style and Influence Charles "Hungry" Williams first studied drums during the time he spent in New Orleans' Municipal Boys Home. His musical education continued when he studied Fats Domino's drummer Cornelius "Tenoo" Coleman. Williams recalled, "Fats used to play at Bogen's Patio on Claiborne and Forstall, plus he was playing at another joint called the Hot Spot a block away. I got hooked up with Fats and I started valeting for Fats. Because all I'd do is go there and sit there and look at Cornelius Coleman, Tenoo was what we called him. I'd sit and watch him, because I idolized the dude. He was fast, man, fast." Williams continued, "And every time I got a chance, I'd set up Tenoo's drums like an hour before the gig, and I would sit on his drums and practice before the gig started." Coleman, left-handed like Williams, also taught Walter "Popee" Lastie. Walter "Popee" Lastie recalled, "Every month they would have a children’s hour at the Hot Spot. That’s where Fats Domino used to play; and Cornelius Coleman would stand behind me with his hands on my shoulders. He was left-handed and he’d cross his hands and play beats on me, and if I played it wrong, he would slap me! So I had to learn that way." Walter "Popee" Lastie, would later play with Fats Domino, Professor Longhair, and Dr. John. John "Jab'o" Starks was an R&B drummer from Mobile, Alabama. As a young man he was mentored on the drums by Cornelius "Tenoo" Coleman. "A lot of those New Orleans drummers would come through, and I got a lot of stuff from those guys", Starks said. "Tenoo [Coleman] was...as funky as any of them... I learned some of that funk by listening to Tenoo." Starks went on to play with Bobby "Blue" Bland and James Brown, among others. Though New Orleans produced traditional drummers like Baby Dodds and Paul Barbarin, the city was also responsible for the R&B percussion practiced by such players as Cornelius “Tenoo” Coleman Charles and Charles "Hungry" Williams, two important drummers on the New Orleans scene. Author Charles Suhor saw Coleman take on Ed Blackwell in a battle of the drummers at an American Jazz Quintet show in the mid- 1950s. He said Blackwell, "swung lightly through complex polyrhythmic lines, a brilliant colorist and phrase maker with swift wit embedded in daringly sculpted solos. Coleman was the slasher, juxtaposing thickly accented snare and tom rhythms with familiar Afro-Cuban beats of the day all of it bristling with pre-funk energy that contrasted with Blackwell’s Max Roach/ Shelly Manne-style of improvisation." Suhor remembered the crowd responding more vigorously to Coleman, though his own tastes favored Blackwell. In August 1966 Fats Domino and his band played the Village Gate in New York City with Art Blakey and The Jazz Messengers. Blakey admired and befriended Tenoo. When Domino's band was on tour, other musicians stood in the wings to watch Coleman play. Drummers such as Elvin Jones came by to watch Tenoo play. "Everybody paid attention to Tenoo," said Bill Doggett. "He had that funny kind of rhythm that later became the style, that double stuff on the bass drum. The way he played his snare was, in what we call the vernacular now, a real funky beat." Author Rick Coleman stated, "A funky beat meant a drummer who improvised extra beats, not just for show, but to force people to dancer even harder, creating more positive sweat. New Orleans was the home of funky rhythms, dating back to Congo Square and Second Line parades, but notably played by drummers like Tenoo, his pupil Charles "Hungry" Williams, Joseph "Smokey" Johnson, and Joseph "Zigaboo" Modeliste of The Meters." Later Years In the early 1970s Coleman played in Clarence "Frogman" Henry's band at the 500 Club on Bourbon Street, along with Domino band alumni sax man Clarence Ford and bass player Lawrence Guyton. In early 1973, after a show with Dave Bartholomew's band at the Fountainbleau Hotel, Tenoo suffered a stroke and died at age 44. References External links "Rhumba Rockin' With Coleman" from The Domino Effect: Wing & Federal Recordings 1958-1961 https://www.youtube.com/results?search_query=rhumba+rockin%27+with+coleman 1928 births 1973 deaths Drummers American rhythm and blues drummers Rhythm and blues musicians from New Orleans 20th-century American drummers 20th-century African-American musicians

70048809

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mino%20Milani

Mino Milani

Mino Milani (3 February 1928 – 10 February 2022) was an Italian writer, cartoonist, journalist and historian. During his career he also used several pseudonyms, including Stelio Martelli, Eugenio Ventura, Piero Selva, Mungo Graham Alcesti and T. Maggio. Life and career Born in Pavia, Milani debuted as a writer in 1952 and wrote over two hundred books, spanning children's and adult novels, collections of short stories, biographies and historical books. Among his best known works, the giallo-crime novel cycle featuring police commissioner Melchiorre Ferrari, the series of western novels Tommy River, and Fantasma d'amore, a novel adapted into a film with the same name by Dino Risi, starring Marcello Mastroianni and Romy Schneider. Milani was also well known as a comic writer, mainly active for Corriere dei Piccoli and Corriere dei Ragazzi, whose collaborations include Hugo Pratt, Milo Manara, Sergio Toppi, Dino Battaglia, , Arturo del Castillo, Mario Uggeri, Grazia Nidasio, Attilio Micheluzzi. As a journalist, Milano worked for important publications such as Corriere della Sera and La Domenica del Corriere, and was editor-in-chief of the daily newspaper La Provincia Pavese. He died in Pavia on 10 February 2022, at the age of 94. References External links Mino Milani at Goodreads Mino Milani at Open Library 1928 births 2022 deaths 20th-century Italian journalists 21st-century Italian journalists Italian comics writers People from Pavia

70049180

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Praskovya%20Savelieva

Praskovya Savelieva

Praskovya "Pasha" Ivanovna Savelieva was a Soviet underground partisan during World War II who was awarded the Order of Lenin for her actions. Biography Savelieva was born on 5 October 1918 in the village of Zarubino in the province of Tver. She graduated from school in Rzhev in 1936, then attended the Moscow Institute of Credit and Economics. During World War II, she refused to evacuate from the city of Lutsk in Ukraine where she was living. After the city was occupied, she immediately began an underground group in the fall of 1941 alongside V.V. Izmailov. Members of the group distributed leaflets, helped Soviet POWs escape from German prisons, and stole German documents and medicine. After the death of Izmailov, Savelieva became the sole leader of the underground group. In the spring of 1943, Savelieva's group was able to establish contact with partisans under the command of Dmitry Medvedev. During this time, the mission of Savelieva's group began to change drastically. Collaborating with the partisans, the group used a detailed map of Lutsk to identify military facilities and begin engaging in sabotage. These actions included sabotage of a railway and stealing a sample of an experimental chemical weapon to send back to Moscow. On 22 December 1943, a collaborationist turned in a tip to the Gestapo which led to Savelieva being arrested by the secret police. On 12 January 1944, after severe torture and interrogation, she was burned alive in the courtyard of a former Catholic monastery in Lutsk. Before her death, on the wall of her cell, she scrawled a note with a nail which, when translated, read: Awards Order of Lenin (1945, posthumously) Memorials Numerous memorials and buildings have been created or named for Praskovya Savelieva. Selected memorials and events are listed here. Soviet period A museum was dedicated to Savelieva in Rzhev, which is now a children's library. In 1965, a street in Rzhev was named for Savelieva. Additionally, in Lutsk, Polyarnaya Street was renamed Pasha Savelyeva Street. In 1972, a bronze monument was erected at the site of Savelieva's death through fundraising by the citizens of Lutsk. Since 1975, all-Union motorsport competitions have been held in Lutsk, with athletes competing for the Pasha Savelieva Prize. In 1977, an illustrated stamped envelope was issued which depicts the Pasha Savelieva monument in Lutsk. Post-Soviet period In May 2006, an attempt was made to steal the Pasha Savelieva monument in Lutsk. It was thrown off its pedestal and damaged. The sculpture was repaired and reinstalled, but in August of the same year it was stolen again and has not been found since. In 2007, Pasha Savelieva Street in Lutsk was renamed to Galshka Gulevichevna Street. References Bibliography T. Gladkov, A. Lukin. Girl from Rzhev. - M . Young Guard, 1974 Gavrilyuk V. The heroine of the Lutsk underground. Philately of the USSR. - 1981. - No. 4. - P. 57. Soviet partisans in Ukraine World War II prisoners of war held by Germany 1918 births 1944 deaths

70050432

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Main%20Street%20%28Yarmouth%2C%20Maine%29

Main Street (Yarmouth, Maine)

Main Street is a historic street in Yarmouth, Maine, United States. It is part of the State Route 115 (SR 115), the eastern terminus of which is in Yarmouth at the intersection of Marina Road and Lafayette Street (SR 88), at the town's harbor (Lower Falls) area. Its western end is a merging with Walnut Hill Road in North Yarmouth, at which point SR 115 continues west. At Elm Street, Main Street continues as West Main Street into North Yarmouth, and as East Main Street from Lower Falls to Granite Street, to the north. Between Lower Falls and Upper Village, Main Street is about long and sits about above sea level. The annual Yarmouth Clam Festival attracts around 120,000 people (around fourteen times its population) over the course of the three-day weekend and is centered on Main Street. Architecture East Main Street East Main Street (which joins State Route 88 at the foot of the hill) crosses the bridge at the First Falls and has been a route to the northeastern part of Yarmouth (and into Freeport) since the founding of the town. 35 East Main Street was built in 1848. Its brick basement was once used as a store. Shipbuilder Jeremiah Baker lived here between 1857 and around 1871. 38 East Main Street was built by shipbuilder Albion Seabury in 1844. Directly opposite, number 43 was originally owned by Jonathan True in 1780, a clothier who owned a store at Lower Falls. It was later associated with Dr. David Jones and David Pratt, one of Yarmouth's earliest shipbuilders. Number 49 was moved here in 1817 by Major Daniel Mitchell and later expanded by Daniel L. Mitchell. As of 2018, the nine-over-six windows, entry door and surround, trim and siding are all original. 51 East Main Street was built in 1810 and was once the home of William Stockbridge, a prominent merchant, ship owner and town treasurer. It operated as the main building of the Royal River Cabins until the 1940s. Number 56 was built, likely by clockmaker Lebbeus Bailey, in 1792. It was also associated with Albion Seabury. Next door, at 64 East Main, is a home built by Augustus True in 1865. Number 68, at the corner of East Main and Yankee Drive, was built in 1780 by Peter Weare, a sawmill and gristmill owner. It has also served as a tavern, a general store and, between 1900 and 1907, a girls’ school. Close to the East Main and Spring Street split, number 96 was likely built by Samuel Buxton and later occupied by Nathaniel True. 100 East Main Street was built in 1810. Around twenty years later it became Asa Bisbee's blacksmith shop. Next door, number 112, was built by Jacob Jones around 1818. Just beyond the junction with Willow Street stands number 129, which was built by Madison Northey around 1865. Samuel Kinney lived at number 148 around 1813. It was built in 1810. Lower Falls 19th- and 20th-century homes and business that existed on Main Street in Yarmouth's Lower Falls (also Falls Village or The Falls) section are listed below, roughly from east to west. Nicholas Grant built the main building of the since-expanded Greek Revival house at 37 Main Street, on the hill down to the harbor, around 1844. Henry Rowe (1812–1870) was the architect of the pink Gothic Revival house at 49 Main Street, which was built in 1845. Rowe also designed The Gothic House in Portland. 50 Main Street, the three-story old Hose No. 2 at the Main Street and Marina Road split (formerly known as Staples Hill), was built for the fire department around 1889. Back on the northern side of the street, number 57 was built around 1813. Next door, number 63, was built around 36 years later, in 1849. 76 Main Street, set back from the road, adjacent to Torrey Court, was built in 1792. The home has six bedrooms, five bathrooms, and sits on 1.6 acres. 73 Main Street, the left elevation of which faces the street, was once the home of Jacob G. Loring. In the building at 82–84 Main Street was W. N. Richards & Co. (owned by William Richards), established in 1864; in the 1960s, Vining's delicatessen and, beside it to the west, George Soule's ice cream shop and pool hall. Across the street, the brick building at 85 Main Street currently occupied by Svetlana was erected around 1848. 90 Main Street, built in 1875, was Barbour's hardware store; later Goffs hardware (1969–2015). Manley E. Bishop's grocery store stood to the east of the present-day Goffs building. Englishman James Parsons' (1811–1876) grocery store, "a two-story building standing on the lot adjoining that where stood for so many years the little old post office". It was here that "dignified citizens like Doctor Bates, L.L. Shaw and Barnabas Freeman often assembled for an evening's chat". Parsons arrived in town around 1860 and married a very wealthy local woman. Upon Parsons' death in 1876, his son, Alvarado H. (1848–1915), took over the business. The post office until around 1905. The first postmaster was Payne Elwell (1744–1820) in 1793. (He lived in the building that is now 162 Main Street, which stands on the former site of the Knights of Pythias Hall, Westcustogo Lodge, No. 33) He was succeeded in 1803 by Samuel P. Russell, David Drinkwater in 1804, John Hale in 1810, Daniel Mitchell in 1816, James C. Hill in 1834, Jacob G. Loring in 1842 and Reuben Cutter in 1845. When the town split occurred, the office name was changed in 1852 to Yarmouth from North Yarmouth. Reuben Cutter resumed the role, and was followed by Otis Briggs Pratt in 1861 and Nicholas Drinkwater in 1866. Lucy V. Groves was appointed in 1868, becoming the first woman named or elected to an official position in the town of Yarmouth. Lucy Q. Cutter succeeded her in 1887, Melville C. Merrill in 1898, Frank Howard Drinkwater in 1911, Frank O. Wellcome in 1914 and Ernest C. Libby in 1936. Cornelius Shaw's Cash Market (1899). The plural version, Shaws', appeared on the sign, indicating it was a family business. At today's 91 Main Street is the former Captain Thomas Chase Store, built around 1819. Between 1895 and 1929 it was Leon Doughty's stove and hardware store, L.A. Doughty & Co. It is now Snip 'N Clip Hair Designs, still with the windows that were installed in 1932. Doughty moved across the street, into the building to be later occupied by L.R. Doherty's hardware store, Barbour's and Goffs, when his business expanded. William H. Freeman's hairdressing salon (located above Doughty's before its move). Freeman lived on Lafayette Street. He had at least two children: William and Jennie. Cyrus Curtis' Saturday Evening Post publishers. The millinery shop of Susan Kinghorn (located at the eastern corner of Main and Portland Streets in the building now occupied by Rosemont Market); between 1942 and 1953 [Harold B.] Allen's Variety Store, then Daken's, Romie's, Lindahl's, Donatelli's Pizza, Denucci's Pizza (briefly) and Connor's. Elder Rufus York's general store (located in the brick building now occupied by Runge's Oriental Rug store at 108 Main Street, on the western corner of the Portland Street intersection; later B. L. Alden's, then (from January 1904) William Hutchinson Rowe's, then Melville Merrill's, then Frank W. Bucknam's Pharmacy (1894–1900). The building became Roger Vaughan's Rexall Pharmacy from 1945 to 1963. (Vaughan's original sign was restored to the Portland Street corner of the building in 2014 but was taken down the following year). York ran the general store with his wife, Zoa. In 1874, the Lower Falls near the harbor was crowded with the homes of sea captains, merchants and shipbuilders. An ornate, circular horse trough resembling a water fountain existed at the intersection of Main and Portland Streets in the early 1900s; it now stands behind the Merrill Memorial Library. The parsonage for the Universalist church was the brick building at 89 Main Street, now occupied by Plumb-It, et al., to the east of Snip 'N Clip. It was built around 1845 by Bradbury True, whose sons owned the neighboring houses. 95 Main Street, a high-style Italianate, is now owned by the First Universalist Church. On the other side of the church, at number 109, just to the east of where Old Sloop (later known as Union Hall) once stood, is an 1850-built Italianate house that was formerly the home of Edward J. Stubbs, one of Yarmouth's most prolific and successful shipbuilders. Lyman Walker (1814–1906) and his son, Lyman Fessenden Walker, owned a general wood and coal business in the lower village. 124 Main Street, which faces the Bridge Street intersection, is the circa-1825 John Sargent House. Next door, at number 128, is a 1925-built house now used as the NYA admissions office. Brickyard Hollow The section of town between the Upper Village and Lower Falls was known as Brickyard Hollow, named for the brick-making business that was located across the street from the Masonic Hall (now the restaurant Gather) at 189 Main Street, which was built in the 1870s. A muddy valley up until the beginning of the 20th century, the Hollow was eventually reclaimed as a civic center by laying down a two-foot layer of black ash, from Forest Paper Company, to level it out. After constructing two new schools, the Merrill Memorial Library and a war memorial, town officials also decided to rename the area Centervale in order to improve its image. The name did not last, however. Sylvanus Blanchard lived in the brick building at 158 Main Street around 1847, before moving to number 317. As of 2018, the original barn is still attached. The cape at 163 Main Street was built around 1843. 171 Main Street, on the eastern corner of the York Street intersection, dates from about the same year. Across the intersection, at 179 Main Street, is a Greek Revival cape built in 1842. A lithograph from 1851, depicting the area of Main Street serviced by York Street, shows the home of George Woods and, next door, the Yarmouth Institute, which he established as direct competition with North Yarmouth Academy. Although it attracted students from as far afield as Cuba, his institute lacked an endowment and closed after five years. Woods sold the building to Paul Blanchard in 1853. It was torn down in 1930. In 1859, while serving in his new role as chancellor of the University of Pittsburgh, a lawsuit involving his dispute with NYA precipitated the split in Yarmouth's First Parish Church. In 1890, Yarmouth built a large new school building on the site of the present, 1975-built town hall and police station. Grades 5 to 8 were on the first floor; the high school occupied the upper level. A three-story high school was constructed next to this in 1900. When all of the high-school students were sent to North Yarmouth Academy in 1930, the building became another elementary school. In 1974, both buildings were demolished to make way for the current construction. In 1903, six years before his death at the age of 76, Joseph Edward Merrill donated the funds to build a new library, while George W. Hammond donated the land from his Forest Paper Company. The architect was Alexander Longfellow, a nephew of the poet Henry Wadsworth Longfellow. Also involved in the library's construction was John Coombs, father of George and Albert. Despite the occasional flood, town offices were eventually established in the library's basement. The flooding was partly caused by the blockage of Cleaves Brook (where today's police station is) — which formerly drained the whole center of town — when Brickyard Hollow was filled in. Directly across the street from the library stood the Dumphy house and barn. These were auctioned off in 1921, creating more public space in Centervale. In 1904, the town's Civil War veterans sought permission to place a soldiers monument in front of the new schools. With funds lacking, it was put off until after World War I (during which 106 Yarmouth residents served), when the project was completed in tandem with a board of trade plan to erect a bandstand. The resulting octagon structure, in the Doric order, was adorned by a plaque to the veterans. The words "Memorial To Men of Yarmouth in War Service" appeared just below the roof line. The structure was inadequately maintained, however, and had to be removed when rotting boards resulted in injuries. In 1929, a new centralized post office was built to the east of the present 1932-dedicated Anderson-Mayberry American Legion Hall (named for servicemen Edgar Anderson and Edwin Mayberry, who died from the Spanish flu while based at Fort Devens). On the left side of this building was the Fidelity Trust Company. The bank failed early in the Great Depression of the 1930s. To the east of the post office stood the Knights of Pythias Hall. It became the Pastime Theatre in the 1920s, then Yarmouth Theatre between 1942 and 1956. Harriman's IGA Foodliner moved here in the late 20th century from its Main and West Elm Streets location. A KeyBank (formerly Casco Bank) and the parking lot for NYA's Priscilla Savage Middle School now stand in its place. During the middle of the 20th century, in the plaza across Cleaves Street that formerly housed a 7-Eleven and, until 2017, Anthony's Dry Cleaners & Laundromat, was the Dairy Joy ice-creamery, in front, and the Korner Kitchen (formerly the Snack Shack) behind it. Across the street, at the intersection of Main and School Streets (in the building filled by People's United Bank), the post office occupied its final location before its move to Forest Falls Drive. Ship owner Cyrus Foss Sargent's home stands at 251 Main Street. It ran as the Village Inn between 1916 and 1920. In 1867, the building at 261 Main Street (across from Hancock Lumber) was built for Sylvanus Cushing Blanchard. Later owners of the house include Joseph York Hodsdon, proprietor of Hodsdon Shoe Company, and Dr. Fiore Agesilao Parisi. 273 Main Street, which stands at the entrance to Camp Hammond, is a "highly-altered former church" built in 1880. On January 2, 2009, twenty-six businesses located at 500 Route 1 were destroyed in an arson attack. The entire block, located near to the point at which Route 1 passes over Main Street, was pulled down shortly thereafter. Damage was estimated to be between $2 million and $4 million. Everett Stickney, of Exeter, New Hampshire, was convicted of starting the fire, along with another one in York, Maine, later that evening. On November 12, 2009, Stickney was sentenced to an eleven-and-a-half-year prison term and ordered to pay $3.7 million in compensation. The building was replaced in 2008 and several businesses have moved in. U.S. Route 1 arrived in town in the late 1940s, shortly after the conclusion of World War II. Upper Village Businesses and residences in the Upper Village and the area around the intersection of Main and Elm Street, which officially became known as Yarmouthville in 1882, are listed below, roughly from west to east. A house that stood at the corner of Main and East Elm was moved to 45 Baker Street around 1890. In the mid-to-late 1870s, diagonally across from where Handy Andy's now is, was Jeremiah Mitchell's "Temperance House" tavern. Mitchell died in 1869, aged about 31. The inn's location later became the site of Wilfred W. Dunn's house, then, between 1959 and 1972, Norton's Texaco gas station. It is now Latchstring Park. After his death in 1811, the family of Dr. William Parsons moved into a colonial home, built around 1790 by its first occupant, Ebenezer Corliss, where the single-story building now stands at the corner of Main and West Elm Streets. The house was torn down in 1950. The existing building, at 366, constructed in 1945 but since widened, formerly housed a pool hall, Edgar Read Smith's grocery store, Harriman's IGA Foodliner, and Turner's Television sales and service business. Sam York's grocery store, located to the east of the Parsons residence, was built in 1890. Like the Parsons' residence, it too is now gone. Adelaide Abbott's millinery shop, located to the east of York's. The building that housed George H. Jefferd's harness shop (today's 358 Main Street) was built in 1890. Isaac Johnson's barbershop was located above Jefferd's. The post office, opened in May 1882. Its first postmistress was W.L. Haskell, followed by Joseph Raynes in 1886. He remained in the position for 28 years, leaving the post in 1914 to Beecher True Lane. Anna Tibbetts Douglass followed in 1919. This branch was closed in 1928, and a village carrier system began at the central office. At the corner of Main and East Elm Streets stood a nail mill in 1807. (East Elm Street was known for a period as Mill Street, before today's incarnation was given its name.) In 1891, what was then Nathaniel Foster's pottery was torn down, after about fifty years in existence, and a new building was constructed. Since then, more than thirty different business or owners have set up here, including, between 1906 and 1935, Arthur and Harry Storer's hardware store, Storer Bros. It was later John Ambrose Griffin's hardware store, and became Andy's Handy Store – named for original proprietor, Leland "Andy" Anderson. In 1935, a 31-year-old Anderson combined the two wooden buildings of Griffin's and an adjacent grocery store (which sold produce "at Portland prices"). Now named "Handy's", it became occupied by OTTO Pizza in 2014. William Marston's dry goods store (founded in 1859; closed circa 1968). Located next door to Marston's was Leone R. Cook's apothecary, where Frank Bucknam was an apprentice. Cook arrived in Yarmouth around 1880. Harold Roy "Snap" Moxcey's barbershop, which he ran with his father Clarence ("Pop"), was located at the corner of Main and Center Streets, across Center Street from the Baptist church. The building was moved around 1990 and now stands on the property of 463 Lafayette Street, across from the Ledge Cemetery. Ernest C. Libby was an employee with the Moxceys for thirteen years before opening his own barber shop on Center Street. To the right of the barbershop was Claude Kingsley's candy-distribution business. A barber shop, beside the Baptist church, was owned by Charlie Reinsborough. The Italianate number 347 is significant for its association with Captain Richard Harding, a sea captain, town clerk and state representative. 343 Main Street was the home of Smith's General Store for "much of the 1900s". It also had a couple of American Oil Company gas pumps just off the sidewalk. 339 Main Street was the home of local miller Amassa Baker, built in 1800. Coombs Bros. (Albert and George) candy and grocery store (located at 298 Main Street in the building between Railroad Crossing and South Street in a different construction than what is standing today). Bert set up the town's telephone service in 1895. Elmer Ring's "washerette" later stood in the Coombs location, and it was he who changed the roofline and façade of the building. He also ran a hardware store, a heating and plumbing service, and a coal yard. In 2020, the town gave permission for developers to tear down the historic building. Captain Eben York's mansion at 326 Main Street (occupied since 1910 by the Parish Office of the Sacred Heart Catholic Church next door). Father Joseph Quinn held services in the barn until it burned in 1913. Where Peachy's Smoothie Cafe stands today at 301 Main Street was, from 1905 until 1913, Bernstein's Department Store. Robert Bernstein, born in Germany, saw his business burn down in July 1913. He reopened the store in a new location across the street. St. Lawrence House – a hotel built, where the Mobil gas station near Camp Hammond stands today, to take advantage of the Atlantic and St. Lawrence Railroads coming through town. Circa 1872, it was renamed the Baker House, after its owner Jeremiah Baker (he previously lived at what is now 35 East Main Street, overlooking his shipyard, between 1857 and around 1871). It was the first of several name changes, including Royal River Hotel (when owned by O.E. Lowell in the late 19th century), U.S. House, Westcustogo House and Yarmouth Hotel. The expected tourists never materialized, and the hotel burned down in 1926. Grange Hall stood behind the hotel. Lowell Hall was in the second story of the stable. J.O. Durgan's daguerreotype salon (located just to the east of the hotel; later Gad Hitchcock's coffin and casket showroom). Alson Brawn's jewelry shop (at what was then 73 Main Street; formerly Sidney Bennett's Yarmouth Market, now Hancock Lumber). 309 Main Street, at the eastern corner of Mill Street, is an 1850s–1880s house. An elm tree in front of Marston's store had a bulletin board nailed to it, upon which local residents posted, as early as 1817, public notices, circus posters and satirical comments about town affairs. Like almost all of Yarmouth's elms, it became afflicted by Dutch elm disease and was cut down in 1980. West Main Street West Main Street (still Route 115) leads into North Yarmouth. The original owner of number 5, the first house on the northern side of West Main, was Captain Samuel Drinkwater in 1803. It later passed to his brother, Captain Joseph Drinkwater. A hospital, run by Mrs Gilbert, was on the site now occupied by Coastal Manor nursing home at 20 West Main Street. One of the two buildings dates to around 1860; the other around 1835. A 1973 survey dates number 17, a duplex, to 1807; however, a town assessor says 1860. 27 West Main Street, the Louis P. Pomeroy House, is circa 1890. In 2009, the owner found a shingle signed by Mr. Pomeroy confirming he was the home's builder (additional marking discovered in 2020 on the house front with date May 25, 1889), John Calvin Stevens and Albert Winslow Cobb are confirmed architects via house plans on file at Yarmouth Historical Society. Mr. Pomeroy grew up across the street and eventually built the house. He is also credited with several other projects including the original Town Hall and schools and Main Street Baptist church. The cape at number 43 was built for yeoman Matthias Storer around 1802. The Alexander Mills House, at number 54, is circa 1796. Cyrus Kingsley lived at number 57 around 1865. A 1973 survey suggests number 60 was built in 1790. 65 West Main Street originates from around 1800. Deacon Jacob Mitchell lived at number 89. It was later owned by Henry Barbour, who operated a dairy farm. There are two brick schools at 117 and 121 West Main, just beyond the Sligo Road intersection. The first, the District Number 4 school, was built around 1841 and repaired in the 1890s. In 1847, teacher William Osgood had 74 students; as such, a second school was built beside the original soon after. The second building was likely built around 1856. Both schools closed in 1992, when Harrison Middle School opened. A large wooden building located at the intersection of West Main Street and Sligo Road, next to the old brick schools, served as the town hall between 1833 and 1910. It was here that the 1849 debates took place that led to Yarmouth's secession from North Yarmouth. 124 West Main Street, which is turned sideways to the road, dates to 1810. William M.R. Lunt was the original owner of number 139, circa 1856. Number 154, at the eastern corner of Bates Street, dates to around 1880. John Cutter, yeoman and grandson of Ammi, was the original occupant of number 163, circa 1795. The house sits at the top of a small hill. 190 West Main, a cape, dates to the early 19th century. A 1973 survey indicates number 195 was constructed in the 1870s. 233 West Main Street is an imposing three-story, fifteen-room Italianate mansion that was built for ship captain Reuben Merrill (1818–1875) in 1858. The home is one of three known surviving works of Portland architect Thomas J. Sparrow. It was built by John Dunham, a local master builder. In 2011, the Merrill family leased the home to Maine Preservation, a historic preservation organization. At the eastern corner of the intersection with Fieldstone Drive, number 284, stands a circa-1792 cape. Formerly the home of Nathan Safford. References Transportation in Yarmouth, Maine Streets in Maine

70050803

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/France%20convoy%20protest

France convoy protest

The French convoy protest le Convoi de la Liberté ("the liberty convoy") is an ongoing protest in Paris inspired by the Canadian convoy protests. They are protesting COVID-19 restrictions as well as president Emmanuel Macron. Officials in Paris and Brussels banned protests relating to the Freedom Convoy, following information from organizers of a similar event opposed to France's Health Pass that five convoys from across France are due to reach Paris between February 11 and 14. French Police intercepted hundreds of vehicles and issued hundreds of fines in response to the protest. Riot police employed tear gas against protesters and arrested 44 people on February 12. The protesters had been armed with weapons, including "slingshots, hammers, knives, gas cans and protective equipment." References External links 2022 in Paris 2022 protests COVID-19 pandemic in France 2022 in France Impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on politics January 2022 events in France Ongoing protests Protests in France Protests over responses to the COVID-19 pandemic Trucking subculture

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/John%20R.%20Anderson%20%28minister%29

John R. Anderson (minister)

John R. Anderson, also known as J. Richard Anderson (1818–May 20, 1863), was an American minister from St. Louis, Missouri, who fought against slavery and for education for African Americans. As a boy, he was an indentured servant, who attained his freedom at the age of 12. Anderson worked as a typesetter for the Missouri Republican and for Elijah Parish Lovejoy's anti-slavery newspaper, the Alton Observer. He founded the Antioch Baptist Church in Brooklyn, Illinois and then returned to St. Louis where he was a co-founder and the second pastor of the Central Baptist Church. He served the church until his death in 1863. More than half of his congregants were slaves. Reverend Anderson helped enslaved people attain freedom by encouraging them to file freedom suits and by raising funds to emancipate them. He was a minister and spiritual advisor to Harriet Scott and Dred Scott, of the landmark Dred Scott v. Sandford Supreme Court case. In 1854, Anderson operated the floating Freedom School, after its founder John Berry Meachum's death, and he lobbied for schools for black children. He worked with a ten-person board to bring subscription and public schools to the city. After ten years, a law was enacted in 1864 that provided funding for four or five public schools. There were four subscription schools also established by that year. He founded the first African American Masonic temple west of the Mississippi River in the early 1860s. Early life and education John Richard Anderson was born in 1818 in Shawneetown, Illinois. His parents had been enslaved in Virginia. As a child, Anderson moved with the family he belonged to, to Missouri. Legally, his past residence in Illinois territory meant that he was free. He moved to Missouri with Sarah Bates, the sister of United States Attorney General Edward Bates. While he was technically an indentured servant, he was treated like a slave until the age of 12, when he attained his freedom. Anderson and his mother Chloe Anderson were emancipated by Sarah Bates on January 25, 1830. As a child, he learned to read at the Sunday school of the First Colored Church, which was established by Reverends James Welch and John Mason Peck. Anderson received most of his education in reading and theology at John Berry Meachum's "Freedom School," which was conducted on a riverboat in the Mississippi River. He sought to take advantage of evening schools in St. Louis, but was told to leave when it was discovered that he was not white. Anderson was baptized at the First African Baptist Church. Newspapers Anderson was hired out as a slave to distribute the Missouri Republican newspaper. He performed so well that he was taken into the office to work as a press roller, and then a typesetter. Anderson moved to Alton, Illinois with the anti-slavery activist and editor Elijah Parish Lovejoy and worked as his typesetter for the Alton Observer. He was working when Lovejoy was killed in Alton, Illinois in 1837, and was an eyewitness to his murder and the destruction of the printing press. Ministry Anderson was ordained at the Union Baptist Church in Alton. In 1838, Anderson founded the Antioch Baptist Church at his home in Brooklyn, Illinois. Back in St. Louis, he established a white-washing business with Richard Sneethen. Anderson was a minister for the First African Baptist Church in St. Louis until he resigned in June 1846. With 20 others, he founded the Central Baptist Church in August 1846. Rev. Richard Sneethen was the church's first minister. In 1847, Anderson became an associate pastor of the church with Sneethen. When Sneethen accepted a new position at a church in Louisville, Kentucky, Anderson became the second pastor, a position he held from 1849 to 1863. More than half of the congregants were enslaved men and women. To walk the streets and attend church, they needed approval in the form of a pass from their slaveholders. Unable to support himself and his family on the earnings from the church, Anderson worked in the City Jail as an assistant police officer for the rest of his life. In 1852, the edifice for the Central Baptist Church was completed at the cost of $12,000 (). Anderson gave one year's salary to the edifice fund and raised the rest of the money. Each year, he held a revival. By the 1850s, Anderson served more than 1,000 parishioners. Activist Anderson was an anti-slavery activist who provided loans to purchase the freedom of enslaved people, preventing them from being sold into the Deep South to work on cotton plantations. The Central Baptist Church acquired two of its deacons after Anderson bought them from the slave pen in St. Louis. They were Merriman Ramsey and Henry Lee. He helped African Americans file freedom suits in the courts. Anderson regularly carried baskets of food and other necessities for the poor and hungry. Harriet Robinson Scott, a member of the Central Baptist Church, sought his advise for their freedom suit. Anderson was also a spiritual advisor to Harriet and her husband, Dred Scott. After Meecham died in 1854, Anderson ran the Freedom School for African American children. With Galusha Anderson, a white Baptist minister, he lobbied the St. Louis school system for education for black children over a ten-year period. Anderson served on a board of education established to provide schooling for black students. It was the first and only board of its kind in the city. The ten members included three black ministers, two black businessmen, and three whites. A subscription school opened in 1856 that charged one dollar per pupil. By 1864, four public schools were established and there were also four subscription schools that operated out of the basements of black churches. This was accomplished during a period when the prevailing belief among pro-slavery and some anti-slavery factions that African Americans should not be educated. The St. Louis Board of Education petitioned the Legislature to enact laws to provide schools for African American children. A law was enacted in 1866 to provide funding for four or five public schools for $500 (). Personal life Anderson met Nancy Barton in Alton, and was married to her on November 9, 1838, in Madison, Illinois. They had five children: Mandy J., Simon P., May E., Matilda, and Martha Anderson. His son, Simon Peter Anderson was also a pastor of the Central Baptist Church, serving from 1868 to 1880 and 1885–1889. He and Henry Mcghee Alexander had become masons during a trip to Boston and was then a member of the Colored Masons of St. Louis. In the early 1860s, he co-founded the McGhee Lodge (H. McGee Lodge) in St. Louis. It was the first masonic organization established for African Americans west of the Mississippi River. He died of poisoning after a druggist accidentally made medicine for him from the root of a plant, rather than the leaf. He died on May 20, 1863, and was buried in the Bellefontaine Cemetery next to John Berry Meachum. A historical marker at the cemetery memorializes his efforts to provide education for African Americans and in recognition for his efforts as a minister and a community leader. Notes References Bibliography 1818 births 1863 deaths People from Shawneetown, Illinois People from Alton, Illinois People from St. Louis 19th-century Baptist ministers African-American Baptist ministers Baptist ministers from the United States

70052605

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/John%20Charles%20Bolsinger

John Charles Bolsinger

John Charles Bolsinger (September 17, 1957 – March 23, 1988) was an American serial killer who was posthumously linked to the murders of three women in Eugene, Oregon from 1986 to 1988, committed after his release from prison for a 1980 murder in Utah. He was never convicted of the latter homicides, as he committed suicide shortly after the final murder, and was linked to them via DNA analysis from Oregon State Police and Parabon NanoLabs in 2022. First murder and imprisonment On March 29, 1980, Bolsinger was living in Magna, Utah when he entered an apartment complex at 8044 W. 3500 South, where he planned to have sex with the resident, 33-year-old Kaysie Sorensen, whom he had met in a bar earlier that day. At some point, it was alleged that she made fun of him, causing him to tie a cord from a clock radio around her neck and strangle her. After killing her, Bolsinger stole a stereo from the apartment and left, leaving the building manager to discover her body on the following day. A preliminary autopsy determined that Sorensen had been strangled, and concluded that she might have been sexually assaulted. A few days later, Bolsinger was arrested and charged with second-degree murder, being held in jail on $100,000 bail. He was then remanded at the Salt Lake County Jail to await trial. The first preliminary hearing was held at the end of April 1980. At the murder trial itself, the main focus was to determine whether Bolsinger had strangled Sorensen intentionally or accidentally. To support their claims that it was accidental, defense attorneys brought in testimony from Dr. Boyd Stephens, a San Francisco-based coroner who said that the woman's death was the result of heart failure caused by compression on her chest. This was questioned by District Attorney Lynn Payne, who claimed that Bolsinger had strangled her after she allegedly insulted him. In the end, Bolsinger was found guilty of murder and given a 5-year-to-life term. Near the end of his sentence, Bolsinger's conviction was quashed by the Utah Supreme Court by a 3-1 decision, citing the state's failure to provide solid evidence that he intended "grave bodily harm" to Sorensen. As a result, his conviction was reduced to manslaughter, and Bolsinger was subsequently set a parole date of April 8, 1986. In December 1985, Bolsinger was one of four convicts who made an appeal to the Utah Supreme Court, asking that they should have been provided adequate research opportunity for their civil cases, which the Utah State Prison lacked, but their joint appeal was rejected. Release and new murders After finishing his sentence, Bolsinger was paroled to his hometown of Springfield, Oregon. Not long after his release, on June 5, 1986, the body of 62-year-old Gladys Mae Hensley was found lying on the floor of her apartment in Eugene by an employee of the apartment complex. Two weeks later, on June 19, the half-nude body of 33-year-old Janice Marie Dickinson was found beneath a tree behind a car dealership's parking lot by an auto mechanic. Due to the similarity of the two cases, detectives believed that the cases were related, but had no clues that could lead to a potential suspect. The Eugene Police Department even hired a retired police chief who had previously worked on the Atlanta child murders and the Green River Killer cases to help, but it was to no avail. While police were investigating the Hensley-Dickinson murders, Bolsinger was arrested for attempting to burglarize a woman's apartment in Springfield in the middle of the night. According to the unnamed woman's testimony, she had heard her dog barking and went in to check, only to find him peering through her kitchen window. She ran towards the living room and phoned 911, and while she was still on the phone, Bolsinger, who by then had entered the household, walked towards her and attempted to yank the phone from her hands. The woman then started hitting him with the phone and a flashlight, causing him to retreat to the kitchen and flee, leaving behind a down vest and a kitchen knife. Not long after, Bolsinger was arrested by a K9 unit and interrogated about the crime, during which he claimed that he had simply knocked on the door and walked away, but, as a result of amnesia, could not remember anything after this point. He was subsequently found guilty and given a 5-year prison term, which he was ordered to serve at the Utah State Prison. He remained there until December 8, 1987, when he was paroled for good behavior. Three days after his release, Bolsinger enrolled at the Lane Community College in Eugene. On February 27, 1988, three months after his release from prison, Bolsinger broke into the Franklin Boulevard home of 73-year-old Geraldine Spencer Toohey, who was talking on the phone with her sister. After cutting the phone lines, he stabbed, raped and ultimately strangled her, before fleeing the household. Toohey's body was found by her sister on the next day, and days after her murder, the Oregon State Police released a sketch of the suspect. Suicide, investigation and identification While he was not considered a suspect in any of the murders, Bolsinger nonetheless committed suicide at his home in Springfield on March 23, 1988, less than a month after killing Toohey. Until 2000, the connection between the Hensley-Dickinson and the Toohey murders remained speculative until August 2000, when all three were linked via DNA. As there were no leads, the cases remained cold until 2016, when the Eugene Police Department contacted Parabon NanoLabs, who created a snapshot of the suspect based on DNA extracted from the crime scenes. Over the following years, the police investigated all possible suspects, eventually narrowing it down to four people, one of whom was Bolsinger. After extensive investigations, they excluded the other suspects via footprints and fingerprints. In February 2022, the Eugene Police Department announced at a press conference that Bolsinger was identified as the killer of the three women and that the cases are now officially closed. See also Parabon NanoLabs List of serial killers in the United States References External links FamilySearch State v. Bolsinger (1985) 1957 births 1988 deaths 20th-century American criminals American male criminals Male serial killers American serial killers American rapists American people convicted of murder People convicted of murder by Utah American people convicted of manslaughter Suicides in Oregon Violence against women in the United States Criminals from Oregon People from Springfield, Oregon

70052647

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Md.%20Iqbal%20Kabir

Md. Iqbal Kabir

Md. Iqbal Kabir, also known as Md Iqbal Kabir Lytton, is a judge on the High Court Division of the Bangladesh Supreme Court. Early life Kabir was born on 10 November 1967. He completed his master's degree in law from the University of Dhaka. Career Kabir became a lawyer of the district courts on 10 May 1992. On 24 January 1995, Kabir became a lawyer of the High Court Division of the Bangladesh Supreme Court. Kabir was appointed an additional judge of the High Court Division of the Bangladesh Supreme Court on 12 February 2015. On 9 June Kabir and Justice Naima Haider ordered Bangladesh Police to take Secretary General of Bangladesh Nationalist Party Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir, who was in police custody, to Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujib Medical University following a petition filed by Fakhrul's wife. On 8 February 2017, Kabir was made a permanent judge of the High Court Division of the Bangladesh Supreme Court. In December 2018, Kabir and Justice Syed Refaat Ahmed gave a split verdict on a petition challenging the Election Commission cancelling the nomination of former Prime Minister Khaleda Zia for the 11th parliamentary elections scheduled for 31 December 2018. Justice Syed Refaat Ahmed asked the Election Commission to accept the candidate of Khaleda Zia while Kabir supported blocking Khaleda Zia from participating in the election. Kabir is the Vice-Principle of the Dhanmondi Law College. Kabir and Justice Mustafa Zaman Islam provided bail to eight accused of attacking a 2002 Satkhira motorcade of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina in May 2021. In December 2021, Kabir and Justice Md Ashfaqul Islam in a verdict recognized the copyright of Sheikh Abdul Hakim, the ghost write of Masud Rana, over the books he wrote and not the claims of Qazi Anwar Hossain, the creator of Masud Rana. References Living people 1967 births University of Dhaka alumni Bangladeshi lawyers Supreme Court of Bangladesh justices

70052914

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2022%20Wellington%20protests

2022 Wellington protests

The 2022 Wellington protests are a series of ongoing anti-COVID-19 vaccine mandate protests and blockades, occurring primarily in the grounds of Parliament House and Molesworth Street in Central Wellington. The protests were inspired by the Canadian convoy protests in Ottawa, which began the month before and are primarily lead by Convoy 2022 NZ. Additional protests in support of Convoy 2022 NZ have taken place in Christchurch, Dunedin, Picton and Wanaka. Since the Ottawa blockade it was inspired by was forcibly ended on 20 February, the Wellington protests are one of the largest remaining in the world, spreading over a large area of Thorndon with approximately 1,000 participants. The protests have gained an international reputation for many protestors' "psychotic" levels of harassment towards police and bystanders. The protestors are a mixed group, but the majority are protesting the COVID-19 mask and vaccine mandates in New Zealand, with others identifying with far-right politics such as Trumpism, white nationalism and Christian fundamentalism. The protest methods have ranged from peaceful to increasingly violent, with one protestor attempting to ram police officers with their vehicle. Protestors blockaded areas around the parliamentary grounds with their vehicles and have occupied the lawn and surrounding areas in tents. In many instances, due to growing numbers of participants, the protestors have camped around the area and on private property, such as in the driveways and gardens of homes nearby. There have been videos of protestors skirmishing with and attacking police, and also several instances of some of them harassing and physically assaulting schoolchildren (mostly from Wellington Girls' College) for wearing masks. There have also been multiple threats by protestors to lynch politicians, such as Jacinda Ardern, Grant Robertson and pregnant MP Steph Lewis, partially by hanging nooses from trees on the grounds. Far-right groups involved in the protests include the fundamentalist Destiny Church led by Brian Tamaki, the ultraconservative anti-immigration New Conservative Party, neo-Nazi organisation Action Zealandia, and the anti-vaccine groups "Voices for Freedom", among others. The Cenotaph had a makeshift shower facility erected on the side of it by the protestors before it was removed. On 21 February, protestors threw faeces at police. There have been incidents of antisemitism, with the Parliamentary grounds vandalised with swastikas, protestors appropriating yellow stars, and messages targeting Jews written on car windows. There have also been several reports of sexual assault from within the protest grounds. The protestors met a range of support, in varying degrees. ACT New Zealand leader David Seymour controversially agreed to met with them- he was condemned by both Jacinda Ardern and National Party leader Christopher Luxon for doing so- and the protestors' demands to remove vaccine mandates were supported by New Conservative leader Leighton Baker and his daughter Chantelle, former Northland MP Matt King, New Zealand First leader Winston Peters, former Māori party leaders John Tamihere and Tariana Turia, current Māori party co-leaders Rāwiri Waititi and Debbie Ngārewa-Packer, National Party MP Harete Hipango and musician Tiki Taane. Former deputy Prime Minister Winston Peters also visited the protestors on 22 February unmasked. Opposition came from Wellington's population, especially those who had been threatened by the protestors or whose property the protestors had illegally squatted on. Ngāti Toa, the mana whenua of much of Wellington's northern suburbs, have vocally condemned anti-vaccine and far-right protestors. They have done so since 2020 for the protestor's use of Te Rauparaha's famous haka, Ka Mate, which is a taonga of Ngāti Toa. Police only began to implement enforcement action on 22 February, during which violence erupted; a car was intentionally driven into police, and several officers were sprayed in the eyes with an unknown "stinging" substance thought to be acid. The response to the protests has been polarised across the world. Many within New Zealand have become increasingly angry with the ongoing harassment and disruption and the inability of authorities to restore order, or to send in the Army to tow their cars. Others criticised the police and commissioner Andrew Coster for their focus on de-escalation rather than enforcing the law; Charlie Mitchell of Stuff wrote that "by standing aside, [the police] have made a confrontation inevitable" and "violent", given the predicted influx of more protestors. There were additional calls for Coster to resign for his handling of the protests. Speaker Trevor Mallard's decision to deter the protestors by turning on the parliamentary sprinklers and spotlights and play "earworm" music such as Macarena by Los Del Rio and Barry Manilow's back catalogue has been met with a mixed reactions, with both praise and disapproval for the levity of doing so. Although criticised as "childish" by opposition parties for his actions, Mallard consulted local residents before playing the music, to their approval. Background The New Zealand protest is influenced by the Canada convoy protest that began on 22 January, when hundreds of vehicles made their way to Ottawa. Other nations have also been influenced by the Canadian protest, holding their own rallies. The protesters are mainly protesting against vaccine mandates and government lockdowns aimed at controlling the COVID-19 pandemic in New Zealand. There are muddled messages with some protesters spreading vaccine misinformation, conspiracy theories, claiming media corruption, voicing Trump slogans and making death threats. The protest contains a diverse group consisting of "young, middle-aged and old, Māori, Pākehā (European New Zealanders), Asians, hippies, gang members, church groups, stoners, naked and clothed." There is no clear leadership within the protest group, with several groups and activists involved in organising the it including anti-vaccination groups "Voices for Freedom" and New Zealand Doctors Speaking Out on Science (NZDSOS), conspiracy theorist Brett Power, far right media outlet Counterspin Media, Bishop Brian Tamaki's "The Freedom and Rights Coalition" (TFRC), far right activist Kelvyn Alp, and anti-vaccination activist Chantelle Baker. Timeline First week On 6 February, Waitangi day, two convoys of vehicles travelled from Cape Reinga in the North Island and Bluff in the South Island to Wellington, departing at 6:30 am. The South Island convoy was led by Derek Broomhall. Opponents sought to disrupt the convoys' journeys by spreading disinformation about travel itineraries on the Convoy's Telegram and Zello channels. In addition, opponents also hacked into the Convoy's Spotify playlist and added songs deemed objectionable by the organisers, including Rebel Son's "Redneck Piece of White Trash," The Offspring's "Why Don't You Get A Job?," , and Peaches' "Dumb F**k." The two convoys consisting of at least 1,000 people arrived in Wellington on 8 February converging on Molesworth Street near Parliament and in Lambton Quay. The presence of motorbikes, trucks, and cars created major traffic jams and disruption in the Wellington Central Business District. In response, Prime Minister Ardern and the Leader of the Opposition, Christopher Luxon, stated that they would not meet with the convoy participants. Despite convoy vehicles illegally blocking roads and occupying pedestrian areas, the Wellington City Council declined to issue infringement notices due to concerns over staff safety. Protesters erected tents and marquees on Parliament grounds, with at least 100 people camping overnight. The next day protesters attempted to push through a fence outside Parliament but were stopped by Police, who formed a ring around the entrance to the Parliament Buildings. Three men were arrested and issued with trespass notices. Police also issued orders for protesters to remove their tents and marquees from Parliament grounds. One of those arrested was the conspiracy theorist Brett Powers, who unsuccessfully attempted to arrest Minister of Health Andrew Little for alleged culpability in vaccine deaths. The attempt to breach the police line outside Parliament may have sparked tensions between the original organisers (who advocated calm) and Counterspin (who pushed for the storming of Parliament). Some participants favoured peace civil disobedience, while others advocated violence and threats against Parliamentary and government figures. An 17-year-old girl was assaulted for wearing a mask by throwing eggs at her. Police attempted to forcibly remove the protesters from Parliament grounds on the 10th February. One hundred an twenty two protesters were arrested on charges of trespass and obstruction. The situation was volatile with two police injured and a naked female protester being dragged out by her hair. About 27 protesters were held in custody overnight after refusing to sign their bail bonds. Following the failed attempt, 900 police officers in Wellington and 150 reinforcements were brought in from across the country. Protesters parked their vehicles the streets around Parliament, leading to the closure of several businesses and the National Library of New Zealand. The Police began working with Wellington City Council parking wardens to issue infringement notices to the protesters' illegally parked vehicles and to prevent food trucks bringing food to the protesters. Some protesters behaved aggressively towards members of the public, media, businesses, and school students including individuals wearing masks. Due to the aggressive conduct of the protesters, the Parliamentary Service, Victoria University of Wellington, the Ministry of Education, Ministry of Justice, the Department of Internal Affairs, and the Ministry of Health advised their personnel to avoid the area entirely. On 11 February, Parliament's garden sprinklers were turned on under orders by Trevor Mallard in a bid to deter protesters from Parliament and convince them to leave. Protesters then started to dig channels to direct water to nearby drains, causing the lawns to turn boggy and muddy. Wellington District Commander Superintendent Corrie Parnell said Molesworth Street remains blocked by over 100 vehicles, including large trucks, campervans and cars. No further arrests had been made that day. In addition to turning on lawn sprinklers on the camp Mallard had speakers set up to play Barry Manilow songs, the "Macarena", "Baby Shark," "My Heart Will Go On," "Let It Go," James Blunt's "You're Beautiful," and pro vaccination messages. Mallard was criticised by both the National and ACT parties with ACT leader David Seymour. Convoy protesters remained at their makeshift camp despite heavy rain caused by the approaching Cyclone Dovi. The Freedom and Rights Coalition also announced that they were sending reinforcements including motorbikes to support the Convoy protesters. Police maintained a presence near the camp while around 100 vehicles including large trucks, campervans and cars continued to occupy Molesworth Street. In addition, bales of hay were brought to mop up the water caused by the sprinklers. Newshub reported a music festival atmosphere at the Convoy camp with chanting interspersed with music. In response, Ngāti Toa condemned the use of their haka Ka Mate at the protest. Police also evacuated a protester who experienced a medical emergency. Due to disruptions caused by the protest, Metlink removed all bus services from the Lambton Interchange and placed additional detours in place. After the cyclone passed concern were raised about sanitation issues arising from faecal contamination and unhygienic portaloos, which had been exacerbated by rain over the weekend. There were also reports of children playing in unhygienic conditions in the makeshift camp. Police attempted to unblock roads around Parliament but were unable to communicate with organisers. To reassure the public, Police stepped up patrols around Molesworth street and other streets around the protest as well as the train station. Parnell also confirmed that the Police were entering into discussions with the New Zealand Defence Force to unblock roads. There were reports of protesters who had been arrested earlier but had bail conditions to not return to the campsite flouting court orders. According to Police, there were between 400 and 500 people remaining in tents, after reaching a peak of 3,000 people. Parnell confirmed that Police were also working to restore the protest to a "lawful protest" by engaging with key leaders and moving vehicles to a staging area in order to reopen Wellington's streets. Second week On 14 February, the Convoy 2022 NZ, Freedom Alliance, New Zealand Doctors Speaking Out with Science, Outdoors & Freedom Movement, The Freedom and Rights Coalition, The Hood NZ and Voices for Freedom issued a letter demanding an urgent meeting with Government ministers and the immediate removal of vaccine mandates and other COVID-19 response rules. In the joint statement, the authors stated that it did not condone aggressive and intimidatory behaviour towards members of the public and offered to work with Police to identify those involved. They also sought to minimise the impact of their protest activities on traffic congestion in the Wellington CBD. The groups also claimed that they were not anti-vaccination but were opposed to the Government's vaccine mandate. Police Commissioner Andrew Coster said that Police would give protesters the opportunity to voluntarily remove their vehicles but warned that time was "running out." He confirmed that the Police had entered into discussions with towing companies and the New Zealand Defence Force to remove illegally parked vehicles. Police and the Wellington City Council offered protesters free parking at the nearby Sky Stadium, to try and clear roads of vehicles. Many protesters were suspicious of the offer, concerned that their vehicles would end up getting impounded if they did so. By the 15th only 40 vehicles had taken up the offer of free parking at Sky Stadium. The Defence Force also confirmed that it was in discussions with the Police over the type of assistance it could provide in removing vehicles. By 15 February, 200 parking tickets had been issued but only one had been paid. On 16 February, ACT Party leader David Seymour became the first leader of a political party in parliament to speak directly with protestors stating "There are some completely unacceptable elements of this protest. But there are also a lot of people out there who are reasonable, are not violent, and simply want to be heard." The opposition National Party lodged a notice of a motion of no confidence in Speaker Mallard over his handling of the Convoy 2022 protesters on the 17th. National's COVID-19 spokesperson Chris Bishop criticised Mallard's decision to turn on the Parliamentary garden sprinklers on protesters and to subject them to Barry Manilow music. The Wellington City Council confirmed that they had issued a total of 335 tickets to illegally parked vehicles in the Wellington CBD. Police Commissioner Coster also announced that tow trucks would begin removing vehicles today and confirmed that Police had appealed to the New Zealand Defence Force to assist with towing operations. Queen Margaret College advised students and staff to take alternative routes to school after protesters had remonstrated and abused masked wearing children during the week. Coster ruled out "enforcement action" against protesters due to concerns that Police action would lead to violence. Police also abandoned an ultimatum for protesters to remove their vehicles with Coster stating that the Police would focus on "negotiation and de-escalation" for resolving the protest. The decision to rule out "enforcement action" was criticised by the National Party's police spokesman Mark Mitchell, who stated that Coster had lost credibility as Police Commissioner. Kate Sheppard Apartments body corporate chairman complained that the presence of the protesters was making it difficult for local residents within the vicinity of the protest camp saying that several residents had moved out due to intimidation from the protesters and noise. The number of protesters and tents at Parliament grew substantially over the second weekend. One of the protest leaders requested former police and Defence Force personnel to provide security at the site. The protest leader also urged participants to stop damaging the Wellington Cenotaph with graffiti. A man constructing a makeshift shower next to the Cenotaph, which some described as a toilet had triggered, led to concerns that the protesters were desecrating the site. In response to criticism, the makeshift shower was moved to a different site. In response to perceived Police inaction, Wellington mayoral candidate Tory Whanau called on the Mayor Andy Foster to advocate for Wellingtonians. She also proposed a "middle ground option" for Police to enforce a perimeter around the protest to prevent it from spreading further into Thorndon and the CBD. Foster subsequently confirmed that he was in talks with staff and the Police on addressing the protesters' occupation of the Parliament grounds. On 19 February, Police began clearing up roads near Parliament while contending with the increased in parked vehicles in the area. On 20 February, protest groups issued a joint statement expressing outrage at the arrests conducted the previous week and demanding that all charges be dropped. That same day, the Police issued a statement that they would be boosting the policing of abusive protest behaviour, traffic management, road traffic controls, and street patrols to reassure local businesses and the public. Third week On the morning on 21 February, Police began installing concrete barriers at eight locations around Parliament to reinforce the perimeter of the occupation. These barriers were designed to prevent more vehicles from joining the protests while allowing access for residents, businesses and emergency vehicles. 300 police officers were involved in this operation. Protesters responded by heckling and assaulting officers, with some officers being pelted with human feces. Police arrested seven protesters and also stepped up patrols in the CBD area. Protest leaders objected to the installation of the concrete barriers and claimed that it undermined efforts to build positive relations between police and protesters. Mayor Foster defended the barriers, arguing that they minimised the protest's disruption to Wellington. In response to rising community cases nationwide, Wellington Hospital's chief medical officer Dr John Tait advised protesters showing COVID-19 symptoms to return home or seek their community health providers. On the morning of 22 February, a car was driven at police by a protestor in an apparent attempt to run over the officers. That same morning, at least three officers were sprayed with acid by protestors, requiring immediate medical attention. Former prime minister Jim Bolger (who dealt with many protests and occupations while he was in office between 1990 and 1997) weighed in on the protest and said political leaders should "get off their high horses" and speak to the protesters. He was critical of Arden's stance to not engage with protestors and thought this was an error as speaking with protesters would nullify a key criticism held by the protestors in that that nobody was listening to their concerns. That same day, Mayor Foster and Paul of the Human Rights Commission met with protesters with the intention of using dialogue to resolve the protests and prevent further escalation of violence. On 23 February, police and protesters clashed on Parliament grounds after protesters removed at least one concrete bollard near the occupation site to let vehicles in. Protesters claimed that about 30 vehicles managed to return to the protest site from Sky Stadium. Earlier, Police had warned that their offer of free parking for the protesters' vehicles would expire at the end of the day. On 24 February, the Wellington protest camp was identified by the Ministry of Health as a "location of interest," potentially affecting hundreds who visited the site over the weekend. By 25 February, Police confirmed that a total of 132 arrests had been made at Parliament. According to Police, the number of vehicles at the Wellington protest site had dropped from 800 to 300 vehicles. Police also estimated that at least 30 children remain at the Wellington protest camp and confirmed they were working with Oranga Tamariki to ensure that children were at the forefront of their "planning and response decisions." That same day, 18 people sailed across the Cook Strait from Picton to participate in the Wellington protest. Prominent anti-vaccine activist and former political candidate Brad Flutey was arrested on 26 February, charged with inciting violence. He was released on bail under the condition that he does not return to the protest or otherwise encourage non-compliance with COVID-19 health orders. He had recently claimed that sickness amongst protestors was not due to COVID-19, but rather electromagnetic radiation. This led to some protesters wearing tin foil hats. That same day, the Ministry of Health confirmed that hospitals across the country were reporting visits from people who had attended the Wellington anti-mandate protest before returning home. The Ministry also described the Wellington protest as a potential superspreader event. Police also clashed with protesters who attempted to removed a bollard. Parademics also treated several police officers who were spat upon by demonstrators. Related protests Picton On 9 February, solidarity protesters gathered in the upper South Island town of Picton. Unlike the Wellington protest, the Picton protest was largely peaceful, with local residents and businesses reporting minimal noise and disruption. Following discussions between the Marlborough District Council and protest leaders on 11 February, Freedom Convoy protesters agreed to relocate from Nelson Square to Waitohi Domain by 16 February. On 16 February, protester organisers abandoned their earlier agreement with local authorities to vacate the site by 5pm and stated that they would remain until the Government's vaccine mandate was lifted. Camp coordinator Craig Tough urged protesters to ignore the Marlborough District Council's trespass notices. By that time, there were at least 150 vehicles including food trucks present at the site. Gang members were also present as well. In response, Mayor of Marlborough John Legett called on protesters to vacate the Nelson Square reserve and stated that the council would work with police to resolve the situation. Dunedin On 10 February, 60 protesters affiliated with the anti-vaccination group Voices for Freedom staged a solidarity protest near the Toitū Otago Settlers Museum in Dunedin. Other regular protests have occurred daily in Queens Gardens. On 12 February, another protest was held in The Octagon. Protesters camped on the site and announced that they would not leave until the Government lifted the country's vaccine mandates. Protesters set up ten tents and two marquees. Local police and the Dunedin City Council (DCC) monitored the protests to ensure that they did not cause trouble. On three separate occasions, Fire and Emergency New Zealand received three call-outs from the police, who had been alerted to fires lit in a brazier by members of the public. Christchurch On 12 February, protesters staged a march to express solidarity with the Wellington Convoy participants. On 14 February, a small group of protesters sent up tents in the city centre's Cranmer Square with representatives announcing that they would not leave until the Government had lifted the country's vaccine mandate. The Christchurch City Council confirmed that it was working with police to liaise with the protesters. Cranmer Square is classified as a reserve under Christchurch's by-laws. On 19 February, a thousand protesters marched through the Christchurch CBD to the Bridge of Remembrance, demanding an end to vaccine mandate rules barring unvaccinated people from certain jobs and venues and objecting to the vaccination of children. Protesters disrupted traffic but Police were not present at the protest. Wanaka In mid February, anti-vaccine mandate protesters occupied Wanaka's Ardmore Street for four days, leading to reports of disorderly conduct and complaints of intimidation from local businesses. Responses Opposition On 9 February, Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern stated that the protesters did not represent the majority of New Zealanders, while COVID-19 Response Minister Chris Hipkins described the protest as embodying numerous issues and lacking clarity. National Party leader Christopher Luxon criticised the protesters for impinging on other people's freedoms by obstructing roads and travel, while the National Party's COVID-19 Response spokesperson Chris Bishop described the protesters as anti-vaxxers who denied the "fundamentals of science." ACT Party leader David Seymour criticised the protesters for trespassing on public property, while expressing concern about the Government's COVID-19 restrictions. On 12 February, Deputy Prime Minister Grant Robertson stated that protesters lost their right to protest when "they threaten, harass and disrupt people and a whole city." Robertson criticised protesters for intimidating school children wearing masks, blocking roads, disrupting emergency and transport services, and shutting down businesses. Robertson also objected to threats to arrest and execute him and other government ministers including Ardern. On 17 February, the five political parties represented in Parliament (namely the Labour, National, ACT, Green, and Māori parties) issued a joint statement stating that they would not talk to the convoy protesters unless they removed vehicles that were blockading Parliament, removed their tents and other structures, and ceased intimidating Wellingtonians. The statement was issued by Speaker Trevor Mallard in his capacity as the chair of the Parliamentary Service Commission. Local Iwi in Wellington including Ngāti Toa have stated their opposition to the protest, with particular regards to the aggressive behaviour by some protesters, and want a "political solution" to end the situation. On 18 February, 19 community leaders in Wellington issued a joint letter calling for the end of the Wellington Convoy protests. They complained about the harassment and intimidation of local residents, city workers, students, the disruption of traffic and local businesses and institutions caused by the protest and occupation. Notable signatories included Mayor of Wellington Andy Foster, Mayor of South Wairarapa Alex Beijen, Mayor of Porirua Anita Baker, Victoria University of Wellington Vice-Chancellor Grant Guildford, Green Party co-leader and List MP James Shaw, and Wellington Central Member of Parliament Grant Robertson. Support While most New Zealand political figures condemned the Wellington protests, New Zealand First leader Winston Peters, former ACT leader Rodney Hide and former National Party MP Matt King expressed their support for the protesters' right to express their opposition to vaccine mandates. On 8 February, the Social Credit Party released a press statement likewise advocating for an end to the government's vaccine mandate. On 9 February, the New Conservative Party voiced support for the Convoy 2022 protesters' opposition to vaccine mandates and traffic light restrictions on social gatherings. The party also criticised Members of Parliament for allegedly ignoring their electors and trampling on people's rights. They called for a binding referendum to make the New Zealand Bill of Rights Act 1990 "supreme law." New Zealand Outdoors Party co-leaders Sue Grey and Alan Simmons attended the protest, and on 10 February released a statement condemning the arrest of protestors. Public opinion polling On 18 February, an online poll of 520 people conducted by Horizon Research showed 30% support the protest and 61% were opposed. On 21 February, David Farrar's Curia Market Research published the results of a poll surveying 312 protesters in Wellington between 19 and 20 February. In terms of origins, 41% of protesters came from provincial cities; 18.9% from towns, 7.7% from rural areas; 17% from Auckland; 8.7% from Wellington; and 6.7% in Christchurch. 55% of the protesters identified as female while 45% identified as male. In terms of ethnicity, 64.4% percent of protesters identified as Europeans; 27.2% as Māori; 4.2% as Asians, and 2.6% as Pacific Islanders. In terms of voting patterns during the 2020 New Zealand general election, 29.8% of the protesters had voted for Labour; 15.9% for the Greens; 15.9% for National, 11.9% for ACT, 8.7% for the New Conservatives, 7.5% for Advance New Zealand; and 3.6% for the Māori Party. The survey found that 76.9% of protesters were unvaccinated; 4.8% had received one shot; 13.8% had received a double shot; and that 2.9% had been triple boosted. The survey also found that most protesters were motivated by opposition to mandates, support for freedom of choice, concerns about children being vaccinated, and the loss of jobs. See also COVID-19 pandemic in New Zealand COVID-19 anti-lockdown protests in New Zealand Timeline of the COVID-19 pandemic in New Zealand My Vaccine Pass Canada convoy protest Convoy to Canberra References External links Ongoing protests Anti-lockdown protests 2022 in New Zealand February 2022 events in New Zealand New Zealand anti-lockdown protests New Zealand anti-lockdown protests Protests in New Zealand New Zealand Occupations (protest)

70053557

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mia%20Mulder

Mia Mulder

Mia Mulder, born April 24, 1993 and raised in Sandhult, is a Swedish left-wing video essayist and activist, mainly focused on transgender people's conditions and rights as well as other historical, social and political topics. By January 2022, Mulder's YouTube channel had passed 90,000 subscribers. Early life Mulder studied history at Uppsala University, specialising in queer history, late 19th century German political history, and medical history dating back to 1750. She has also studied acting. Mulder has worked as a fashion model and LGBTQ educator before focusing on activism. Activism In the summer of 2016 Mulder founded and chaired Transförsvaret (Trans Defence), an activist group for the promotion of trans rights in Sweden with a focus on healthcare. The group published thirteen demands for better medical and legal treatment of transgender and intersex people in Sweden, as well as for other LGBT people and for refugees. In November 2016, a group of more than 60 Transförsvaret activists staged an occupation of the offices of Sweden's National Board of Health and Welfare demanding the end to their classification of transgender people as mentally ill. The activists attempted to hold discussions with the Board's staff and remained in the offices for seven hours until end of the working day when they were escorted out by the police. Writing in Stockholms Fria Tidning Mulder said that the protest had attracted support from several other organisations but expressed frustration with the lack of change and reaffirmed her belief in the necessity of civil disobedience. In January 2017 the group held a protest outside Sweden's Ministry of Health and Social Affairs but were prevented from entering by the police. YouTube Mulder makes video essays on a range of social and political issues from a historical perspective, Many, but not all, relate to transgender rights issues. Interviewed by Dagens Nyheter, she describes a great need for accessible coverage of humanities topics. Mulder has become the most popular Swedish left wing YouTuber and is often classified with the "BreadTube" or "LeftTube" label. She is ambivalent about this classification, expressing kinship with some of the other "BreadTube" channel creators while lampooning the idea of "BreadTube" itself. Mulder's videos are all in English and are more popular in the US, UK and Germany than in Sweden, where video essays are not widely popular. Interviewed following Lindsay Ellis's retirement from YouTube content creation, Mulder spoke about her attempts to avoid internet "drama" saying that she had to filter out transphobic comments made on her videos. Other activities Mulder co-hosts the medical history podcast Leechfest. She livestreams video games on Twitch and on her second YouTube channel. Personal life Mulder is a trans woman. She is bisexual. References Living people 1993 births Swedish YouTubers Uppsala University alumni Video essayists LGBT YouTubers Bisexual women Transgender and transsexual women Transgender and transsexual media personalities Swedish activists Twitch (service) streamers

70054294

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Byadh

Byadh

Byadh (The Hunter) is a Bengali crime thriller streaming television series directed by Abhirup Ghosh and based on Rajarshi Das Bhowmick's story Chorai Hatya Rohoshya. It was released on Hoichoi OTT platform on 11 February 2022 under the banner of Zeoline Media production. Which stars Anirban Chakraborty, Rajatava Dutta and Kharaj Mukherjee in pivotal roles. Cast Rajatava Dutta as Kanaicharan Anirban Chakraborty Kharaj Mukherjee as Bhanu Samaddar Anashua Majumdar as Ornithologist Souman Bose as Souvik Bibriti Chatterjee as Mrinalini Plot The series begins when an unnamed mysterious man is brutally killing sparrows in different villages of West Bengal. Police commissioner sends the case to the Department of unusual cases. This department deals with worthless issues which are considered to be unimportant by the police. Experienced officer Kanaicharan and newcomer Souvik are investigating the cases. Both get deeply involved in the matter and the cat and mouse game begins. Episodes Season 1 (2021) References Bengali-language web series Indian crime television series Thriller web series

70055065

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hans-J%C3%BCrgen%20Krahl

Hans-Jürgen Krahl

Hans-Jürgen Krahl (17 January 1943 - 13 February 1970) was a West German philosophy student and political activist who came to wider prominence as a participant in the '68 Student Protest movement of which, in the eyes of admirers, he was a leading ideologue. His admirers included Rudi Dutschke (1940-1979). He was a leading member of the endlessly fractious Socialist German Students' League. During the middle 1960s, Krahl became a star student and doctoral pupil of the polymath-philosopher Theodor W. Adorno. Early in 1969, after four years during which Krahl treated Adorno as an academic mentor, there was a falling out between the two men, however. This arose in the context of a student occupation of the University of Frankfurt Institute for Social Research in which Krahl was involved. Adorno, as director of the institute summoned the police to evict the "trespassing" students on 7 January 1969. Adorno died suddenly later that same year, eleven days after the ending of trial process that followed on from the events at the institute. Krahl himself was only 27 when he was killed, a front-seat passenger in a motor accident on an icy road north of Marburg, barely six months after the death of Adorno. His reputation as the great theoretician of Europe's '68 movement, able and willing to grapple with both the ideological and the economic mechanisms of mature capitalism, persists among scholars of the political left. Much of Krahl's written work, which included large amounts of material delivered orally - albeit in perfectly formed prose structures - and recorded at the time, to be transcribed onto paper only much later, was published posthumously. Life Provenance and early years Hans-Jürgen Krahl came from a lower-middle class ("kleinbürgerlich" / "petit bourgeois") background in what he later termed "the darkest recesses of Lower Saxony" (aus "den finstersten Teilen Niedersachsens"). He was born in January 1943 at a time when suspicions were stirring among the German people that the Second World War might not end in the promised German victory. Rudolf Krahl, his father, and his mother, born Erna Schulze, were both employed in private sector business. Rudolf Krahl was no fan of the National Socialists during the Hitler years, but nor is there any indication that he engaged actively in political resistance. Where it came to upbringing, Krahl's parents appear to have provided their child with an upbringing marginally more liberal than would have been deemed conventional at the time. Hans-Jürgen was still very small when, probably early in 1944, he lost his right eye during the course of an aerial bomb attack. For the rest of his life he wore an artificial eye. By the time the European war ended in May 1945 the little family had moved to Stettin, but early in 1945 they had joined the flood of refugees desperate to escape from the advancing Soviet army, and ended up back in Sarstedt, the little town a short distance up-river of Hannover. It was in Sarstedt that he spent most of hus childhood. When he was 15 the family relocated to Alsfeld, some 100 kilometers further to the south. After he grew up he would look back on both the towns in which he spent his childhood as archetypal examples of conservative "small-town Germany". According to his own later reports, as a boy Krahl became involved with the "Ludendorffbund", a right-wing extremist political organisation under the leadership (at least till it was outlawed in 1961) of Mathilde Ludendorff, widow of the infamous General Ludendorff 1865-1937. The "Ludendorffbund" was a populist movement dedicated to ethniocationalism and racism and other mystical extremist notions which had fallen out of fashion in western Europe in the aftermath of the twelve year Hitler nightmare, and was in its day regarded as somewhat "niche". By contrast, the CDU (political party), the centre-right party of Konrad Adenauer, of which Krahl became a member in 1961, was widely perceived as the heart of the political mainstream, particularly in the conservatively inclined small town German towns in which Krahl grew up. Nevertheless, as his political journey across the political spectrum continued through the 1960s, Krahl would come to view the CDU, with which he had engaged as an activist member between 1961 and 1963, with much the same level of contempt and distaste that he would epply to the "crypto-nazi" "Ludendorffbund". Meanwhile, he was still living in Alsfeld with his famly when he became a "passionate founding member" of an Alsfeld branch of the "Junge Union", the youth wing of the CDU. University student In 1963 Krahl enrolled at the University of Göttingen to study Philosophy, Germanistics, Mathematics and History. At the same time he joined the Coburger Convent Verdensia student fraternity, By 1964 Krahl had left the CDU Alsfeld party branch. According to Krahl himself, he was expelled from it during an angry disagreement. In 1964 he joined the "Sozialistischer Deutscher Studentenbund" ("Socialist German Students' League" / SDS), an increasinggly radical political organisation, members of which had been expelled from West Germany's centre-left Social Democratic Party (of which it had originally been a part) in 1961, due to disagreements over German re-armament. Rudi Dutschke would join the SDS in 1965, after which the two men successfully led the organisation further away from the traditional political mainstream. By the later 1960s Krahl was widely recognised as one of the SDS's leading exponents of anti-authoritatian socialism. Theodor W. Adorno and the "Frankfurt School" In 1964 or 1965 (sources differ) Krahl switched to the so-called Frankfurt School of the "Institut für Sozialforschung" (IfS / "Institute for Social Research") which at that time was still a stand-alone institution (though it has subsequently been reincorporated into the Goethe University in Frankfurt). The lure was the opportunity to study with Theodor W. Adorno, who would have a decisive and lasting influence on him. In 1965 he began work on his doctoral dissertation on the "Natural Law of the Capitalist Movement applying the definitions derived by Karl Marx" ("Naturgesetz der kapitalistischen Bewegung bei Marx"). The doctorate was supervised by Adorno himself. Sources identify Krahl as "Adorno's favourite student", recalling that Krahl was the only one of Adorno's students or staff members at the e IFS whom Adorno was prepared to debate on a basis of intellectual equality. Krahl was blessed with a formidable memory and power of recall. He was exceptionally lucid. He was massively well educated and eloquent. In terms of socialist political philosophy, he had found the time and opportunity to become phenonenally well-read in terms both of depth and of breadth. He was also hugely respectful of his doctoral mentor-supervisor, from whom he drew numerous key concepts of the "Frankfurt School Critical theory", which he applied in a number of important philosophical-political writings of his own. Krahl's break with his philosophical father figure came after for years. A student occupation took place at the IFS on 7 January 1969 which Adorno and his senior colleagues at the institute invited police to evict. In Frankfurt the public mood in respect of student protests had been somewhat heated for more than half a year, and the police unhesitatingly complied with the request of the Institute authorities. Following the eviction, police arrested 76 of the students involved, including Krahl, the favourite pupil whom by many criteria Adorno had at this point vehemently disowned. Adorno was painfully conscious of the brutal irony whereby "a piece of political theater" had left him identified by many of his students as a defender of conservative repression. He attempted to resume lecturing in June 1969, but active hostility from students who favoured “extra-parliamentary opposition” and who might previously idolised him prevented it. A few weeks later, on 18 July 1969, he found himself invited to testify at Krahl's trial on a charge of breaching the peace. If, as some commentators seem to have anticipated, Krahl was hoping to be able to recreate the Athenian Agora in a Frankfurt court room in order to engage in a very public debate on the fundamentals of critical theory with its most important theoretician, he was disappointed. It is hard to be confident that Adorno was unaffected by the months of ad hominem attacks from IFS radical students who identified a polarised battle between himself and his (formerly) favourite pupil, however. The trial that followed may have been the last straw. A few weeks later he took a break with his wife, visiting Zermatt where, in defiance of medical advice, he took a hike into the mountains and suffered a heart attack. He died in a Swiss hospital on 6 August 1969. Krahl's own death followed only six months later. Sigrid Rüger and the "tomatoes incident" On 13 September 1968 Krahl was involved, unintentionally, in an incident at the 23rd delegates' conference of the SDS which some have characterised as the launching pad for second-wave feminism in West Germany. The conference was held at Frankfurt am Main, which was Krahl's home city and, importantly, home to a number of nationally distributed West German and international newspapers along with many of their journalists. As a leading member of the SDS, Krahl was one of those seated in a single row along the front of the stage, facing the main body of the hall. In the main hall, on one side of the room, was grouped a small party of women from the Action Council for women's liberation. Unbeknown to the conference organisers, the women were on a mission of their own. Not all of them were SDS members. One who was a relatively prominent member within the SDS was Sigrid Rüger, heavily pregnant and highly visible, in addition, on account of her very red hair. Something these women shared was a belief that among the SDS (male) student leaders there was a singular absence of empathy with feminist viewpoints and issues. Another of the women in the group was Helke Sander an activist film-maker originally from Berlin who had recently returned to Germany after several years lving and working in Helsinki. Sander stood up and, taking the organisers by surprise, delivered a speech. There seems to have been some frantic sotto-voce dscussion among the SDS leaders seated on the stage over how to shut this woman up; but in the event most delegates listened in relative silence. It was quite a short speech, but nevertheless managed to tackle in some depth several of the priorities of the feminists' Action Council. It concluded with a rousing plea: "Comrades, if you are not yet ready for this discussion, which needs to be conducted on the basis of substantive issues, then we will have established that the SDS is nothing more than an over-inflated bubble of counter-revolutionary uncooked dough. The women comrades will then know what conclusions to draw." There seems to have been some irritation from the conference organisers that their carefully devised schedule had been disrupted, and there was a firm refusal to allow still more time to be taken up with any discussion of Sander's speech. On the part of the Action Council women there was clearly a concern that the speech might simply be ignored by the conference and thereafter quickly forgotten. Sigrid Rüger, for one, was determined that this should not happen. Afflicted, in the context of her pregnancy, by a powerful dietary craving, Rüger had arrived at the incerence clutching a large box of tomatoes, which she had placed on the table in front of her. She now threw several (according to some sources, three) tomatoes in the direction of the row of male SDS leaders on the stage, uttering an exclamation addressed, according to some sources, to Hans-Jürgen Krahl as she did it. One of them hit Hans-Jürgen Krahl, who was deep in discussion with a neighbour. It was later reported by some that she had been aiming not at Krahl (who was gay and, in a number of ways, the complete opposite of a misogynist) but at the face of Helmut Schauer the SDS president at the time. Thrown vegetables or eggs were a much loved protest device during this period. Preferred targets in West Germany were politicians and other establishment figures perceived by the throwers as more than averagely reactionary. The attention grabbing difference on this occasion was that the thrown tomatoes came from a group of SDS women: their target was the (male) leadership circle of their own student socialist organisation. Krahl was a sensitive man and by this time assumed by many comrades to be suffering from alcoholism. He was deeply upset. "That evening Krahl sat in the bath and cried", recalled a mutual friend, Tilman Fichter, speaking to a reporter: "Then Sigrid came round to comfort him. That's how she was". From the point of view of the women from the Action Council, the tomato throwing incident was a great duccess. The agenda of the feminist activits had recaptured its place the mainstream media agenda which, in Germany, it would retain for many years. Peace prize affair On 16 October 1969 Krahl was back before a court. This time he was charged with "participating in the leadership of a breach of the peace" ("Aufruhrs und des Landfriedensbruchs als Rädelsführer"). He was identified by the court, along with his co-accused, Günter Amendt and Karl Dietrich Wolff as one of three leading members of the SDS who had taken part in a deminstration against the awarding of the "Peace Prize of the German Book Trade" to Président Senghor of Senegal. The court was told that demonstration had taken place outside Frankfurt's (hugely symbolic for believers in democracy) "Paulskirche" on 22 September 1969 without the required authorisation. By this time a number of other pending trials against each of the defendants were building up in the pipeline of the criminal justice system. In respect of the case of the Senaglaese president and his peace prize, the verdict came through on 24 December 1969. The three defendants were all found guilty, and each was sentenced to a 21-month prison term. Krahl's application to appeal the verdict was granted however. In the end he never served any part of the prison sentence. Death Late at night on 13 February 1970 Hans-Jürgen Krahl was a passenger in the front seat of a car travelling from Paderborn towards Marburg the B252 (main road). Conditions were icy and the car was involved in a collision with an oncoming truck near Wrexen (Diemelstadt). Krahl was killed instantly. Franz-Josef Bevermeier from Paderborn who had been driving the car at the time of the collision was taken to a hispital where he died three hours later. There were three other passengers in the car were badly injured. Philosophical development As the star doctoral student of the much admired Theodor Adorno, Krahl took as his point of departure Adorno's "Frankfurt School Critical theory" social critique and built on ideas inferred from it in his doctoral dissertation and subsequent written work. He derived and evolved from it a "thesis of the technical-scientific intelligentsia", which provides definition and impulse for the centrality of "thought labour" and "mass intellectual output" in late-stage capitalist societies. With these analyses, Krahl pursues a line of reasoning already resonating at the Frankfurt School, while foreshadowing analyses which, in the years ahead, would lead many militants and thinkers of the left to dismiss the revolutionary role of the factory worker class as being of diminished relevance. After Rudi Dutschke was shot in Paris "by a protnazi attacker" and seriously incapacitated on 11 April 1968, Krahl found himself expected by SDS comrades to fill the void that had opened up in respect of on some of the charismatic and intellectual leadership roles that Dutsche had hitherto occupied. Krahl's leadership within the SDS differed from that if Dutschke. He tended, some believed, to treat the SDS as "a production facility for theories of the proletariat" rather than as an organisation of direct political militancy. The so-called Prague Spring and the ensuing Soviet-led invasion of Czechoslovakia in August 1968 represented a series of events on which Krahl expressed himself with robust clarity. Like Dutschke, he was powerfully positive about attempts by the Dubček government to re-normalise Socialism outside the authoritarian constraints of Stalinism's enduring legacy. On the other hand, he was openly disappointed by the Prague reformers' vision of and alternative socialist vision which was, he asserted, less than radical. After the Soviet tanks had rolled into Prague, Krahl shared his opinion that the "Soviet counter-revolution [had] prematurely and violently closed down the possibility - not without its own contradictions - of pursuing the revolutionary liberation struggle on the home turf of European socialism". Legacy The year following his death a volume was compiled and published comprising the collected writings of Hans-Jürgen Krahl. It had been re-published a number of times. The 2005 (fourth German-language) re-issue runs to 440 pages. SDS membership had peaked at around 2,500 in 1968. Immediately after Krahl's death the organisation seemed to lose not merely its voice, but its entire sense of direction and purpose. It fell into a rapid succession of crises culminating, formally on 21 March 1970, in its dissolution. It was not forgotten, however, notably in Italy, where the published work of Hans-Jürgen Krahl and actions undertaken by the SDS during its time under his influence and leadership created a defining point of reference for the "Movimento del '77" (an anti-parliamentary leftwing student uprising largely confined to university students in Bologna, Milan, Turin and Rome). Tellingly, many of the currently available sources for the life of Hans-Jürgen Krahl are published not in German but in Italian. Krahl's criticisms targeting ("from within") Frankfurt School thinking still resonate powerfully, especially those aimed at his sometime intellectual nemesis, Jürgen Habermas. Celebration In August 2005, shortly after Krahl's grave had been leveled because there were no longer any living relatives willing and able to pay for its maintenance, Hannover's Mayor Schmalstieg intervened to secure the grave plot, contributing to the costs. A group of friends teamed up to collect money for grave maintenance and, on 27 June 2007, oversaw the placing of a modernist replacement gravestone, designed by Uwe Spiekermann, on Krahl's flattened grave plot. The main speaker at the inauguration the new memorial stone was Adorno's biographer Detlev Claussen, and the man who 37 years earlier had already delivered the funeral oration at Krahl's funeral. During the first part of 2007 work, under the auspices of the "DenkArt Verein" began on the "Hans-Jürgen Krahl Archive". Start-up finance came from the Frankfurt city council. Notes References University of Göttingen alumni Goethe University Frankfurt alumni Christian Democratic Union of Germany politicians Sozialistischer Deutscher Studentenbund members Critical theorists German writers German communists German Marxists 20th-century German philosophers 20th-century German politicians 1943 births 1970 deaths Road incident deaths in Germany People from Sarstedt People from Frankfurt

70055345

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Guido%20Picelli

Guido Picelli

Guido Picelli (9 October 1889 – 5 January 1937) was an Italian Communist politician and anti-fascist militant. He was a founding member of the Arditi del Popolo and a participant in the Spanish Civil War where he died in battle. Biography Early life Born in to a working-class, Picelli worked as a watchmaker and later an actor. He participated in the First World War and obtained the rank of second lieutenant there as well as the Bronze Medal of Military Valor and the bronze medal of the Italian Red Cross. Back in Parma, in 1919 he joined the Italian Socialist Party and founded the local section of the Proletarian League of Veterans. In 1920, he was imprisoned for having tried to prevent the departure of a train of grenadiers towards Albania. In 1921 he was elected deputy to parliament with the Italian Socialist Party. Anti-fascist leader of Italy Picelli was a founding member of the Red Guards in 1920 to defend striking workers against fascist strikebreakers. After the failure of the Red Guards, Picelli became a founder of the Arditi del Popolo, despite the opposition of the Italian Socialist Party. On July 31, 1922, a legal strike was proclaimed throughout Italy by the Alleanza del Lavoro. In the city of Parma Picelli, together with his brother Vittorio led a united anti-fascist front consisting of communists, anarchists, socialists and republicans. Italo Balbo, a leading member of the National Fascist Party was sent to suppress the strike but his Squadristi were repulsed. Eventually marshall law was declared in the city of Parma and the strike was suppressed by the military. After the March on Rome the Arditi was dissolved, however Picelli continued his anti-fascist activities in secrecy. In 1924 he left the PSI and joined the Communist Party and was elected to the parliament. On May 1, 1924, he was arrested a fifth time as a parliamentarian for displaying a large red flag from the balcony of the Chamber of Deputies to protest against the anticipation of Labor Day to April 21. After the kidnapping and disappearance of Giacomo Matteotti, Picelli took part in the Aventine secession. Rome he suffered several attacks by the fascists. In November 1926, following the promulgation of the Fascist laws, Picelli and the other Aventinian deputies were declared forfeited from their parliamentary mandate. Picelli was arrested and sentenced to five years of confinement which he served in Lampedusa and Lipari. On November 9, 1931, he was freed and from Rome, he moved to Milan with an authorization from the head of the police Arturo Bocchini, where he married his partner Paolina Rocchetti. From Milan Picelli expatriated to France. Exile in France and the Soviet Union In July 1932 he was arrested and expelled from France. He took refuge first in Belgium and, later, in the Soviet Union. There he thought "military strategy" at the International Lenin School. He carried out political activity for the Communist International and kept in touch with the Italian exiles and collaborated in political magazines. During his exile, he wrote three revolutionary plays which were performed in Moscow. Picelli became a critic of the political purges within among whose victims were Italian communists, including Dante Corneli, his emigration companion who was accused of Trotskyism. Eventually becoming a suspect himself, in March 1935 he was first fired from school, losing both the vouchers to buy food and the salary to pay the rent  and finally he was sent to a factory. Feeling in grave danger Picelli requested the intervention of Palmiro Togliatti with an autograph letter dated 9 March 1935, and kept in the archives of the Comintern. Picelli wrote a letter denouncing Trotskyism and factionalism which was received positively by the Comintern and removed any suspicions of counter-revolutionary activities against him. Spanish Civil War and death July 1936 the Spanish Civil War broke out and Picelli requested to be allowed to leave the Soviet Union, to fight Francoist forces. After a permit denied in September 1936, he later managed to get permission to leave the Soviet Union for Spain, but it was specified that he would represent the Comintern in any way. Picelli left the Soviet Union in October 1936 and reached Paris, where he made contact with Julián Gorkin of the POUM, an anti-Soviet communist party. Gorkin invited him to travel to Spain to take command of a battalion of POUM militiamen. He reached Barcelona and the communist leaders sent him a friend of his, Ottavio Pastore  with the task of making him desist from taking command of a battalion of the POUM. Nevertheless, he contacted Andrés Nin, a few days later Picelli enlisted and took command of a column of 500 volunteers of the IX battalion of the International Brigades (so-called "Colonna Picelli"). In Albacete, Picelli trained the volunteers of his column for the Madrid front. On December 13, 1936, following the agreement signed in Paris for the formation of a single Italian anti-fascist legion under the political patronage of the socialist, communist and republican parties and with the help of the organizations adhering to the Italian committee for Spain, the Colonna Picelli it was incorporated into the Garibaldi Brigade. Picelli was appointed deputy commander of the battalion and of the first company of the Italian formation. On 1 January 1937 in command of the entire Garibaldi Battalion. He conquered Mirabueno, a strategic village on the Guadalajara front. Four days later, on January 5, 1937, at the age of 47, Picelli was fatally shot by a burst of enemy machine guns during a fight on the Mirabueno front while attempting to place a machine gun. His body was therefore abandoned and recovered only later due to the danger represented by the presence of Francoist positions. The Spanish Republican government held a state funeral for him in Barcelona, Madrid and Valencia. References 1889 births 1937 deaths Italian Socialist Party politicians Italian Communist Party politicians Deputies of Legislature XXVI of the Kingdom of Italy Italian military personnel of World War I Italian people of the Spanish Civil War Italian resistance movement members Italian exiles Italian emigrants to the Soviet Union Italian Comintern people Deputies of Legislature XXVII of the Kingdom of Italy Italian anti-fascists Italian Aventinian secessionists

70055784

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bay%20Street%20%28Savannah%2C%20Georgia%29

Bay Street (Savannah, Georgia)

Bay Street is a prominent street in Savannah, Georgia, United States. It runs for about from Main Street in the west to General McIntosh Boulevard in the east. The section passing through Savannah's downtown, between the Bay Street Viaduct in the west and General McIntosh Boulevard in the east, is around long. Formerly known as "Bay Street", it is now denoted as "West Bay Street" and "East Bay Street", the split occurring at Savannah City Hall at the head of Bull Street. West Bay Street begins in the industrial western side of the city, where it is part of Georgia State Route 25, then continues in a straight line through the northern end of Savannah's downtown, where it is lined with historic buildings on its southern side and hotels and a park on its northern side, which is at the edge of the bluff. From City Hall to the east, the northern side of the street is known as The Strand, punctuated by Emmet Park a few yards west of where East River Street merges with East Bay Street. Downtown Savannah The street runs parallel to the Savannah River, and around above River Street a few yards to the north, for most of its downtown section. Intersections Bay Street has intersections with the below streets in its downtown section (from west to east): As West Bay Street Fahm Street (cross street) Ann Street Martin Luther King Jr. Boulevard (cross street) Montgomery Street (cross street) Jefferson Street Williamson Street Barnard Street (including a ramp to River Street) Whitaker Street Bull Street As East Bay Street Drayton Street Abercorn Street (including a ramp to River Street) Lincoln Street (including a ramp to River Street) Habersham Street Price Street Houston Street Rossiter Place East Broad Street (including a ramp to River Street) East River Street St. Patrick's Day In March 2001, the crowds attending the annual St. Patrick's Day celebrations in Savannah spilled over onto Bay Street after police closed River Street's festival entrances. This led to the closure of Bay Street to traffic around 11:15 PM out of concern for public safety. The following year, the city made the section of Bay Street between Martin Luther King Jr. Boulevard and Price Street pedestrian-only. Notable buildings and structures Below is a selection of notable buildings and structures on Bay Street, all in Savannah's Historic District. From west to east: Northern side John Williamson Range, 302–310 West Bay Street 220–224 West Bay Street Lowden Building, 214 West Bay Street William Taylor Stores, 202–206 West Bay Street Jones and Telfair Range, 112–130 West Bay Street Hyatt Regency Savannah, 2 West Bay Street Savannah City Hall, 2 East Bay Street Thomas Gamble Building, 4–10 East Bay Street Upper Stoddard Range, 12–42 East Bay Street Savannah Cotton Exchange, 100 East Bay Street Claghorn and Cunningham Range, 102–110 East Bay Street Jones and Derenne Range, 112–130 East Bay Street Archibald Smith Stores, 202–206 East Bay Street Lower Stoddard Range, 208–230 East Bay Street George Anderson Stores, 402–410 East Bay Street Emmet Park Old Harbor Light Southern side 21 West Bay Street (former City Hotel) United States Customhouse, 1–3 East Bay Street References Roads in Savannah, Georgia Streets in Georgia (U.S. state)

70056051

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mirsad%20Tuka

Mirsad Tuka

Mirsad Tuka (born 19 June 1965) is a Bosnian actor. He made his film debut in the comedy-drama Holiday in Sarajevo (1991). Tuka has since appeared in films such as Remake (2003), All for Free (2006), Cirkus Columbia (2010), The Abandoned (2010), Body Complete (2012), Ja sam iz Krajine, zemlje kestena (2013) and Take Me Somewhere Nice (2019). He has also appeared in television series Složna braća (1996), Zabranjena ljubav (2005–2007) and, most notably, Lud, zbunjen, normalan (2008–2021) as police inspector Murga. Personal life Mirsad has been married to Nerma Tuka since 1997, and together they have two sons. Selected filmography Film Television References External links 1965 births Living people Actors from Tuzla Bosniaks of Bosnia and Herzegovina 20th-century Bosnia and Herzegovina male actors 21st-century Bosnia and Herzegovina male actors Bosnia and Herzegovina male film actors Bosnia and Herzegovina male television actors Bosnia and Herzegovina male stage actors

70056792

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2020%E2%80%9322%20book%20banning%20in%20the%20United%20States

2020–22 book banning in the United States

Between 2020 and 2022, there were an unusually large number of books banned or challenged in the United States. Most of the targeted books have to do with race, gender, and sexuality. Unlike most book challenges in the past, whereby parents or other stakeholders in the community would engage teachers and school administrators in a debate over a title, local groups have received support from conservative advocacy organizations working to nationalize the efforts focused on certain subjects. They have also been more likely to involve legal and legislative measures rather than just conversations in local communities. Journalists, academics, librarians, and others commonly link the coordinated, often well-funded book challenges to other reactionary efforts to restrict what students should learn about systemic bias and the history of the United States. Hundreds of books have been challenged, including high-profile examples like Maus by Art Spiegelman and New Kid by Jerry Craft. Background and scope In fall 2021, the American Library Association (ALA) received 330 reports of book challenges, a rate which it called "unprecedented", but also an undercount because the ALA estimates 82–97% of challenges are not reported. Only 1% of the challenges were initiated by students, and most were by parents or library patrons. The New York Times reported in January 2022 that "parents, activists, school board officials and lawmakers around the country are challenging books at a pace not seen in decades". Most of the books have to do with race, sex, and gender. Parents, teachers, students, and other stakeholders commonly express concerns over the works students read in schools. Typically, the process of challenging a book's inclusion in curricula or in libraries involves the parties reading the book, debating its appropriateness, and making a decision at the level of a teacher, class, school, or district. The spate of challenges and bans in 2020–22 differ from the norm in number as well as the tactics and politics involved. Conservative organizations, activists, and politicians have driven many of the challenges, and they have operated through higher-level political processes than usual, proposing legislation and petitioning lawmakers rather than just teachers or local school boards. The involvement of national advocacy groups also sets the 2020–22 trend apart from book challenges of the past. Organizations like No Left Turn in Education and Parents Defending Education operate nationally, with connections to wealthy conservative donors and organizations, but provide resources, connections, and sophisticated strategy to grow, support, and mobilize local parent groups. According to NBC News, as of June 2021, there were "at least 165 local and national groups that aim to disrupt lessons on race and gender". Several of the challenges have begun with lists of books shared online by conservative advocacy organizations like No Left Turn in Education and Moms for Liberty. The lists are distributed to parents who then audit local schools and libraries to see if they have any copies of the listed titles. No Left Turn in Education, for example, maintains lists of books in categories "critical race theory", "anti-police", and "comprehensive sexuality education", which they say "are used to spread radical and racist ideologies to students". The strategy of distributing lists has meant that many challenges come from people who have not actually read the books they argue to ban. NBC News reported that while these groups operate differently, "they share strategies of disruption, publicity and mobilization. The groups swarm school board meetings, inundate districts with time-consuming public records requests and file lawsuits and federal complaints alleging discrimination against white students." One parent in Rhode Island submitted more than 200 records requests which took 300 staff hours to respond to. In some places, they teamed up with other activists fighting against public health restrictions in schools during the COVID-19 pandemic. The groups have also been successful in attracting attention in conservative media. According to University of Massachusetts political science professor Maurice T. Cunningham, the parents' rights groups are "highly networked into The Daily Caller, Breitbart [and] Fox News". In 2020 the murder of George Floyd and other unarmed Black Americans by law enforcement led to widespread protests against police brutality and systemic racism. The public conversation about these concepts led some teachers and schools to talk about racism more with their students. That, and the Black Lives Matter movement in general, also fueled a reactionary movement advocating for teaching students an idealized version of the history of the United States which omits or whitewashes issues like racism. The book challenge trend is frequently linked by journalists and academics to other elements of that reactionary movement, especially the restrictions on teaching "critical race theory" which limit the extent to which students can learn about systemic racism and the history of race in the United States. Legislation was introduced or passed in at least 29 states taking aim at lessons that teach children about race and inequality, with most of the laws framed around putting a stop to "critical race theory". These laws, which use broad language prohibiting teaching about privilege related to race or sex, or systemic bias in the United States, have led to many book removals. NBC News described the use of the term "critical race theory" in this context as "a catch-all term to refer to what schools often call equity programs, teaching about racism or LGBTQ-inclusive policies". University of Michigan education professor Ebony Elizabeth Thomas summarized the issue as "an assumption that everything Black is critical race theory". Proponents of removing books talk about how certain kinds of lessons dealing with racism and history can make students uncomfortable and make white students feel guilty. In some other cases, the books have been by or about people of color or the LGBTQ community, but the reasons cited for removal have to do with profanity or sex. For example, The Hate U Give by Angie Thomas is a popular young adult book. The novel is about a black girl from a poor neighborhood who attends an elite, predominantly white private school and becomes entangled in a national news story after she witnesses a white police officer kill her childhood friend. It has been among the most challenged books primarily because it contains profanity. According to Richard Price, a professor at Weber State University who studies book censorship, there is a "cycle of anxiety in which book challengers are driven by concerns and fears about a changing world. And so whatever the issue of the day is, then that usually drives and pushes people to try to remove books". Before the focus on critical race theory in 2020, the most commonly banned books had to do with LGBTQ inclusion. In her Washington Post analysis, Valerie Strauss contextualized the bans in the history of book censorship in the United States, dating back to charges of blasphemy in 1650 against William Pynchon's The Meritorious Price on Our Redemption, and spanning The Adventures of Huckleberry Finn, Darwin's On the Origin of Species, and the Harry Potter books, which were the most challenged books between 2000 and 2009. Reactions Free speech advocates, academics, journalists, and other critics have characterized the campaigns as part of a larger effort to use politics and legislation at the local and state level to impose on education an ideologically skewed version of the United States, its history, and its culture. The Takeaway's Melissa Harris-Perry cited discomfort with issues like gender identity as one of the common reasons for challenges, but that "this discomfort is likely imposed by adults onto young learners" who are otherwise more accepting and more likely to think outside traditional gender roles. Shauntee Burns-Simpson of the New York Public Library highlighted the issue of taking one page or one quote from a book without context and making a decision about the value of a book based on an initial reaction to that quote. Burns-Simpson also noted that banning the book does not just take away the words in the book, but the possibility for conversation about the concepts it raises. The American Library Association released a statement signed by its Executive Board and Boards of Directors of its eight divisions in response to "a dramatic uptick in book challenges and outright removal of books from libraries". Their strongly worded message condemned "a few organizations [which] have advanced the proposition that the voices of the marginalized have no place on library shelves... falsely claiming that these works are subversive, immoral, or worse [and inducing] officials to abandon constitutional principles, ignore the rule of law, and disregard individual rights to promote government censorship of library collections". A spokesperson told ABC News that in her time working with reports of book challenges, she had "never seen such a widespread effort to remove books on racial and gender diversity". A spokesperson for the National Coalition Against Censorship said the events were "damaging to all stakeholders", including teachers who must comply, learners who do not read stories that reflect the world around them, and students from the marginalized groups depicted in the stories, who learn "that their own stories and their own lives aren't fit for consumption". A number of authors whose works were banned spoke out. Some saw it as a badge of honor, while others found it distressing. Kalynn Bayron, author of Cinderella Is Dead, said "these things speak to the level of bigotry that still exists, specifically within our public education system". Kwame Alexander said some of the interest in banning books might have been avoided if advocates had more opportunities themselves as children to experience diverse perspectives. Mikki Kendall, whose book Hood Feminism was among the most challenged, said the bans are a "ridiculous publicity stunt" which would not actually stop kids from reading the books because "there's nothing more attractive to a kid than a forbidden book". Jason Reynolds, co-author of All American Boys, said the bans were more about parents "doing everything they can to shield young people from the things that scare them, not things that scare the children". Several commentators argued it is hypocritical for conservative pundits and politicians to support banning books that may make students feel uncomfortable after a period of strongly criticizing "cancel culture". In many cases, the banned books led to increased sales of those books, such as works by Jerry Craft, Toni Morrison, and Adam Rapp. The popularizing effects of banning any book, and the increased ease of access in the age of the Internet, mean the consequences of a ban are less significant than they were when books were harder to access, making it more of a ceremonial act. Some critics have argued this also makes some of the actions more about punishing educators and librarians or creating a chilling effect than limiting what students have access to. For example, proposed legislation in Iowa would allow for criminal prosecution of librarians. University of Chicago history professor Ada Palmer said that the main goal of censorship throughout history has not been "to silence or destroy books or works that already exist [but] to frighten people and discourage them from reading, buying and creating similar works in the future". Notable cases Central York School District's use of a diversity reading list to ban books In August 2020, a diversity committee in the school district for central York County, Pennsylvania, created a reading list for students and community members amid the George Floyd protests. Though it was intended as a guide for students to learn about issues of race, diversity, and culture, it was used by the school board as a list of books to target for removal a few months later. Teachers received an email about the list and the ban, prompting significant pushback. The hundreds of works on the list were largely about representation of Black and Latin American in the United States. As described by The New York Times, some parents objected to material that would "make white children feel guilty about their race or 'indoctrinate' students". Students protested, wearing black t-shirts, advocating on social media, and picketing daily before school started. Officials argued that the books were "frozen" rather than "banned" until they could be evaluated, although the books remained off of the shelves for nearly a year. A spokesperson for the Pennsylvania State Education Association told the York Daily Record that "if you look at this material, it's offensive what they banned. They have banned materials from Black voices, and they've had almost a year now and they haven't proposed anything else". The school board met again to discuss the ban in September 2021, and decided to reaffirm it. Amid criticism, it reconvened shortly thereafter and reversed its decision, saying it never intended to ban the material, but rather wanted time to review it. Texas House Bill 3979 and Krause's list of 850 books Texas passed House Bill 3979 in July 2021. Known as Texas's "critical race theory law", after an academic field which became a popular target of criticism among conservative pundits, it restricts the manner and extent to which students may learn about or discuss race, racism, sex, or sexism, or the role of those concepts in American culture and history. The law, and confusion over how to enforce it, led to many book challenges. In October 2021, Texas Representative Matt Krause distributed a list to Texas school superintendents containing 850 books having to do with race, sexuality, and history which might "make students feel discomfort". Most of the books' authors are women, people of color, or LGBTQ. Krause wanted to know which school districts had the books and how much was spent on them. The list included a wide range of fiction and non-fiction bestsellers and award-winners like The Confessions of Nat Turner by William Styron, Between the World and Me by Ta-Nehisi Coates, LGBT Families by Leanne K. Currie-McGhee, Hood Feminism: Notes from the Women that a Movement Forgot by Mikki Kendall, The Underground Guide to Teenage Sexuality: An Essential Handbook for Today's Teens and Parents by Michael J. Basso, and Amnesty International's We Are All Born Free: The Universal Declaration of Human Rights in Pictures. Authors on the list reacted with a mix of outrage and pride. The president of the Texas State Teachers Association called it a "witch hunt" and a "disturbing and political overreach into the classroom" which raises legal concerns. While Krause did not make his motivations or intentions clear, the Texas Tribune speculated it may have to do with House Bill 3979. The Katy Independent School District removed New Kid by Jerry Craft in October 2021 and canceled an event with the author. The graphic novel, which won the 2020 Kirkus Prize, Newbury Medal, and Coretta Scot King Award, is about a 12-year-old black boy who experiences culture shock when he enrolls at a private school. The district reacted to a petition which said the book promoted critical race theory, Marxism, and "reverse racism". The person who began the petition, who also sued the school district over a mask mandate, said she heard Craft talking about "microaggressions" in interviews, which she said indicated an ideology related to critical race theory. According to Craft, he was not even aware of critical race theory when he wrote it. After receiving national attention, a review committee decided to reinstate the book and reschedule Craft's event. In November 2021, Governor Greg Abbott publicized his investigation into pornography and obscenity accessible to kids in school libraries. Following the investigations by Krause and Abbott, a San Antonio district removed more than 400 books in December 2021. Maus removed from McMinn County Schools Maus is a nonfiction book by Art Spiegelman in which he interviews his father about his experiences as a Polish Jew and Holocaust survivor. The work is presented as a graphic novel, and it depicts groups of people as different kinds of animals. It was the first graphic novel to win a Pulitzer Prize. On January 10, 2022, the board of trustees of McMinn County Schools in Tennessee removed Maus from its schools' curriculum, expressing concern over its use in 8th grade English Language Arts classes. The decision overruled a state curriculum review that had approved the book. The board cited "tough language" and "unnecessary" profanity (eight words, including "damn"), a small drawing of a nude cat representing a woman, and mentions of murder, violence, and suicide. The board questioned its age-appropriateness and whether it aligned with the values of the community. The ban attracted criticism and international media attention the day before Holocaust Remembrance Day. Spiegelman called the decision "Orwellian" and said reading the minutes of the board meeting indicating the board was asking "Why can't they teach a nicer Holocaust?" Several elected officials, writers, journalists, librarians, and academics spoke out against it. James Blasingame of Arizona State University argued that what makes Maus disturbing is what should make any book about the Holocaust disturbing. Following publicity around the ban, sales of Maus spiked, becoming the number one best-seller on Amazon. A bookstore in Tennessee offered to give a free copy of The Complete Maus to any student who requested one, leading them to create a GoFundMe campaign to cover the demand. See also Banned Books Week Book censorship in the United States Censorship of school curricula in the United States References Book censorship in the United States 2020s in the United States

70058132

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Leo%20Crockwell

Leo Crockwell

Leo Crockwell is a man from Newfoundland and Labrador, who was 55 years old when he barricaded himself in his Bay Bulls home with a shotgun, initiating an eight day armed stand-off with the Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP), of which he was able to escape undetected, before being caught 15 hours later. Background On December 4, 2010, Leo Crockwell had become involved in a domestic dispute with his sister after believing she was entertaining a male companion in the residence. Crockwell, who had a loaded shotgun, pushed the barrel of the gun into the back of his sister's neck, chasing her and their mother outside; the two women retreated to a nearby home, where a neighbor convinced them to call police. Standoff Police arrived on scene to learn that Crockwell was in the home with a loaded weapon, and refusing to communicate. Police attempted to establish communication with Crockwell, but he refused to answer his telephone, prompting police to cordon off the area surrounding the home and bring in negotiators. Still unable to communicate with Crockwell, the RCMP brought in tactical reinforcements and used a loudspeaker in an attempt to initiate communication. By day three, Mounties from Nova Scotia, New Brunswick and Prince Edward Island were on hand assisting and working in shifts around the clock. Police attempted to use a remote controlled robot to deliver messages to the barricaded man, but Crockwell took aim at the device and began firing shots at it, prompting the NL Mounties to issue a warrant for his arrest, and charging him with various firearm offences. As the standoff entered into its fourth day, media coverage of the event began to swell, and it was reported that Crockwell had a history of mental illness, and had previously been an involuntary patient at the Waterford Hospital in St. John's, a NL mental heath facility. RCMP continued in their attempt to communicate with Crockwell using the police robot, but Crockwell again took aim at the device. As the stand-off entered its fifth day, Crockwell took aim at Mounties firing shots at police officers as they attempted to end the situation by sending tear gas into the home. As the standoff dragged into its sixth day, local residents were feeling the brunt of the situation after being cut off from local businesses and essential services, such as the local grocery store and post office, due to police cutting off access to various streets around the home. Police ultimately cut off power to the home, and used distraction devices such as flash grenades in an attempt to end the impasse. As the seventh day of the standoff wore on, the RCMP attempted to flush Crockwell from the home by pumping more than two hundred thousand litres of water into the house. Still unable to establish communication with Crockwell, frustrated Mounties waited. Day 8 At approximately 10:00 am, on Saturday, December 10, 2010, a young couple were driving towards St. John's, and encountered a man who identified himself as "Leo," in the parking lot of a convenience store, approximately 18 kilometres from the standoff in Bay Bulls. The couple agreed to give Leo a ride to his brother's house, and upon dropping him off at the home, the woman asked Leo what his last name was, to which he replied, "Crockwell." The couple then called the Royal Newfoundland Constabulary (RNC), who in turn arrested Crockwell at his brothers home. At approximately noon, on that same day, eight days into the Bay Bulls standoff, heavily armed Mounties, who were still holding a perimeter around the Bay Bulls home, and attempting to establish communication with Crockwell, were stunned to learn that Crockwell was in the custody of St. John's police. Escape The RCMP, who had the Crockwell home surrounded, would later learn; that, when water was being pumped into the home on Friday evening, Crockwell exited the home from a side window undetected, with two shotguns in hand. Once out of the house, Crockwell stashed the guns under debris on a nearby property, and walked approximately 12 kilometres out of town, until he found someone willing to give him a ride to his brother's house. Public relations folly Following the arrest, an embarrassed RCMP issued a media release informing the public of the successful end to the eight day standoff, which culminated in the arrest of Leo Crockwell, without mentioning that it was actually the RNC police, who had initially brought Crockwell into custody. The RCMP press release further failed to note that Crockwell had been on the lamb for approximately 15 hours, while Mounties were attempting to persuade him out of his home. An RCMP spokesperson said, in relation to the arrest, after being pressed by media; that the ability for Crockwell to walk away from a house that was surrounded by police officers was a minor mistake in an otherwise successful operation that did not end in violence. The RCMP maintained that several officers were re-positioned from their posts, due to the approximate 225,000 liters of water that was being pumped into the home, which allowed Crockwell to escape the house undetected. When asked by local media, what if anything Crockwell had said regarding the incident, the RCMP told reporters that Crockwell said, 'he was fine until the Mounties tried to drown him.' NL Mounties charged Leo Crockwell with 16 criminal offences including five counts of attempted murder. Trial and court proceedings On December 12, 2010, nine days after the RCMP were called to his home, Leo Crockwell appeared before a NL judge, where he was remanded into the custody of Her Majesty's Penitentiary, St. John's, to await a bail hearing. On January 6, 2011, Crockwell appeared in court for a bail hearing, and was adamant that he did not want or need a lawyer. His bail was denied, and he appeared in court the following week, where the Crown asked to hold the matter over until it had had the opportunity to prepare for the case given the large volume of disclosure it had received from police. Crockwell alleged that the Crown was stalling his case, and told the NL judge presiding over the matter; that the lawyer representing the Crown should spend a month in jail for the tactic. In March 2011, Crockwell had hired St. John's based attorney, Rosellen Sullivan to represent him; and she had asked the court to hold the matter over until she had had efficient time to review the large amount of disclosure regarding the case. In May 2011, the Crown had dropped all five charges of attempted murder against Crockwell, stating that the province intended to proceed with eight other charges, which included mischief, assault with a weapon, careless use of a firearm and uttering threats. On June 29, 2010, NL Justice Richard LeBlanc set a trial date of February 2, 2012. In November 2011, Crockwell appeared in court again without counsel, after he had fired his attorney. On December 2, 2011, Justice LeBlanc expressed his frustration over the delay in proceedings telling Crockwell that he needed to try harder to find legal representation. On December 11, 2011, Justice LeBlanc warned Crockwell that if he did not secure legal representation he would appoint counsel. On January 10, 2012, Justice LeBlanc warned Crockwell that he needed to enter a plea to the charges against him, stating that if a plea was not entered, then a plea of not guilty would be entered on his behalf. Crockwell told the court that he was still in the process of trying to find legal representation, stating that even if a lawyer was hired, he still has not seen most of the evidence presented to the Crown, prompting the Crown to inform the judge that Crockwell's previous lawyer had returned three file boxes of disclosure material. Judge LeBlanc ordered the disclosure to be delivered to Crockwell at Her Majesty's Penitentiary, and further ordered that a computer and technician be made available at the prison so that Crockwell could prepare for trial. On January 19, 2012, Crockwell entered a plea of not guilty in relation to the charges. Crockwell was without counsel, prompting Justice Richard Leblanc to appoint St. John's based lawyer Randy Piercey as a "friend of the court" for that purpose. In addition, Piercey was given permission to cross-examine witnesses for Crockwell. On January 27, 2012, a jury had been selected for the Crockwell trial, which was scheduled to begin on February 2, 2012. On February 1, 2012, Crockwell, after choosing to represent himself at trial, informed Justice LeBlanc one day before his trial's scheduled start date that he wished to retain legal counsel. On February 3, 2012, Crockwell was back in court represented by St. John's based lawyer Bob Buckingham. The sudden change in counsel, prompted Justice LeBlanc to dismiss the previously selected jury, and set a new date for a new jury to be selected. On February 12, 2012, Crockwell filed an application seeking a stay of proceedings with the court, asking that the charges against him be dropped, claiming that his Charter Rights were violated, due to the RCMP's use of excessive force. On March 23, 2012, Crockwell appeared in court with St. John's based lawyer Ken Mahoney. No reason was provided for the sudden change in counsel, and Crockwell proceeded to take part in the jury selection process, while his new counsel sat by his side. With new counsel in place, Justice LeBlanc pushed the trial's start ahead three weeks to allow Mahoney time to get up to speed. On April 27, 2012, with the trial already underway, Crockwell fired his counsel, and declared that he would act as his own counsel for the remainder of the trial, prompting Justice LeBlanc to provide Crockwell with a "booklet," to use a guide for self-representation; while the previously appointed friend of the court, observed the trial, and could intervene on Crockwell's behalf if necessary. Crockwell was moved from the court's prisoner box, and was provided with a table and legal pad, where he proceeded to cross examine a witness, who was testifying over photographs that were entered into evidence. As the trial moved into the month of May, Crockwell was cross-examining the Mounties, who had set up the perimeter on his Bay Bulls home. Crockwell, in questioning one of the Mounties he had shot at, while tear gas was being deployed into his home, asked the police officer why he did not return fire, to which the Mountie responded, "RCMP officers are trained to fire at a target and I couldn't see you." On May 28, 2012, Justice Leblanc acquitted Crockwell on the charge of possessing a firearm without a licence, and an additional charge of assault, leaving Crockwell facing just six of the sixteen criminal offences he was originally charged with. On June 1, 2012, a jury convicted Crockwell on five of the six charges pertaining to the Bay Bulls standoff. However, a sentencing hearing was put on hold, due to the previously filed stay of proceedings application which was still before the court. Following the guilty verdict, Crockwell abandoned his self-representation and hired St. John's based attorney, Lori Marshall to argue his application. Crockwell and Marshall would part ways for undisclosed reasons, prompting Crockwell to hire Mike King to argue the outstanding application. However, when the matter was called to court in October 2012, King told the court that he could no longer represent Crockwell, due to a break down in the solicitor-client relationship. In November 2012, Crockwell was back in court with attorney John Brooks, who told the court that his relationship with Crockwell had broken down, and he was no longer representing Crockwell. On February 13, 2013, Justice LeBlanc dismissed the application for a stay of proceedings, stating that Crockwell was the author of his own misfortune, and ruling that the force used by the RCMP was not excessive. LeBlanc went on to praise the RCMP for showing remarkable restraint after being fired upon by Crockwell during the week long standoff. On February 13, 2013, Leo Crockwell was sentenced to four years in prison, followed by a three year probation period as a result of the Bay Bulls standoff. Aftermath The Leo Crockwell escape from his Bay Bulls home made national headlines, and had a comedic effect in local lore, as various individuals took it upon themselves to create memes, and write songs and limericks about the escape, some even likened Crockwell to the infamous D. B. Cooper. David Schwartz, a Toronto based journalist with the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation (CBC) compared the Crockwell escape to the top ten prison escapes in Canada. Bay Bulls residents had varying points of view with how the standoff unfolded. David Ryan, a neighbor of Crockwell, who went on to pen a book about the ordeal, said that police overreacted to Crockwell from the start. While another Bay Bulls resident described soothing her daughter during the standoff, due to the heavy police presence in the town. The woman stated, that she told her young daughter not to worry, because the police would catch him, but had to recant after Crockwell had escaped. The Crockwell ordeal embarrassed the national police force, and the week long affair cost the Mounties close to half a million dollars. Halifax RCMP conducted a review of the handling of the Bay Bulls Standoff, and blamed poor communication, false assumptions and misunderstood roles for the mishap. The report noted that spectators of the standoff, who were set up behind staked out RCMP officers shouted, "Go Leo!" And, that RCMP officers heard breaking glass, yet, commanders at the scene held on to the steadfast belief that Crockwell was still in home. RCMP were initially hesitant to publicly release the report, citing security concerns, and an RCMP spokesperson said at the time, that the report was, "really quite boring." Additional legal issues Leo Crockwell made headlines again in December 2013, when he called for his release from prison, stating that his prison sentence had been miscalculated, and he should be released from custody. A NL justice agreed, that Crockwell had not been given proper credit for time served during his prolonged court process, and on December 23, 2013, Crockwell was released from prison, five months before his calculated release date in May 2014. In July 2014, RCMP issued an arrest warrant for Leo Crockwell, in relation to two alleged breaches of probation. Crockwell dismissed the warrant as illegal, and called into a St. John's based news radio program (VOCM News Radio), and stated to the listening public that he had no intention of complying with an illegal arrest warrant, and wound not go quietly if police tried to arrest him. Crockwell was arrested on December 4, 2014, and appeared in a St. John's courtroom, where he claimed that he did not breach his probation, because he was not on probation. Crockwell asked the NL justice how a person could be charged with breaching an illegal probation order, and referred to the Criminal Code of Canada, which states that a probation order can only be placed on an individual serving a prison sentence of two years or less. Crockwell was released from custody the following day, on a promise to appear before the court. On March 2, 2016, when the matter was called to provincial court, Crockwell was a no-show. Represented by St. John's based lawyer Nick Westera, Westera asked the court to proceed on the matter without Crockwell being present. Westera stated that his client was apprehensive about appearing in court, as he had prior issues with the justice system. The Crown was not opposed to Crockwell's absence; however, the NL Justice presiding over the matter called it a very rare move, and refused to proceed with a trial in the absence of the accused, and ordered Crockwell to appear before the court on March 28, 2016. When the matter was called on March 28, 2016, Crockwell was again a no-show. He told NL media that he did not need to appear in court, because the probation order he was accused of breaching was not a valid order, and referred to the Crown's attempt to bring the matter to trial as a "planned wrongful conviction." When local media attempted to get both the Crown's and the RCMP's thoughts on Crockwell's defiance, both declined to discuss the matter. After failing to present himself to the court, the NL Justice issued an arrest warrant for Crockwell. In the weeks that followed, the Crown withdrew the warrant, and on May 18, 2018, with Crockwell in absentia, still refusing to attend court, the Crown announced that it was withdrawing the two charges against Crockwell, who had long maintained were unlawful. When contacted by local media following the courts withdrawal, Crockwell said, that he was relieved the process was now over, and added "the warrant should have never been issued in the first place." Personal life Leo Crockwell currently resides in Bay Bulls, Newfoundland and Labrador, in the same home the Mounties pumped tear gas, flash grenades and more than two hundred thousand litres of water into on December 4, 2010. References Crime in Newfoundland and Labrador 2010 in Newfoundland and Labrador December 2010 events in Canada 2010 in Canadian politics Royal Canadian Mounted Police Canadian escapees Year of birth missing (living people) Living people

70058480

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Koli%20rebellions

Koli rebellions

Koli is a caste of India and Pakistan which is mostly found in the Indian States of Gujarat, Maharashtra, Himachal Pradesh and Sindh province of Pakistan. Here are a series of revolts of Koli caste in inhebited areas. British Indian Empire Kheda of Gujarat At the beginning of the nineteenth century, Kolis posed a serious "law and order" problem for the new government of East India Company, British officials to declare that kolis are one of the most "turbulent, predatory tribes in India. Many Kolis resided in villages outside the EIC's territorial jurisdiction but viewed the imposition of new legislation and colonization in the territory as a direct challenge to established local customs. Koli chieftains and their peasant supporters were threatened by the British government settling the agricultural plains and establishing new modes of governance in the area. In protest, some Koli zamidars filed petitions in the Court (Adalat) in Kheda, stating that, according to local custom, the government had no authority over Kolis. Other chieftains simply ignored the authority of the EIC and organized peasant raids into towns and villages in British territory, claiming a customary right to plunder villages as a form of their own tax collection, or a levy called giras. The district magistrate responded by stating such actions were "evil" and perpetuated by Koli chieftains. By 1808, Koli chieftains had begun organizing raids into towns and villages in the territory controlled by the EIC, to steal crops and other possessions. The town of Dholka and its neighboring villages became favorite targets. Dholka was in the northern borderlands of British territory, adjacent to land controlled by the chieftains. Groups of armed kolis, numbering between fifty and a hundred Kolis, easily entered Dholka and returned to their respective villages without difficulty. British officials lacked the manpower and local knowledge of the terrain to capture these men. However, there were instances when a chieftain was arrested and jailed for leading attacks on Dholka, as in the case of Bachur Khokani. On February 20, 1808, within a few days of Khokani's capture, a group of fifty Kolis stormed the jail and released their leader. Policemen were killed and six were wounded in the battle, and apparently, on the very same night, Khokani and his men organized another raid on the town. In an attempt to prevent further raids on Dholka, Kheda's magistrate, R. Holford, coordinated a plan that required local elites within the EIC's control to capture the raiders. Holford recognized the limitations of the EIC's power to arrest individuals residing outside its control, but he believed that British officials could force the elites who had villages within their legal jurisdiction to cooperate. The outcome of the official strategy had some success: in 1810, large numbers of Kolis had been arrested and convicted of crimes against the East India Company. Judge H. W. Diggle recommended that the prisoners to be transported to the British colony the Prince of Wales Island (for merly called Penang), or to a distant jail, for a minimum of seven years. It was argued that such an extreme measure would "overawe" and "check the daring and ferocious nature" of Kolis while simultaneously serving as a deterrent for others. However, as in the case of Bachur Khokani, a group of four hundred to five hundred armed men descended upon the jail at Kheda and released the imprisoned Kolis. Most of the prisoners dispersed into areas outside of British jurisdiction and were saved just days before being transported to the Prince of Wales Island. The raids continued in Dholka, and colonial officials urged the EIC to increase the size of the police force in Kheda. In addition, officials requested the support of soldiers from neighboring Baroda State, who were supposed to have local intelligence networks in the border lands that could be used for recapturing the convicted Kolis and their accomplices. But the outcome of using greater force had a minimal impact on what had developed into a serious law and order problem for the EIC. Colonial officials were not able to prevent Koli rebels. Earlier attempts to press chieftains to cooperate in preventing attacks on gov ernment towns and villages had had limited results. In 1824, A. Crawford, the district collector of neighboring Ahmedabad, suggested that a new strategy be adopted, including forcibly taking the possessions of Koli chieftains suspected of participating in the attacks or simply having any information about them. In addition, Crawford introduced the idea of using the military to destroy villages where Koli chieftains were hiding. This strategy marked an important departure from the policy of not entering areas that lay outside the jurisdiction of the EIC with the intention of using military force to capture chieftains or other raiders. However, the idea of completely destroying villages as a way to create "future peaceable conduct" did not prevent Kolis from challenging the authority and legitimacy of the EIC, and certainly it did not eliminate the armed excursions into British-controlled territory. In fact, it further intensified the demands of those Kolis who had been claiming that their customs and privileges were being violated by colonial officials. The raids continued through the 1830s with some regularity. Crawford to British officials, "Some special regulations should be made about the Kolis. No measures of ordinary severity have any effect. We never hear of a reformed Koli, or of one whose mode of life places him beyond suspicion. All seem alike, rich and poor, those whose necessities afford them an excuse for crime and those whose condition places them out of the reach of distress, are alike ready on the first opportunity to plunder. But by the 1840s, the application of colonial policies and the use of military force led to the subsidence of Koli attacks in British-controlled territory. Officials argued that the character of all Kolis-chieftains and peasants had improved, as many kolis had taken up settled agriculture and become hardworking and peaceable. Despite this acknowledgment of the transformation among the Kolis, the early-nineteenth-century encounters continued to influence the implementation of official policies in the district. In begin of 1857 and 1858, the government imposed regulations restricting Kolis from carrying weapons in Kheda district but kolis again raised. Khanpur of Gujarat In July 1857, the Kolis of Maliwad clan in Khanpur of Lunavada State challenged the British rule under their leader Surajmal after death of surajmal, kolis again raised and attacked the British troops under new koli chieftain Jivabhai Thakor of Khanpur. In December 1857, Captain Buckle attacked the Khanpur and captured some of the rebels and rest escaped to nearby hills and forests. They gathered again and attacked the British troops with more vigour. Lt. Morey, Jamadar Nurmohmad, Sheikh Cheda and Emamuddin pursued the Kolis and killed some of them. Then the Kolis fled to the bushes and ravines of the river. The two kolis were shot by the order of Buckle but British army also lost three horsemen. The koli prisoners of Khanpur were transported to life, while non-koli prisoners of Khanpur were released after they witnessed the execution of their koli chieftain. The Kolis paid a huge price for their resistance to British rule. They were not only defeated in battle and punished for having dared to resist. but, in the aftermath, these communities were marginalized by the rest of society as outlaws. Being arms-bearing community, they too were disarmed in early 1858 and also forced to practise agriculture. A majority of kolis were unable to adapt the lifestyle and norms of settled agriculture and were forced to give way to agriculturalist communities like Kanbi or Patidar in the latter half of the nineteenth century. Chandap of Gujarat In September 1857, Kolis of Chandap (Chandup) raised against British rule under Koli chieftain Nathaji who led the 2000 kolis of Angar, Dubbora and Pratabpur in Mahi Kantha. the Nathaji and Yamaji was Koli brothers, rulers of Chandap and were tributary to Gaikwad of Baroda and Rao of Idar. On the 16th September, 1857, the Maharaja Gaekwad of Baroda State issued a proclamation not to rise to the people of Chandap under the Mahikantha agency and posted the 10 horsemen but Nathaji resisted the posting of horsemen so the kolis assembled together instant and attacked the Thana of that place in which a sowar of the Gaekwad Government was killed and two wounded and property plundered. The rising of Kolis affected the law and order situation in Vijapur, Kheralu and Vadnagar Taluqas of Baroda. At the end of year, koli rebellion was crushed by the combined forces of Baroda State and British troops who destroyed the Chandap village. The kolis with stiff attitude under Nathaji continued their resistance from the hills. Peth or Peint of Maharashtra In December 1857, Nashik district was effected by the Indian independence movement and the Peint Jagir became centre of rebellious activities. The rebel Kolis plundered the Harsol market on the sixth of December and captured the Mamlatdar. From there they attacked Peint where Koli rebels numbering about 2,000 captured the Lieutenant Glasspool and his 30 officers. The Koli Raja Bhagvantrao was suspected and arrested by British government. He was also a "correspondent" of Nanasaheb Peshwa. After a trial, koli king and fifteen officials were sentenced and hanged on 28 December 1857. In response, the kolis attacked at the court in Peint and then went to the Raja to pay their respects to him. Kolis plundered the treasury of Dharampur State, a comrade state of British rule. The Thane police then seized two of the leading men in the gang who plundered the treasury in the Dharampoor Raja's territory. there was resistance and one of the policemen was shot by an arrow through the chest and one of the insurgents received a bayonet-wound in the stomach. British official Mr. Boswell started disarming the kolis and suggested that a strong party of police be posted at Peint to guard the treasury and prevent the further disturbances. Later it came out that the rising of the Kolis was planned five or six weeks ago by the late Raja and the Dewan of Peint and the Rani who lived in Nashik. Kolis disliked the Disarming Act and resisted the government. On the hearing that the troops were approaching to peint, kolis withdrew to the jungle in the neighbourhood. On Thursday, the Lieutenant Glasspool arrived with troops and started operations against the insurgents. But his troops being too weak to go out and attack the Kolis in the jungle and at the same time to defend the court and the town, Lieutenant Glasspool could not take any step for nearly a week. But the glasspool was joined by Captain Nuttall's forces coming from Trimbak. On the arrival of this new force, Kolis retreated to the south. They played hide and seek for a few days. Occasional fights took place. the Kolis lacked of weapons so they dispersed and hid themselves in different villages. They were gradually traced out and caught. Many of them had migrated to the State of Dharampur where the Raja's forces caught them and handed them over to the Government officials. All the insurgents having been apprehended the rising was ultimately put down. The property of the late Raja was ordered to be annexed in British India and the revenue of his villages was ordered to be collected for Government. Surat of Gujarat During the Quit India Movement of Mahatma Gandhi in 1942, A large number of 3,000 Koli cultivators from Matwad, Karadi, Machhad and Kothmadi in Surat District fought against British soldiers at Matwad with lathis and dharias on 21 August 1942. In this fight, four persons including one policeman died. The kolis also snatched away four police muskets and two bayonets. Kolis smashed up the Jalalpore Railway Station, removed the Rails and burnt down the post office. After this, situation in the neighbouring villages of Borsad, Anand and Thasra taluqas became so aggravated that British troops was marched through the villages between 22 and 24 August 1942. Mughal Empire the rebellion was the imposition of land tax (Jaziya) by Sultan Aurangzeb. The Koli Zamidars had taken up arms against the Sultan Aurangzeb under the leadership of Khemirao Sarnaik, as well as with the sympathy of Shivaji Maharaj as it was a great benefit to Shivaji. Khemrao assembled all the Koli naiks and promised that he would get rid of Mughal rule in a single rise. Aurangzeb sent the Mughal army from the hilly areas to suppress the Koli rebellion, but the battle was very fierce in which thousands of Kolis were killed and the Mughal soldiers also. The Koli rebellion shook Aurangzeb. Sarnaik applied for help from Shivaji but shivaji was unable to help kolis because of their political matters and sarnaik was refused. The Khemirao Sarnaik fighting in this battle was killed by mughal commander nerrulaa, but the Koli rebellion was so intense that Aurangzeb got compelled to think. after the rebellion was crushed, the kolis were treated with kindness by Aurangzeb and than kolis achieve the high reputation under Peshwa for their daring and taking hill forts such as Kanhoji Angre and Tanaji Malusare. Junagadh of Gujarat Koli rebellion in Junagarh raised by Mansa Khant Koli during time of Nawab Sher Khan the viceroy of Junagarh in Mughal Empire. He was against Mughal Rule, Made Uparkot Fort his centre. He made a series of raids in surrounding villages and cities. Nawab was unsuccessful to control the rebellion. Mansa Khant occupied the Uparkot for thirteen months and make numerous raids mostly in countryside. Nawab started campaign against Khant. Nawab was assisted by king of Gondal State Thakur Sahib Haloji Jadeja and Arab Jamadar Sheikh Abdullah Zubeidi. The combined forces defeated the Khant and captured Uparkot and burnt down the rebellion. Maratha Empire In 1760, the peace of Peshwa government was broken by a rising of Kolis under their Naik Javji Bamble. Javji with drew to the hills and organised a series of gang robberies, causing widespread terror and misery throughout the country. For twenty years he held out bravely, defeating and killing the generals the Peshwa's Government sent against him. At last he was so hotly pursued that, on the advice of Dhondo Gopal, the Peshwa's governor at Nasik, he surrendered all his forts to Tukoji Holkar and, through Holkar's influence, was pardoned and placed in military and police charge of a district of sixty villages with powers of life and death outlaws. In 1798, a fresh disturbance took place among the Kolis. The leader of this outbreak was Ramji Naik Bhangria, who was an abler and more daring man than his prede cessors, and succeeded in baffling all the efforts of the Government officers to seize him. As force seemed hopeless, the Government offered Ramji a pardon and gave him an important police post. In 1763, the Peshwa Raghunathrao had appointed Abha Purandare who was an anti koli as Sarnaik, due to which the Chivhe Kolis revolted against the Peshwa and captured Purandar and Sinhagad forts because the Kolis did not like Abha Purandare, so Abha removed the Kolis from the fortification and posted new Kiledars, due to which the Kolis attacked and captured the forts on 7 May 1764. Five days later, Rudramal fort was also captured and presented a challenge to the Prime Minister of the Maratha Empire, Peshwa Raghunathrao. A few days later the Peshwa came to the fort to worship the deity inside the Purandar fort but the Peshwa got caught up by the Kolis. The Kolis looted all the belongings and weapons of the Peshwa and took him prisoner but released after some time. After this the Kolis started collecting revenue from the surrounding area. After this, the chief of the Kolis, Kondaji Chivhe, sent a letter to the Peshwa, in which it was written 'What now sir, what is the condition, how is the government doing, be in fun'. After reading this letter, the Peshwa felt a bit humiliated and in a fit of rage ordered the Maratha army to attack but the army could not do anything because the Kolis himselves were Subedar and had fortified the forts well and the Peshwa faced failure. the humiliated Peshwa started taking the Kolis of Chivhe clan as captive. All those Chivhe kolis who were living in the territory of Peshwa were declared as rebels and started making captives. After this the Chivhe Kolis sent a letter to Madhavrao and explained whole matter, after this the Kolis handed over the forts to Madhavrao and the Chivahe Kolis were again handed over the fortifications. In the year 1776, a large number of the Shelkande Kolis of Otur village, raised against Peshwa because of their hereditary land rights and as the Peshwa refused to do them. Kolis assembled a revolutionary army of Shelkande and Kokate Kolis and commenced plundering the surrounding villages and doing other violent activities in the hope of obtaining redress. In response, The Peshwa sent Maratha troops from Pune against rebel kolis and surprised them, killed and wounded many of them. The Koli leaders were consequently forced to disperse the rebels. The government officers came to know that Sattu Shelkande, chief of the insurgents, was hiding in the neighboring jungle. The better to ensure this, they obliged him to enter into the Sunkli zamin or chain security (one Patil going security for two or three cultivators, another Patil for five or six poorer Patils, and a Deshmukh for a number of the Patils). Hearing of the measures the government officers were adopting, moved off to another place; this was partly for their own safety, and partly to save their friends from being harassed and punished for not fulfilling their promise of apprehending them. After the troops retired from the jungles, the Kolis recommenced their operations. Several seasons were passed in this way; however when Javji Bamble was appointed as Mansabdar of Rajur he was ordered by Peshwa to prevent the rebellious activities by rebels. Kolis did not wish to fight with Bumble because he was also a Koli by caste. Kolis remained quiet for of four years but Kolis went again to the jungles because his hereditary rights have not been fulfilled. The troops employed against the Shelkande Kolis and again forced them to disperse and the chiefs went to Aurangabad. Kolis had taken an oath that they would cut off the head of Patil of Otur, unless Peshwa afforded them redress. Nana Phadnavis who was minister in Maratha Empire declared that he would not pardon the Kolis again, as they were such a turbulent race and as no faith could be reposed in them. Nana Fadnavis detached few Brahmins disguised as Gusai, who gained information of the hiding place of Kolis and a detachment that marched to apprehend them was so fortunate as to bring them all prisoners to Junnar, where the five Kolis were executed. Balwantrao, brother-in-law to Nana Fadnavis, was subedar of the district at the time, and it is asserted Balwantrao became very unhappy after the execution of these kolis. Therefore, in the hope of reestablishing the happiness that he had enjoyed, he erected a temple near river in Junnar, in which was placed as the object of worship a Punah Lingh, or five stones representing the five Kolis who were executed. See also List of Koli people List of Koli states and clans References Koli people

70059200

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/CatboyKami

CatboyKami

Tor Gustafsson Brookes (born either 1997 or 1998), better known by his online alias CatboyKami, is an Australian streamer, misogynist activist and white supremacist, known for his various online activities connected to far-right activism. Early life Tor Brookes was born in Gothenburg, Sweden, and he was raised in Brisbane, Australia. In his youth, he played various video games with his father, under the online username "Kamikaze", along with a variety of violence-inciting names. Throughout his early years, he was noted for his lack of social skills. According to one of his school classmates, "He didn't know how to talk to people correctly [...] he didn't really understand how people work." Brookes finished high school around 2015, and started streaming in 2019. Online activities Formerly going under the username "lolisocks", one of his most constant online activities is livestreaming himself in various activities, famously including online trolling of users on the popular chatting site Omegle. Many of these clips are often shared through his personal Telegram channel. His most notorious stream was a 10-hour long meeting with American nationalist Nick Fuentes, streamed in December 2019. Fuentes' attitude during the stream, combined with misogynist comments from Fuentes and Brookes' wearing of a Kemonomimi headband, led to rumors that Fuentes was a homosexual. Starting in mid-2020, Brookes streamed uploaded multiple videos of himself to DLive and BitChute, where he wore racist outfits, including blackface and stereotypical outfits that mocked Blacks, Asians, Latinos and Jews, along with mocking the murder of George Floyd. His activities helped inspire ex-journalist Paul Miller, known online as GypsyCrusader, who participated in many of the same activities. Brookes, along with online streamer Anthime Gionet (known online as Baked Alaska), attended a rally in Phoenix, Arizona, where he famously chanted that "we will not fall for the lies of the Jews this time. This time, we know our war is with them", referring to the conspiracy theory that Donald Trump won the 2020 American elections. Later at the rally, he clashed with a group of anti-Trump activists, where a Mexican activist witnessed him yelling racist catchphrases and racial slurs. One of the attendees of said rally was Jake Angeli, popularly known as the "QAnon Shaman", who later attended the 2021 storming of the US Capitol. In February 2021, one of Brookes' streams was played at a Zoom meeting on racial equality organized by Pennsylvania State University, where he depicted himself dressed up as a police officer, kneeling on a doll of George Floyd. Later, Brookes was interviewed by the FBI, which he described as a "raid". Throughout his online activities, Brookes made a large attempt to hide his real identity. In July 2021, Brookes was outed by journalist Alex Mann, who revealed his real name on an ABC radio podcast episode. Before being identified, Brookes was often referred to as "Philip Hedley". References 1998 births Living people White supremacists Internet trolls

70062258

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nyhavn%203

Nyhavn 3

Nyhavn 3 is an 18th-century property overlooking the Nyhavn Canal in cental Copenhagen, Denmark. It was listed in the Danish registry of protected buildings and places in 1945. History 18th century The property was listed as No. 2 in St. Ann's Quarter in Copenhagen's first cadastre of 1689. It was at that time owned by merchant Peder Hansen. The present building on the site was constructed before 1731. The property was again listed as No. 2 in the new cadastre of 1756 and was at that time owned by Gothhelf Florian Drachmand. The property was home to 14 residents in two households at the time of the 1787 census. Christian Jørgensen, a grocer (hørkræmmer), resided in the building with his wife Kirstine Jørgens Datter, one male servant, one maid and two lodgers. Jockum Christian Sextus, a county barber (surgeon), resided in the building with his wife Kirstine Margthe Heegaard, their one-year-old daughter, three barbers, one apprentice and one maid. 19th century No.2 was home to 15 residents in three households at the 1801 census. Jacob Asmussen, a master shoemaker, resided in the building with his eight-year-old son Jens Monsgaard, his 23-year-old niece Lovise Hansen, a housekeeper, a maid and two lodgers. Rasmus Jensen Beck, a 66-year-old helmsman, resided on the first floor. Johan Schreiber, a workman, resided in the building with county surgeon Johan Andreas Ranfft (1761-1822), surgeon Gotlieb Schultz, two surgeon's apprentices and one maid. The property was again listed as No. 2 in the new cadastre of 1806. It was at that time owned by merchant Jacob Asmussen. The property was later purchased by Johan Andreas Ranfft (cf. the 1801 census). Johan Andreas Ranfft was born in 1761 in Wolgast in Swedih Pomerania- He was the son of a county surgeon and trained under his father. He came to Copenhagen in 1783. He was employed as a military surgeon (Kompagnikirurg) at the Danish Life Regiment from 1786 to 1791. On 23 November 1791, he passed his exams as a surgeon from the University of Copenhagen. On 23 June 1792, he acquired the position as county surgeon in Maribo County from Frants Martin Norlin. On 10 July 1793, he was granted citizenship in Copenhagen. In 1796, he was employed as the first police physician in Copenhagen. On 23 April 1801, he became county surgeon in Copenhagen County. In 1814–1820, he was elected as alderman of the Barbers' Guild. On 12 July 1814, Ranfft was married to Mette Christine Jørgensen Hylleberg (1661-1845) in Store Magleby Church. He sold the property again prior to his death in 182 but he and his wife remained in one of the apartments as tenants. The property was home to 10 residents in three households at the time of the 1834 census. Mette Christine Ranfft, who continued her late husband's barber's business, resided on the ground floor with her daughter Johanne Christine Ranfft, two barbers, two barber's apprentices and one maid. Johan Gottlieb Wruck, a master tailor, resided alone on the first floor. Jean Louis Felix Müller and Johan Peter Svane, an office clerk and a grocer (hørkræmmer), resided on the second floor. The building was still owned by Mette Christine Banff in 1840. She was still residing on the ground floor with her daughter, one barber, two apprentices and one maid. Johan Gottlieb Wenck was still residing on the first floor. Jean Louis Müller, bow registered as an office clerk and translator of the Dutch language, resided alone on the second floor. Johan Peter Svane, a textile merchant (hosekræmmer) resided in the basement. The property was prior to the 1845 census taken over by master barber Georg Hennings. Ge was at that time residing in the building with his wife Oline Schjørmann, their obne-year-old daughter and one maid. Christine Ransst, widow of county surgeon J.A.Ransst, resided on the first floor with her Johanne Ransst and one maid. Christian Frederik Albrecht, a captain at the 1st Artillery Regiment, resided on the second floor. Adolph Christian Crone, a grocer (hørkræmmer), resided in the basement. The property was for the first time in almost one hundred years not home to a barber at the time of the 1850 census. Anders Hansen Funch (1806-1864), a clockmaker, resided on the ground floor with his sister C.I. Funch and the apprentice Peter Christian Petersen. Peter Davidsen, a clockmaker employed in Funch's workshop, resided on the first floor with the ship captain S. Andersen and Andersen's mother Magdalene Andersen. Adolph Christian Crone, the grocer (hørkræmmer) from the 1845 census, was now residing on the second floor with his wife Wilhelmine Marie Crone, their two-year-old daughter, an apprentice and a male servant. Anders Hansen Funch was originally from Bornholm.He trained as a clockmaker under court clockmaker Frederik Jürgensen in Copenhagen until 1833. On 7 March 1835, he was granted citizenship as a clockmaker in Copenhagen. Je died unmarried and without children in 1864. et lommeur med ankergang, tre tårnursværker og et taffelurværk.I London i 1862 udstillede han et tårnursværk og et boxcronometer ( jvf. udstillingskatalogerne ) . His workshop was continued by his employee Poul Christian Louw. Anders Funch resided in the building with the apprentice Peter Schackinger. Thomas Petersen, a hotel owner, resided in the building with his wife Anne Marie Petersen (née Christensen), their two children (aged four and 11), one male servant and two maids. Marie Schrøder, a widow employed as factory worker, resided in the building with her daughter Nathalia Schrøder. Svend Larsen, proprietor of a tavern, resided in the building with his wife Maren Larsen (née Petersen), one male servant and two maids. Hotel Øresund The property was later operated as a hotel under the name Hotel Øresund. The hotel's bar was called Aligator Bar in the 1950s. Architecture Nyhavn 3 was originally constructed with two storeys over a walk-out basement before 1731. The building was then eight bays wide and the facade was crowned by a two-bay gabled wall dormer. The ground floor was constructed in brick while the upper part was constructed with timber framing. The building was heightened with one storey tipped by a troangular pediment in 1776. The triangular pediment disappeared when the facade was reconstructed as a five-bay brick facade 1852. The ground floor of the yardside was also reconstructed in brick while the timber framing on its upper part has survibed. The facade of the building is plastered and painted in a dark red colour, contrasted by white-painted bands above the basement and first floor, a white-painted cornice and white painted window frames. The åitched red tile roof is taller towards the yard as a result of the extra floor towards the street. It features two dormer windows the street and a large factory dormer and two normal dormer windows towards the yard. The shop interior in the basement dates from 1819. A small appendix with a staurcase projecting of the yardside of the building was probably constructed some time between 1776 and 1801. Today The building is owned by Nyhavn 43 A/S. It contains a restaurant on the ground floor and offices on the upper floors. References External links Anders Hansen Funch Source Listed residential buildings in Copenhagen

70063393

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1965%20Coquitlam%20massacre

1965 Coquitlam massacre

The 1965 Coquitlam massacre was a familicide that occurred in Coquitlam. Leonard Hogue shot his family and himself. Shooting At approximately 1:30 a.m. on April 20, 1965, Leonard Hogue shot dead his wife and six children with a .357 magnum revolver. Then he shot himself. Hogue's body lay on the master bedroom floor. His wife's body lay in bed. The bodies of two children lay in their beds. The bodies of four children were in different places in the house because they were fleeing. Everyone was shot in the head, Hogue was also shot in the head. The bodies were found that day, prison officials came to check why Hogue did not come to work. A hamster and a dog survived. Perpetrator Leonard Raymond Hogue moved from Saint Boniface, and settled in Vancouver with his wife and two children. He worked as a worker. He graduated as a police officer in 1956. He was a champion in pistol shooting. At first he was a patrolman and after some time he was transferred to the city prison. In 1961 he had six children. in the early 1960s, Hogue and another police officer committed a series of thefts of bags of cash from Dairy Queen's freezers. Also at the time in the Vancouver area, a series of robberies of homes of wealthy people who were on vacation and reported their absence to the police. In November 1961, a gun shop was looted and 14 guns were stolen. They were used in further robberies. In 1962, Hogue and two other police officers robbed a bank. Hogue then bought a house in the affluent Coquitlam district. In 1964-5 they committed two unsuccessful robberies. At that time, suspicions arose that police officers may be involved in the robbery. On February 11, 1965, Hogue and three other police officers robbed a train carrying banknotes for destruction. They stole $ 1.2 million. But all the bills were drilled with three half-inch holes. One of the robbers restored some of the bills. On April 17, 1965, two robbers were arrested after a bartender called police after they paid with suspicious bills. The next morning Hogue learned that three members of his gang had been arrested. The next morning, on the way to work, he had an accident. It was later described as a failed suicide attempt. At around 6 pm, another police officer lent him a .357 magnum revolver. This revolver was used to kill the family. References 1960s murders in Canada 1965 mass shootings Coquitlam Deaths by firearm in British Columbia Family murders Mass shootings in Canada Massacres in Canada Murder in British Columbia Murder–suicides in Canada

70064560

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Se%20llamaba%20SN%20%28film%29

Se llamaba SN (film)

Se llamaba SN () is a 1977 film directed by Venezuelan filmmaker Luis Correa. The film is based in the homonymous 1964 novel by José Vicente Abreu, which serves as a testimony and denounces the dictatorship of Marcos Pérez Jiménez in the country. Plot During the dictatorship of Marcos Pérez Jiménez in Venezuela, his secret police, the National Security (), detains thousands of Venezuelans. In 1952, a political prisoner is sent at a prison located on an island a faces the conditions in jail. Release The film was screened at the 25th San Sebastián International Film Festival, in 1977. References External links 1977 films 1970s Spanish-language films 1970s historical films Venezuelan films Films set in the 1950s

70064930

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Marlowe%20House

Marlowe House

Marlowe House is a Metropolitan Police building in Sidcup, London, built in 1966. Along with administrative areas, since 19 March 2012 its ground floor has also housed Sidcup's police station. A refurbishment was completed in 2020. References Buildings and structures completed in 1966 Buildings and structures in Sidcup Metropolitan Police administrative buildings Metropolitan Police stations‎

70065467

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sister%20Boniface%20Mysteries

Sister Boniface Mysteries

Sister Boniface Mysteries is a British detective period television series, created by Jude Tindall, and is produced by BBC Studios and BritBox. It is a spinoff featuring the titular character introduced in an episode of Father Brown (Series 1, “The Bride of Christ”). A 10-episode first series premiered on 8 February 2022, on the BritBox streaming service, and will be released in the UK on the UKTV Drama channel later in 2022. Synopsis Sister Boniface is a Catholic Church Nun at St. Vincent's Convent in the town of Great Slaughter in 1960's Great Britain. In addition to her religious duties, she makes wine and has a PhD in Forensic science, allowing her to serve as a scientific adviser to the local police on investigations. Cast Lorna Watson as Sister Boniface Max Brown as Detective Inspector Sam Gillespie Jerry Iwu as Detective Sergeant Felix Livingstone Miranda Raison as Ruth Penny Ami Metcalf as Constable Peggy Bottom Belinda Lang as Mrs. Calm Guest cast Mark Williams as Father Brown Ivan Kaye as Ted Button Development Father Brown executive producer Will Trotter anticipated developing a Sister Boniface spin-off as soon as Father Brown had ended. He eventually pitched the concept to Britbox. The series share several writers and directors, such as Paul Gibson, Kit Lambert, Tahsin Guner and Ian Barber. Episodes References External links Sister Boniface Mysteries at BritBox Sister Boniface Mysteries at IMDb 2020s British drama television series 2020s British mystery television series 2022 British television series debuts Adaptations of works by G. K. Chesterton BBC high definition shows BBC television dramas Television series about Christian religious leaders English-language television shows Religious drama television series Television series set in the 1960s British detective television series Television series by BBC Studios

70067131

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/John%20Francis%20Roche

John Francis Roche

John Francis "Jack" Roche (September 6, 1927 – January 26, 1956) was an American serial killer, burglar, and rapist who murdered at least four people in the Yorkville neighborhood of Eastern Manhattan between August 1953 and June 1954. Following his arrest, Roche was convicted, sentenced to death, and subsequently executed at Sing Sing in 1956. Early life John Francis Roche was born on September 6, 1927, in Port Chester, New York, the only child to Irish immigrant parents. Shortly after his birth, the family moved from Port Chester and settled in New York City. Roche's father Patrick was an alcoholic who repeatedly assaulted his wife and at one point attempted suicide. According to psychological reports, Roche would spend a considerable amount of time in confinement. In his adolescent years, his mother abandoned him, and Roche began committing petty crimes, and in 1951 was detained for armed robbery, for which he was given a short prison term, getting out sometime before 1953. Murders Roche might've started his murder spree on August 22, 1953, when he allegedly bludgeoned and stabbed to death 22-year-old sailor Edward Bates in Queens. Not long after, police began investigating Paul A. Pfeffer, a man with a lengthy criminal history, and he was arrested on August 27. On November 15, Roche burglarized an apartment that belonged to 85-year-old Rosa Chronik. Investigators allege that while he was ransacking the place, Rosa interrupted him, and in a panic Roche stabbed her to death and fled. Pfeffer, on the other hand, was convicted of Bates' murder in January 1954, and he was sentenced to 20-years imprisonment. Roche did not commit another murder until April 8, 1954. That day, he stalked 17-year-old Marion Brown through the apartment complex she lived in and where she worked as a waitress. Once in a secluded area of a hallway, Roche attacked Brown and proceeded to rape her, while Brown attempted to scream for help, but Roche eventually killed her and fled. After the murder, Roche got a call from his fiancée, Yolande Graspo. Gaspo exclaimed she was frightened at the news of Brown's murder and wanted Roche to walk her home, unknown to her that Roche was the killer. Roche agreed to lead Graspo home, and he did, leaving her unharmed. On April 16, Roche flagged down a taxi operated by 43-year-old Alexander Jablonka. Once inside, Roche stabbed Jablonka to death with the same knife used to kill Brown, and fled. During the period of time after the murder, there was speculation that the murders of Brown and Jablonka were perpetrated by the same person, something the Yorkville police denied, saying there was not enough evidence and the news could cause a panic among Yorkville residents. On June 2, 14-year-old Dorothy Westwater left her apartment for school when Roche approached and forcefully dragged her under a staircase. He proceeded to stab Westwater in the neck, back, and chest a total of eight times, before raping her and proceeding to shattering her skull with a lead pipe. By the time Westwater was discovered, she was still alive but in dreadful condition, having to be rushed to the hospital, where she died shortly after. Investigation The series of brutal slayings caused a moral panic among the Yorkville population, with authorities overwhelmed with the string of murders, finally having to admit that there was a link between each of the killings. Men throughout the city accompanied young girls to protect them from the killer. On June 5, Roche was arrested after he was caught driving erratically. Once in custody, the trunk of Roche's vehicle was searched, and police uncovered a blood stain on a lead pipe, which investigators involved in Westwater's murder noticed. Roche was interrogated and confessed to each of the five murders he committed, including that of Bates' which stunned investigators as Paul A. Pfeffer was already convicted and was serving time for Bates' murder. Two days after Roche's arrest, an 18-year-old black boy named Norman Roye was arrested in New York City for the murder of 66-year-old Isadora Goomes. Roye eventually confessed to three murders that dated back to January 1953. Due to the close proximity and the timing, the press and news outlets compared Roche and Roye together on a daily basis. Trial and execution A call for a re-trial of Pfeffer upon Roche's confession was brought forward. However, Roche was due to stand trial for the murder of Westwater first. During the trial, Roche did not make deny his guilt, claiming he did not want to live out the rest of his days in prison and wanted to die. He also claimed he was sorry for killing Westwater, claiming he thought she was 18 when he attacked her, but was upset to learn she was 14. Roche's attorney James Murray compared Roche's mind to scrambled eggs, saying his client was insane. Roche said he would rather be executed than be sent to a mental hospital. He expressed some remorse over Westwater's murder due to her age, saying "I was sorry . . . she was only 14. I thought she was 18." Roche was convicted of first degree murder. The jury did not recommend mercy, making a death sentence mandatory. His execution was scheduled for August 24, 1955. However, Roche was unable to be executed that day due to testify at the retrial of Paul Pfeffer. Before the trial, Pfeffer was convicted of a separate homicide, that of Mellon Byrd, and an assault on Harry Meyer, for which he was sentenced to life in prison. In January 1956, the charge against Pfeffer for Bates’ murder was dismissed. On January 26, Roche was finally executed at Sing Sing, by the electric chair. His last meal consisted of fried chicken, french fries potatoes, tomato salad, strawberry shortcake, rolls, ice cream, coffee, and cigarettes. Roche had no last words. Roche met with a chaplain in the hours before he was put to death. Before his execution, Roche said he hadn't killed Bates, and only did so out of sympathy for Pfeffer since they both "had seamy lives". See also Norman Roye Capital punishment in New York (state) List of people executed in New York List of serial killers in the United States References 1927 births 1956 deaths 20th-century American criminals American male criminals Male serial killers American murderers of children American people convicted of murder People convicted of murder by New York (state) 20th-century executions by New York (state) People executed by New York (state) by electric chair Executed American serial killers People executed for murder Executed people from New York (state) Criminals from New York (state) People from Port Chester, New York Crime in New York (state)

70069170

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Konstantinos%20Koumas

Konstantinos Koumas

Konstantinos Koumas (; Larissa, 26 September 1777 - Trieste, 13 May 1836) was a Greek 'Teacher of the Nation', a pioneer of the Modern Greek Enlightenment, a historian, philosopher and translator of literary works. Biography Childhood and studies He was born in Larissa in 1777. His father was Michael Koumas, a fury merchant. From the fear not to be taken by the Janissaries, he spent his childhood hidden in at home, without ever attending school or church. In 1787, because of the plague epidemic that broke out in Larissa, the family of Koumas left in Tyrnavos. There, little Konstantinos learned how to read the synaxaries at church and the Salvation of Sinners by Landos (Αμαρτωλών Σωτηρία του Λάνδου). Because he developed an enthusiasm for knowledge, his parents delivered him at fifteen at the school of Tyrnavos, where he had Ioannis Pezaros (Ιωάννης Πέζαρος) as his teacher. He was educated by him for six years and he got the reputation of a prominent student. He was taught of Ancient Greek classical writers and basic principles of philosophy jointly with mathematics, geometry and physics, in which he showed special inclination. Metropolitan of Larissa, Dionysis Kaliarchis took him with him in Constantinople and introduced him to the Grand Dragoman of the Sublime Porte, Constantine Ypsilantis. When Constantine was declared Prince of Wallachia, he suggested hiring him at his services, but Koumas refused and returned back to his homeland, where he became a teacher. Teacher at Tsaritsani and Ampelakia Because of the constant terrorism of the Turkish, he fled to Tsaritsani where he taught and preached from a pulpit. He taught Greek and scientific studies in simple Greek language by the standards of the democrats and he introduces algebra as a new lesson. In October of 1798, he’s marrying the daughter of his teacher, Ioannis Pezaros. He then went to Ampelakia, where Gregory Konstantas and the doctor Spyridon Asanis from Kefallonia used to teach. In 1799, Koumas is having a daughter but he loses his wife. Deeply saddened, he fled to the Vineyards, where he occupied with Asanis in translating the work of a French astronomer and mathematician Abbe de la Caille, about conical prefectures. In Vienna At the end of 1803, Anthimos Gazis took him with him when he visited at summer, his birthplace. And Koumas wanted passionately to meet “the Enlightened Europe”. At the capital of Austria - Hungary, where he was the chaplain of a prosperous Greek community, he was included in his staff for the publication of his Greek dictionary. Also, Koumas was appointed as a private teacher to the wealthy merchant Stephanos Moschos (Στέφανος Μόσχος), while at the same time he applied to the University, mainly attending math related courses. With the still intense echo of the French Revolution, Vienna at the time is full of liberty and new ideas, it’s a center of spiritual and artistic movement, already having a university since 1365, while books, newspapers and magazines are being distributed in several languages. He himself is learning German. 1807 was a rough year for Koumas, finding him in a formidable financial situation, after his father’s death. In Smyrna In 1808 he received an invitation from the Greeks of Smyrna to take over the management of the newly established Philological Gymnasium of Smyrna. At the urging of Adamantios Korais, who appreciated him for his abilities, he accepted and went there. In this position he taught mathematics, philosophy, experimental physics, geography and ethics, while he organized physical and chemical experiments by equipping the school with the corresponding instruments. With his teaching he introduced rationalism and experimentation, displacing the ecclesiastical tradition of teaching based on memorization and obedience. He gained great reputation as a worthy organizer of schools, and the Patriarch Cyril VII invited him to Constantinople to run the Great School of the Nation. In 1814 he accepted the post of director of the Kourotsesmeio school in Xirokrini (north of Constantinople), where he remained for only one year and returned to Smyrna, where in 1815 his daughter was getting married. Stance towards the Filiki Etaireia Koumas was forced to become a member of the Filiki Etaireia, but he was skeptical, if not negative, about the Revolution and the Friends. In his work "Stories of human actions ..." (1832) he describes many friends as moneylenders, who catechized new members because they paid a florin for each new member. He criticizes the Friends because they predicted the certain fall of the Ottoman Empire. He described Alexandros Ypsilantis as "naive and childish". However, this negative attitude towards the Friendly Society was widespread among scholars before the Revolution. In Germany In October 1817 the Greek scholar went to Vienna to publish books and to enrich his knowledge. He travels to German universities and meets great contemporary scholars, such as Wolf, Krug, Delling, Kreuzer. He admires the rational spirit of Immanuel Kant. The University of Leipzig awarded him a doctorate in Philosophy and Fine Arts, sending him the corresponding diploma in early 1820, while the Royal Academy in Berlin and the University of Munich, recognized him as an honorary member. After this two-year wandering, which was particularly useful for his intellectual training, he will return back to Smyrna, having in his armory a rich translation and publishing work. Return to Smyrna The school of Smyrna, however, in 1819 was closed and Koymas refuses the proposal for the management of the Evangelical School. During his stay there he deals with the translation of a Greco-German dictionary (some "Reimeros"), considering German as the language of devotion to science and rationalism. This work is forced to stop with the declaration of the Greek Revolution. His entire property, including his remarkable library, is confiscated by the Turkish who consider him suspicious. Greek Revolution and escape to Austria He escapes on an Austrian ship to Trieste. From there he will go to Vienna where he is arrested by the Austrian police of Metternich on charges of participating in a conspiracy, but is quickly released on restrictive terms. In Vienna he completes the compilation of his dictionary - his only work that he managed to save - and then he will proceed to his publication, while immediately afterwards he will deal with the writing of the History of Human Acts from ancient times until 1831. This work, which he published in the same year in 12 volumes, is his most important intellectual creation. In the period up to 1836, Koumas refused twice to assume duties related to educational activities in Greece due to his fragile health. During his last years he spent in Tergeste/Trieste where he died in 1836 of cholera at the age of 59. His stance on the language issue/His attitude towards language issue Koumas remained over time "the most loyal and consistent follower of Korais", an opponent of the archaic word/ancient Greek language , whom he considers as a brake on the enlightenment effort for the progress of Greek-speaking education. Koumas believed in the social character of education and considered that teaching in a more familiar language contributes decisively to the achievement of this goal. For these reasons he came into conflict with representatives of the archaic language/ ancient Greek language such as Neophytos Doukas. Pension From there they arrived after six days of horse riding in the panspermon of Adria in the city of Trieste. In it I met the most knowledgeable, hard-working, for the sake of our generation and respected man from Thessalia, Koyma. It happened there by chance, while I was coming down to Greece after the son of Sophocles and the wise Economos during that (April-day) (1834) of my stay in Trieste. The well-educated Koymas was then writing the general geography and, as usual, he was working thoroughly from morning. Until the fourth hour of the afternoon and, meaning, he went out regularly for a walk.When we did not meet him, he expressed his desire to watch him as long as he wanted to stay in Trieste, because he had some relationship with none other than the expatriates in that city.On the first Sunday of my stay in Trieste, I attended the venerable Koyma in the Greek Orthodox Church, which was also attended by the wise Economos. - Panagiotis Papanaoum, Autobiography, 1873. His work The list of his works is presented in his book Polychronis Enepekidis, Korais-Koymas-Kalvos, Athens 1967, pp.165-166. Elementary series of mathematical and physical treatises, volumes 8, Vienna 1807. Chemistry summary, volumes 2, Vienna 1808. Synopsis of Physics, Vienna 1812. Dissertation in the category of one of the Duke of Argos ", Hermes the Wise, 18, (1813). Veilandou Agathon, volumes 3, Vienna 1814. Historical chronology, Vienna 1818. Synopsis of the History of Philosophy, Vienna 1818. Constitution of Philosophy, volumes 4, Vienna 1818-1820. "Pedagogy. On education and schools ", Hermes the Wise (1819) Summary of Sciences for the pioneers containing Arithmetic, Geometry, New Geography, Astronomy, Logic and Ethics, Vienna 1819. Summary of Old Geography, Vienna 1819. Dictionary for them studying the ancient Greek books, according to Reimeros's Greek-German, volumes 2, Vienna 1826. History of human deeds from ancient times to the present day, volumes 12, Vienna 1830-1832. Grammar for schools, Vienna 1833. Geography, volumes 5, Vienna 1838-1840. The two Apologies to the Great Church of the eloquent K. Economos and other letters of his unpublished, Ermoupolis Psyros 1861. References Sources Μεγάλοι διδάσκαλοι του γένους - Ημερολόγιον Εγκυκλοπαιδικόν. 1913. σελίδες 99–101. Ανακτήθηκε στις 30 Ιουλίου 2011 Bibliography Ρωξάνη Δ. Αργυροπούλου, «Ο K. M. Κούμας ως φιλόσοφος» επιλεγόμενα της έκδοσης του Κέντρου Ερεύνης της Ελληνικής Φιλοσοφίας της Ακαδημίας Αθηνών (Σειρά Β᾽: Επανεκδόσεις), W. G. Tennemann, Σύνοψις της ιστορίας της φιλοσοφίας, μετάφρασις Κ. M. Κούμα, Αθήνα 1973, 225-243 [=Προσεγγίσεις της νεοελληνικής φιλοσοφίας, Θεσσαλονίκη, Βάνιας, 2004, 78-100]. Ρωξάνη Δ. Αργυροπούλου,«Γλώσσα και πραγματικότητα στον Κ. Κούμα», Ελληνική Φιλοσοφική Εταιρεία, Πρακτικά Συμποσίου Γλώσσα και πραγματικότητα στην ελληνική φιλοσοφία, Αθήνα, 1985, 270-274 [=Προσεγγίσεις της νεοελληνικής φιλοσοφίας, Θεσσαλονίκη, Βάνιας, 2004, 101-107]. Ρωξάνη Δ. Αργυροπούλου, «Η Ηθική του Κ. Μ. Κούμας και το Σύστημα τη πρακτικής φιλοσοφίας του W. T. Krug», Φιλοσοφία 7 (1977), 224- 230 [=Νεοελληνικός ηθικός και πολιτικός στοχασμός. Από τον Διαφωτισμό στον Ρομαντισμό, Θεσσαλονίκη, Βάνιας, 2003, 152-170]. Ρωξάνη Δ. Αργυροπούλου, «Το πρότυπο του Αγάθωνα στη διανόηση του Κ. Μ. Κούμα», Φιλοσοφία 23-24 (1993-1994 ), 455-467 [=Νεοελληνικός ηθικός και πολιτικός στοχασμός. Από τον Διαφωτισμό στον Ρομαντισμό, Θεσσαλονίκη, Βάνιας, 2003, 171-180]. Ρωξάνη Δ. Αργυροπούλου,«Η ελευθερία στην αναζήτηση της αρετής κατά τον Κ. Μ. Κούμα» στον συλλογικό τόμο Ρ. Αργυροπούλου-A. Κουκής-Κ. Πέτσιος-A. Κελεσίδου-Α. Γλυκοφρύδη-Λεοντσίνη, Η έννοια της ελευθερίας στον Νεοελληνικό Στοχασμό, πρόλογος Ε. Μουτσόπουλος, ημίτομος δεύτερος, δέκατος ένατος αιών, Ακαδημία Αθηνών, Κέντρον Ερεύνης της Ελληνικής Φιλοσοφίας, Αθήναι 1997,11-31. Ρωξάνη Δ. Αργυροπούλου, «Η πορεία της θεοσέβειας από τον Κ. Μ. Κούμα στον Θ. Καΐρη», Κέντρον Νεοελληνικών Ερευνών Ε.Ι.Ε., Πρακτικά Πανελληνίου Συμποσίου Θεόφιλος Καΐρης, Αθήνα, 207-210 [=Νεοελληνικός ηθικός και πολιτικός στοχασμός. Από τον Διαφωτισμό στον Ρομαντισμό, Θεσσαλονίκη, Βάνιας, 2003, 190-196]. Ψημμένος Νίκος, «Η φυσική και τα μαθηματικά στη θεώρηση του Κ. Μ. Κούμα». Στο: Πρακτικά του συνεδρίου «Οι φυσικές επιστήμες στην Ελλάδα και ιδιαίτερα στη Θεσσαλονίκη πριν την Επανάσταση» (Λάρισσα – Αμπελάκια – Τύρναβος 22-23.3.1985), Λάρισα 1986, 72-79 Ψημμένος Νίκος, «Ο Κωνσταντίνος Κούμας ως ιστορικός της νεοελληνικής φιλοσοφίας», Φιλοσοφία 15-16 (1985-86), 376-397. Ζεγκίνης, Ιωάννης: «Κωνσταντίνος Κούμας, ένας διδάσκαλος του Γένους». Παρνασσός 22 (1980), 227-231. Καράς, Γ.: Θεόφιλος Καΐρης, Κωνσταντίνος Μ. Κούμας. Δύο πρωτοπόροι δάσκαλοι του γένους, Αθ. 1977. Τσιρίκογλου-Λαγούδα, Φωτεινή: Ο Θεσσαλός λόγιος-παιδαγωγός του νεοελληνικού διαφωτισμού Κωνσταντίνος Μ. Κούμας. Η ζωή, το έργο του, οι ιδέες του. «Αφοί Κυριακίδη», Θεσσαλονίκη 1997. 1777 births 1836 deaths People from Larissa 18th-century Greek educators 19th-century Greek educators Greek expatriates in Austria 19th-century Greek writers Members of the Filiki Eteria People of the Modern Greek Enlightenment

70070011

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Alexander%20Kobrinsky

Alexander Kobrinsky

Alexander Arkadyevich Kobrinsky (Russian: Алекса́ндр Арка́дьевич Ко́бринский, born March 20, 1967, Leningrad) is a Russian literary critic, opposition politician and lawyer, ex-deputy of the Legislative Assembly of St. Petersburg of the 5th convocation (2011–2016). Doctor of Philology, professor. Biography Graduate of Herzen University in St. Petersburg, Russia. In 1992 defended his Ph.D. thesis "Prose of Daniil Kharms", in 1999 – his doctoral dissertation "OBERIU Poetics in the Context of the Russian Literary Avant-Garde of the 20th Century". Kobrinsky worked as a professor at the Department of Russian Literature of the Russian State Pedagogical University. In 2019, he resigned due to sexual harassment complaints from female students. Specialist in the Russian avant-garde. Managing editor of the scientific journal "Summer School on Russian Literature", published by the St. Petersburg Institute of Jewish Studies. Political activity In 2006, Kobrinsky appealed to the Supreme Court of the Russian Federation with a demand to recognize the illegal forced evacuation of cars and their placement in a car impound in case of violation of traffic rules by drivers. The process was lost. Kobrinsky was a member of the federal bureau of the Yabloko party. In December 2011, he was elected to the Legislative Assembly of St. Petersburg of the 5th convocation (2011–2016) on the regional list of the Yabloko party. In 2020, he was nominated by the Yabloko party as a candidate for the by-elections of a deputy of the legislative assembly of St. Petersburg. However, the elections were canceled due to the COVID-19 pandemic. Allegations of sexual harassment In October 2020, the testimonies of many former students of Herzen University were published, in which they claimed sexual harassment by a former university teacher Alexander Kobrinsky. The published material claimed that Kobrinsky, being a professor, repeatedly invited students to visit, treated them to alcohol, and had sexual relations with them; two girls said that he allegedly forced them into BDSM sessions. Kobrinsky did not deny the fact of relations with students, however, he said that he called them to his home "exclusively for educational purposes." He denied the incorrectness of his actions, saying that he did not use his official position when courting women. According to him, until the moment of publication, the students and graduate students whom he invited to his apartment “did not have any questions”. Kobrinsky confirmed the information that he told one of the students about gynecological examinations, noting that it could be “a euphemism in terms of sexual contacts”. After the publication of the article, the Yabloko Party Bureau refused to take any action. After that, members of the Yabloko party created a working group to verify the information provided in the media regarding the former deputy from the party. Members of the working group talked to the authors of the material and the girls who made claims, and said that they could not find any reason to recognize the information as false. Also, members of the working group reported that in the course of their work, a woman who was a member of the party turned to them, alleging harassment by Kobrinsky. In December 2020, Kobrinsky filed a claim for the protection of honor and dignity against the journalist of the Kholod publication Sonya Volyanova, who published a text about sexual harassment of female students by Kobrinsky. In December 2021, the Petrogradsky District Court of St. Petersburg satisfied Kobrinsky's claim, requiring Volyanova to publish a refutation and pay Kobrinsky 300,000 rubles. The editor-in-chief of Kholod, Taisiya Bekbulatova, notes that Kobrinsky does not deny the existence of a sexual relationship with students, and the reason for the lawsuit was the description of episodes of violence against them. In December 2021, Kobrinsky filed a defamation complaint against Republic journalist Rimma Polyak. Claims were caused by the text "Effect of Kobrinsky: old 'Yabloko' and new ethics", which told about the reaction of the party to the accusations against Kobrinsky. In February 2022, after negotiations between the parties, the publication made changes to the article. Kobrinsky announced the termination of the criminal prosecution of the journalist and the refusal to file a lawsuit against the publication. However, Rimma Polyak said that Kobrinsky's statement had already been transferred from the police to the Investigative Committee, where the issue of initiating a case against her was being decided. References Living people Russian philologists 1967 births

70070071

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/John%20Eichinger

John Eichinger

John Charles Eichinger (born February 18, 1972) is an American serial killer who was convicted of killing three women and one child from 1999 to 2005 in Pennsylvania, which he committed after two of the victims had rejected his romantic advances. He was handed three death sentences for the latter murders and one life sentence for the former, and is currently awaiting execution. Early life John Charles Eichinger was born on February 18, 1972, in Malvern, Pennsylvania, as one of four brothers. He attended the Upper Merion Area High School in King of Prussia, where he was part of a large group of friends who would play Dungeons & Dragons in their spare time. Through this activity, he became acquainted with Jennifer Still and Heather Greaves, developing a romantic interest in both women. After graduation, he found work as a clerk at a local Acme supermarket, where he worked alongside Greaves. In his spare time, he was noted for playing in local chess tournaments. Murders On July 6, 1999, Eichinger, donning a pair of rubber gloves and carrying a large knife under his jacket, went to Still's home in Bridgeport in order to confess his feelings towards her. To his dismay, she rejected his advances, stating that she would not leave her fiancé. Enraged by her rejection, Eichinger pulled out the knife and repeatedly stabbed her, ultimately cutting her throat before leaving the house. In the subsequent investigations, police questioned Still's boyfriend and friends, including Eichinger, who claimed that he had been in New Jersey at the time of the murders. In an attempt to ward the police off his trail, he claimed that two other Dungeons & Dragons players might have information the murder, with one of them being heavily involved in Wicca. As the investigators had no evidence to connect him with the murder at the time, they focusede on the players mentioned by Eichinger, until a DNA swab proved that they were innocent. After the murder, Eichinger stored the bloodied knife, clothing and rubber gloves he had worn on the day of the murder in his room as a keepsake to remind him of the killing. For the next five years, when Halloween came about, he would take out the knife and don a mask of Ghostface from the horror franchise Scream, and would go out trick-or-treating with them. Around 2003, he moved to his parents' new home in Somers Point, New Jersey, where he transferred to work at a local Acme supermarket. On March 25, 2005, Greaves ordered some purple flowers for her upcoming birthday and arranged Eichinger to deliver them at her home in King of Prussia. Bringing the knife with him, Eichinger went to the house and confessed his feelings for Greaves, emphasizing that he wanted her to leave her husband for him. After being rejected again, he pulled out the knife and started stabbing her, before finishing her off by slitting her throat. The act was noticed by Greaves' 21-year-old sister Lisa and 3-year-old daughter, Avery, who were in at the house at the time. Unwilling to leave any witnesses, Eichinger went to the bathroom and stabbed Lisa to death, before catching up to Avery in the hallway and killing her as well. He then started walking back to his car, where a neighbor of Greaves' observed him with bloodied clothes and a rag tied around his hand. The victims' bodies were discovered by Greaves' husband, George, when he returned home from work. Arrest, trial and imprisonment As the killings heavily resembled Still's murder from years prior, authorities started looking into whether the four victims had any connections. After learning that Still and Greaves had been mutual friends with each other and with Eichinger, Detective Richard Nilsen was dispatched to interrogate him at his workplace in Somers Point. Initially, Eichinger denied responsibility, claiming that the scratches on his arm were the result of a dog bite and a cut sustained while he was taking out the trash, and that he had been at a boardwalk in Ocean City when the killings took place. However, when he noticed that Nilsen was carrying a gun on him, Eichinger decided to confess to the four killings, bizarrely stating that he followed company policy to "never resist a man with a gun." Not long after, Eichinger waived his right to an extradition hearing and was extradited to Pennsylvania, where he was charged with four counts of capital murder. He confessed to the four murders before the judge, arguing that he should be given a life sentence in light of mitigating evidence presented by his lawyers: these included claims that he suffered from schizoid personality disorder and that he was under extreme emotional duress when he committed the crimes, relating to the recent death of his father from Alzheimer's disease. These claims were contested by the prosecutors, who pointed that the defendant had no prior history of mental illness, had planned his crimes in advance and the murders of Lisa and Avery were done to get rid of witnesses. In the end, Eichinger was found guilty on all counts and was given three death sentences for the murders of the Greaves family; he was given a life term for Still's murder. At the sentencing phase, the victims' family members exclaimed that they hoped they would live long enough to see Eichinger executed for the murders. Since his incarceration, he has attempted to appeal his sentence on multiple occasions, but each time, his appeals have been denied. In 2008, Eichinger's death warrant was signed by Governor Ed Rendell, but the sentence is yet to be carried out. In the media and culture Eichinger's crimes were covered on two separate crime documentary series, both aired on Investigation Discovery: on Homicide City as an episode titled Deadly Circle of Friends, and on In Ice Cold Blood as an episode titled Dungeons, Dragons and Death. See also Capital punishment in Pennsylvania List of death row inmates in Pennsylvania List of serial killers in the United States References External links Commonwealth v. Eichinger (2007) Eichinger v. Wetzel (2019) 1972 births Living people 20th-century American criminals 21st-century American criminals American male criminals Male serial killers American serial killers American murderers of children People convicted of murder by Pennsylvania American people convicted of murder American prisoners sentenced to death American prisoners sentenced to life imprisonment Prisoners sentenced to death by Pennsylvania Prisoners sentenced to life imprisonment by Pennsylvania American prisoners and detainees Prisoners and detainees of Pennsylvania Violence against women in the United States Criminals from Pennsylvania People from Malvern, Pennsylvania

70070492

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ciro%20Kroon

Ciro Kroon

Ciro Domenico Kroon (31 January 1916 – 9 June 2001) was an Curaçao politician and businessman. He served as Minister of Social and Economic Affairs from 1957 until 1968, and Prime Minister of the Netherlands Antilles from 1968 until 1969. The 1969 Curaçao uprising caused the collapse of his government. Biography Kroon was born on 31 January 1916 in Curaçao. After finishing high school, he worked in trade. In 1942, he joined the civil service in the Department of Social and Economic Affairs. In 1944, he was one of the founders of the Democratic Party of Curaçao. In 1945, he was a candidate for the Estates of Curaçao and Dependencies, but did not get elected. In 1949, Kroon was elected to the Estates. On 16 June 1951, he became a member of the island council of Curaçao, and served until 1957. In 1956, he first served as acting Lieutenant governor of Curaçao. In November 1957, he was appointed Minister of Social and Economic Affairs. Prime minister In January 1968, prime minister Efraïn Jonckheer announced his intention to retire from active politics, and named Kroon as his successor. On 15 February, Kroon became Prime Minister of the Netherlands Antilles. The same day, he wanted to drive to the airport to say goodbye to Jonckheer, however he was involved in a traffic accident with a bus, and was hospitalised with a concussion. On the outside, Curaçao appeared to be in great shape. It had one of the highest per capita incomes, a 99.5% literacy rate, a tourist friendly capital with luxury hotels and many duty-free shops, however Royal Dutch Shell, the largest employer, had laid off 2,000 workers. About 20% of the population, mainly of African descent, was unemployed, and many were living in slums on the edge of Willemstad. On the other hand, the mainly Caucasian management was living in the segregated and gated villa wards of Julianadorp and Emmastad. Royal Dutch Shell announced using plumbers of subcontractor Werkspoor Caribbean (WESCAR), where the employees received significant lower wages. A strike was called for the end of May by the unions. On 30 May 1969, the strikers were joined by disgruntled personnel of Texas Instruments, and a march was organised to the centre of Willemstad which escalated in a riot where houses were set on fire, and shops were looted. The police were unable to handle the situation, prime minister Kroon could not located, governor Cola Debrot was in New York, therefore, Ronchi Isa, Minister of Justice, called in the Netherlands Marine Corps. The riot ended when it was announced that Shell and WESCAR had given into the demands, and the marines left on 6 June. The riot had resulted in two deaths, 69 wounded, 53 buildings were destroyed, and 190 looted. Damages were estimated at US$40 million. The government of the Netherlands Antilles announced its resignation, and an ad interim government was formed headed by which would act as a place holder until the 1969 elections. Ernesto Petronia was later elected as the first Prime Minister of African descent, however the Democratic Party would remain the largest party in the coalition. Later life In July 1970, Kroon founded the party Movimento pa adelanto Social Antiyano (Movement for Antillian Social Advancement). In 1971, he was re-elected to the Estates. On 20 November 1973, he became Minister of Economic Affairs, Sports and Culture in the Evertsz cabinet, and served until 14 October 1977. After retiring from politics, Kroon became president of the Curaçao branch of Mercantil Banco, and in December 1985, he was appointed formateur of a new government which resulted in the Don Martina government. Honours Knight of the Order of the Netherlands Lion Commander of the Order of Orange-Nassau Order of the Liberator Order of San Carlos See also Jonckheer-Kroon cabinet References 1916 births 2001 deaths Prime Ministers of the Netherlands Antilles Government ministers of the Netherlands Antilles Curaçao politicians Curaçao businesspeople Commanders of the Order of Orange-Nassau Knights of the Order of the Netherlands Lion Members of the Estates of the Netherlands Antilles

70072446

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Clayden

Clayden

Clayden is a surname. Notable people with the surname include: Arthur Clayden (1829–1899), New Zealand journalist and emigration agent Bertha Clayden (1881−1958), British police officer Charles Clayden, English footballer George Clayden (1903–1990), Australian footballer James Clayden, Australian director and painter John Clayden (1904–1986), South African judge Jonathan Clayden (born 1968), British chemist JS Clayden (born 1971), British singer-songwriter Pauline Clayden (born 1922), British ballerina Peter Clayden (1827–1902), British journalist and author Rodney Clayden (born 1945), British swimmer

70072699

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List%20of%20Kyra%20Sedgwick%20performances

List of Kyra Sedgwick performances

Kyra Sedgwick is an American actress, producer and director. Her career begin when she played Julia Shearer in the soap opera Another World from 1982 to 1983. Her first film was the 1985 drama film War and Love in which she starred. Her other roles in the late 1980s included Tai-Pan (1986) and Born on the Fourth of July (1989). During the 1990s, she co-starred in the films Singles opposite Campbell Scott (1992), Heart and Souls with Robert Downey Jr. (1993), Something to Talk About with Julie Roberts and Robert Duvall (1995), Phenomenon with John Travolta and again with Robert Duvall (1996), and Montana with Stanley Tucci (1998). In the 2000s, Sedgwick appeared in the films What's Cooking? (2000), Secondhand Lions, her third collaboration with Robert Duvall (2003) and Loverboy which she also produced and was directed by her husband Kevin Bacon (2005). In 2005, she was cast in the role of Brenda Leigh Johnson in the TNT police procedural series The Closer. She would play that role until the series ended in 2012. The role earned her a Golden Globe Award for Best Actress in Television Series Drama (2007) and Primetime Emmy Award for Outstanding Lead Actress in a Drama Series (2010). During that time she also appeared in the films The Game Plan (2007), Gamer (2009), and Man on a Ledge (2012). Sedgwick's other television credits include Talk to Me (2000), Queens Supreme (2003), as Madeline Wuntch in Brooklyn Nine-Nine (2014–2020), Ten Days in the Valley (2017–2018), and Call Your Mother (2021). Film Television References External links American filmographies

70072741

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/First%20Baptist%20Church%20City%20of%20St.%20Louis

First Baptist Church City of St. Louis

First Baptist Church City of St. Louis, located in Midtown St. Louis at 3100 Bell Avenue in St. Louis, was founded as First African Baptist Church in 1827. It was the first African-American church west of the Mississippi River. Initially, most of the congregants were African American enslaved people who had permission from their owners to attend church. From its beginning, the church offered reading and religious education clandestinely. The city of St. Louis enacted laws to restrict assembly, education, and religious services for black people. In 1847, the school was closed down by the police. The same year, Reverend John Berry Meachum established the Floating Freedom School on a steamboat on the Mississippi River, where it was under federal jurisdiction. The church was a stopping point on the Underground Railroad. A second building was constructed next to the church in 1952 for educational and recreational facilities, including a combination gymnasium and auditorium for up to 3,000 people. In 1997, the church partnered with the St. Louis Symphony Orchestra's IN UNISON choral ensemble program. The church is a member of the National Baptist Convention, USA, Inc. History The First African Baptist Church had its beginnings in 1817, when two Baptist missionaries, John Mason Peck and James Welch, established the Sabbath School for Negroes in St. Louis, with the assistance of John Berry Meachum. Meachum began preaching and assisting the missionaries in 1821. Reverend Peck provided guidance and supervision during monthly visits. Reverend Meachum, ordained by Reverend Peck in 1825, founded the First African Baptist Church in 1827. It was then independent of the missionaries. The church, described as a "plain and comfortable brick house for worship", was located at Third and Almond (now Market) Street. It was the first African-American church west of the Mississippi River. An ordinance was passed in 1825 that made it illegal for African Americans to assemble, unless they had a permit and the events were attended by a police officer. The church required enslaved people to have permission of their owners to attend the church, which eased the concerns of many influential community members. While he was transparent about who might attend church services, Meachum secretly operated a school for blacks in the basement of the church called the Tallow Candle School. It taught reading and Biblical scriptures and also provided a worship service. The school admitted all people who wished to receive an education, and it charged a monthly tuition of one dollar per pupil for those who could afford to pay. Some of the pupils chose to be baptized and become members of the church. The congregation grew from 14 people at its founding to 220 people by 1829. Two hundred of the parishioners were slaves, who could only travel to the church and attend services with the permission of their owners. The church was a stopping point on the Underground Railroad. The church grew to more than 500 people by the 1840s. On March 22, 1846, 22 or 23 of its members were released from the church and founded the Second Colored Baptist Church (now the Central Baptist Church). In most cases, the founding members had moved west of the church and desired a location closer to their homes. In 1847, the school was closed by the police. Meachum then opened the Floating Freedom School on a steamboat on the Mississippi River. Since it was anchored in the Mississippi River, it was under the jurisdiction of the federal government and not subject to the Missouri laws and ordinances. A larger church was built between Fourth and Fifth Street in 1848. Meachum died while delivering a sermon in 1854. The St. Louis Post-Dispatch reported in 1874, that the church numbered 3,600 with 30 deacons. On the second Sunday in May of that year, 125 baptisms were performed by Rev. Mr. Holmes, a former enslaved man who was emancipated after the end of the Civil War. People who wished to become members first met with the church's membership committee for their neighborhood, and if approved, they then met with the pastor, followed by a vote being taken of the members. The church moved to its current location in Midtown St. Louis in 1917. In 1940, a fire destroyed the church, which was rebuilt over the following 13 months. In 1952, a separate two-story building was constructed for education and recreational facilities, including 10 classrooms, a combination auditorium and gymnasium for up to 3,000 people, and recreation rooms. In 1997, the church partnered with the St. Louis Symphony Orchestra's IN UNISON choral ensemble program. A history museum is located in the basement of the church. Notes References Baptist churches in Missouri 1817 establishments in Missouri Territory Religious organizations established in 1817 Buildings and structures in St. Louis 19th-century Baptist churches in the United States Midtown St. Louis

70072824

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Storm%20Eunice

Storm Eunice

Storm Eunice () (known as Storm Zeynep in Germany and Storm Nora in Denmark) was an intense extratropical cyclone that is part of the 2021–2022 European windstorm season. Storm Eunice was named by the UK Met Office on 14 February 2022. On 16 February, an amber weather warning was issued for the whole of Southern England, Wales and the Midlands. A red weather warning was subsequently issued on 17 February for parts of South West England and South Wales, with a second red warning issued on 18 February for London, the South East and East of England. Eunice has set a provisional record for the fastest wind gust recorded in England with 122 miles per hour (196 km/h) at The Needles, Isle of Wight. The storm was one of the most powerful to impact the south coast of England since the Great Storm of 1987. The storm caused a huge amount of damage in parts of Western, Central and Northern Europe; millions of people were left without power across affected areas, and many homes had sustained damage. The UK was particularly hard hit, with 1.4 million people left without power at its peak. Several other countries were struck hard by Eunice, with wind damage being mostly the cause of it. Heavy winds damaged parts of buildings, and wind gusts in excess of were recorded. Eunice caused 17 fatalities, and multiple injuries. Meteorology The Met Office named Storm Eunice (as well as Storm Dudley) on 14 February; the Free University of Berlin (FUB) named the same system "Zeynep" on 16 February. Met Éireann of Ireland tweeted that the rapid pressure drop during cyclogenesis met the criteria for explosive cyclogenesis. The storm also developed a sting jet similarly to the Great Storm of 1987. Impact Belgium The roof of the Ghelamco Arena was damaged, resulting in the postponement of the First Division A match between Gent and Seraing scheduled for 18 February. In Tournai, parts of a crane were torn loose and fell on a hospital, damaging the roof and top floor. The town centre of Asse had to be evacuated due to the risk of a church tower collapsing. Public transport was temporarily suspended in large parts of Flanders, with NMBS and De Lijn both announcing trains, buses, and trams were scrapped. Thalys services between Brussels and Amsterdam were also cancelled. Two ships ran adrift off the Belgian coast. The cargo ship drifted through two offshore wind farms, but arrived at its final destination in the Netherlands without sustaining any damage. The oil tanker was forced to lie at anchor in the C-Power offshore wind farm until its rescue by tugboats the next day. Two people died as a result of the heavy winds. In Ypres, a 79-year-old British man drowned after falling from his boat at the marina. In Ghent, a man was hit by a broken solar panel and died in a hospital the next day. At least three others were seriously injured. In Menen, an 18-year-old jogger was taken to a hospital in critical condition after being hit by a loose branch. In Temse, a man sustained a major head injury after a metal plate was ripped off a construction site container. In Veurne, a truck driver was hospitalized after their truck was overturned. Czech Republic The storm had left 26,000 homes without power and several railway lines in the country were suspended. Denmark The Danish Meteorological Institute decided to give the storm the name Nora, believing the name Eunice would be difficult to pronounce in Nordic languages. Nora did not cause significant damage to Denmark, and most models suggest Nora hit it with wind speeds of 60~70 km/h (37~43 mph). They also suggested Nora hit Southern Jutland the most, particularly near the German border as this was where Nora was closest to Denmark from Germany. France In France, an orange warning was issued in 5 departments, with 140 km/h (87mph) winds anticipated in the northernmost points of France, however the peak was 176 km/h (109mph) at Cap Gris Nez. Nord, Pas-de-Calais, Somme, Seine-Maritime, and Manche all received orange weather warnings, and yellow weather warnings were issued for most of Northern France. Police in Wimereux were reported to have been patrolling the seafront ensuring nobody walked on it. Six people were seriously injured in the Nord department of France. Up to 160,000 households were left without electricity throughout the country. Regional trains in Hauts-de-France and Normandy were suspended, and the Lille-Flandres station was temporarily evacuated after debris fell on the glass roof. Germany In Germany, Eunice was named Zeynep by the FUB, ahead of the system's impact storm tide warnings were issued near the Elbe river in preparation for winds, higher than Ylenia which impacted the area only days prior. Eunice made landfall at about midday local time, close to the mouth of the Elbe. Two people died in separate car accidents in the western state of North Rhine-Westphalia in connection with the storm, authorities said. A man died after falling when trying to repair a damaged roof near Cuxhaven, Lower Saxony in the municipality of Wurster Nordseeküste. In Hamburg, a storm surge up the River Elbe reached 3.75m. A 55-meter crane collapsed on an under-construction office building in Bremen. A post mill at Klettbach, Thuringia was blown down. Photographs show that the main post had snapped where the quarterbars join and the mill had blown over onto its side. It is hoped that the mill can be rebuilt. First estimations expect an insured damage of 900 million Euros. Ireland On 16 February, Met Éireann issued a Status Orange wind warning for seven counties for 18 February, saying the storm would bring severe and potentially damaging winds, gusting up to 130 km/h. The next day, further weather warnings for rain, wind and snow were issued by Met Éireann, with a Status Red wind warning for counties Cork, Kerry, Clare and Waterford, while all schools, colleges, universities and childcare facilities were advised to close in counties with Status Red wind and Orange snow warnings. A number of flights, ferry crossings, bus and train services were cancelled throughout the country. A gust of wind with a speed of was recorded offshore at Fastnet Lighthouse, while a gust of was recorded at Roche's Point, Cork Harbour. Up to 80,000 homes and businesses were without power nationally. In County Wexford, a 59-year-old council worker was killed by a falling tree while out clearing debris. There were reports of damages to the roof of Clontarf Road DART station. Lithuania The storm caused power outages across Lithuania on 19 February, mostly in the western and central regions. The water level in the river in Lithuania's port town Klaipėda rose rapidly and flooded streets in the city centre, and shipping in the region had to be stopped. According to representatives of Klaipėda Port, wind gusts reached 90 km/h (56 mph) and is expected to rise up to 100–108 km/h (62–67 mph). Maximum recorded wave height was 5 meters (16.4 ft). Netherlands The meteorological institute KNMI issued rare code red warnings as a result of Storm Eunice for Zeeland, South Holland, North Holland, Friesland and IJsselmeer regions. A code orange was in effect for the rest of the country, excluding Limburg, which faced only a code yellow warning. KNMI reported that they expected gusts between 100 and 120 km/hr for inland areas. This is the fourth time a code red has been issued since 2021 in the Netherlands, with the last in July 2021. Dutch railway operator NS announced on 17 February that it was cancelling all domestic and international train traffic on 18 February at 14:00 CET (13:00 UTC). Many universities and schools closed their doors in the afternoon of 18 February. In addition, national retailers, courts and town halls stopped services across the country in the afternoon. The Eredivisie match between Fortuna Sittard and Sparta Rotterdam scheduled for the evening of 18 February was postponed as the safety of players, staff and supporters could not be guaranteed due to the extreme weather conditions in the area. On 18 February, four people were killed in accidents involving fallen trees. Two people died in Amsterdam after being struck by a falling tree; one of them was a cyclist. A driver in Diemen was struck and killed by a falling tree as well. A fourth person died in Adorp near Groningen, after colliding with a fallen tree in their car. The roof of the ADO Den Haag Stadium was damaged. In the early evening of 18 February, several houses in The Hague were evacuated following reported instability in one of the two towers of the in the town's Zeeheldenkwartier neighbourhood. Poland Four people including two car drivers and two passers-by were killed and nine people injured. The storm brought down thousands of trees, and blocked road and rail transport (mainly in Pomerania, Mazovia, Greater Poland, Warmia and Masuria). PKP IC trains suffered from cancellations and delays of more than 400 minutes. More than 1.2 million people remained without electricity. More than 5,000 buildings were damaged. The 112 emergency phone number was overloaded. There were more than 180,000 emergency calls and more than 25,000 emergency actions, mainly regarding fallen trees, severed electricity lines or damaged roofs. Some skyscrapers in Warsaw were damaged. The highest gusts were recorded on the morning of 19 February in the Baltic port of Łeba (119 km/h) and on Śnieżka mountain (162 km/h). United Kingdom Eunice caused at least £360 million of damage in the UK. Weather warnings for wind, ice and rain were issued by the Met Office spanning most of the UK on 17 February: these warnings included red warnings, because of a danger to life from flying debris, across Wales and Southern England. People living on the north coasts of Cornwall, Devon and Somerset in South West England were warned to expect flooding, hence the "danger to life" red warning. Schools were widely closed, along with public facilities (e.g. libraries), delivery services, sea crossings, and several bridges. The Humber Bridge, Queen Elizabeth II Bridge and the Orwell Bridge were closed; the closure of the Severn Bridge and the Prince of Wales Bridge made it the first time that both Severn bridges have been closed simultaneously, and the first time the Prince of Wales bridge had been closed due to wind. The Langstone Bridge closed for almost three hours over fears of high tide surges, cutting off Hayling Island as the only road to and from the settlement. The prime minister, Boris Johnson, said that the army had been placed on "standby". Authorities across the country were inundated with phone calls related to the storm, with some having to ask the public only to dial 999 if there was a risk to life. London Fire Brigade declared a major incident – receiving 1,958 calls on Friday, three times more than the previous day. The ambulance service in the South Central England region declared a critical incident due to demand on its emergency services. A gust of wind with a speed of was recorded at The Needles, Isle of Wight, the fastest gust ever recorded in England. There were several casualties, including three fatalities. One person in Waterloo was injured by falling debris; another in Streatham was injured by a falling tree. Three people were taken to hospital after a car hit a tree in Bradford-upon-Avon. One person was hospitalised with serious injuries after being hit by debris from a roof in Henley-on-Thames. An elderly man was injured when a section of roof was blown off the Bournemouth Sands Hotel in Westbourne. Police in Highgate, north London, said they were called to reports of a tree falling on a car at 16:00 GMT. The woman, a passenger, was pronounced dead at the scene, while the driver, a man in his 30s, was taken to hospital. The man killed in Merseyside was a passenger in a car heading towards Aintree at about 14:10 when debris reportedly hit the windscreen, police said. Paramedics treated him at the scene, but he was pronounced dead. The driver was not injured. In Alton, Hampshire, two men were in a pickup truck when it was crushed by a falling tree. The passenger was pronounced dead at the scene while the driver was taken to hospital with serious injuries. In London, large sections of The O2 Arena's fabric roof were torn away. Two lorries overturned on the M4 westbound between Margam and Port Talbot. The storm blew the top of the spire off Church of St Thomas, Wells, Somerset. The de Havilland Venom display plane outside Grove Business Park, Wantage, Oxfordshire collapsed in high winds. In Reading, The Cartwheeling Boys statue collapsed in a pile of rubble. One of the three towers at Grain Power Station collapsed, and the power station was taken offline for safety. The early 21st century bandstand at the De La Warr Pavilion on Bexhill-on-Sea seafront in East Sussex was destroyed. Cladding on a Leeds tower block was ripped off. Preston Railway Station was evacuated after the roof suffered structural damage. The station was subsequently deemed unsafe, with Network Rail warning passengers to avoid it. It was partially reopened the next day, with only three of the six platforms in use. A part of the lion enclosure’s fence at Africa Alive! in Kessingland, Suffolk was smashed by a fallen tree. A block of flats in Gosport had its roof ripped off by the storm. Cladding on Evenlode Tower at Blackbird Leys in Oxford also came loose. A water pipe burst at Hove Lagoon in Brighton and Hove, re-flooding it after it was emptied for cleaning and possibly costing the owner thousands of pounds. It is thought that on Friday 18 February there was a record number of homes without power, at around 1.4 million homes. 90,000 homes in South West England were left without power. In Cornwall, power outages affected Bossiney, Lanarth, Marazion and Trevarrack. Dorset was heavily affected by the storm. The Sandbanks Ferry service was suspended. Buildings in Pokesdown were damaged, and a power cut affected Tower Park. The Isle of Portland recorded a gust of , which was the highest wind speed recorded on mainland Britain during the storm. An EFL Championship game between AFC Bournemouth and Nottingham Forest scheduled for the evening of 18 February was postponed because of damage to Bournemouth’s ground, the Vitality Stadium, caused by the storm. Trains were cancelled and delayed across the UK (including the complete cancellation of services in Wales). More than 430 flights due to take off or land at UK airports were cancelled on Friday. Landings at Heathrow Airport of incoming aircraft attempting to land at the airport, including numerous go-arounds and touch-and-go landings, were live-streamed on the YouTube channel Big Jet TV, leading to global media coverage. On 19 February, a yellow warning was issued in southern Wales and the coast of South West England for wind and another for ice in Flintshire. The Prince of Wales Bridge was reopened, however the Severn Bridge remained closed due to forecast of high winds. As of 20 February, there were still 83,000 homes without power across the United Kingdom: 29,000 in South West England; 23,000 in South East England; 20,000 in South England; 7,000 in Eastern England; and around 3,000 in South Wales. On 20 February, Storm Franklin was named by the Met Office, and was expected to hamper recovery efforts from Storm Eunice. However, the storm was not expected to be as intense as Storm Eunice. See also Weather of 2022 2021–2022 European windstorm season Storm Dudley, an extratropical cyclone that affected Northern England and Scotland two days earlier. Storm Franklin, the third storm which hit the United Kingdom within a week. References 2022 disasters in Europe 2022 disasters in the United Kingdom 2022 meteorology 2020s disasters in Germany 2020s disasters in the Czech Republic February 2022 events in Europe European windstorms Weather events in Belgium Weather events in Germany Weather events in Ireland Weather events in Poland Weather events in the Czech Republic Weather events in the Netherlands Winter weather events in the United Kingdom

70073655

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Asbury%20Respus

Asbury Respus

Asbury Respus (died January 8, 1932) was an American serial killer who confessed to at least eight murders throughout North Carolina in the early 20th century. He was ultimately convicted of the murder of 9-year-old Vera Leonard and executed at the Central Prison in Raleigh. Early life Asbury Respus was born in approximately 1878 to Miles and Ellen Respus. In the region of eastern North Carolina from which Respus hailed, the surname Respass was an alternate but far more commonly found spelling of Respus's last name, leading some local newspapers to speculate that his real name may have been Asbury Respass instead. Respus claimed that in his youth, he fell off of a barn and injured his head, an incident that he seemed to blame for the violent behavior he exhibited in his adulthood. The incident left him with an indentation in his skull, as well as lifelong mental issues. On June 28, 1900, he married Ophelia Harrell, the daughter of Mr. and Mrs. Daniel Harrell, in Northampton County, North Carolina. Like Respus, she was 22 years old at the time of the marriage. First murders and institutionalization In an interview Respus gave in the Central Prison warden H.H. Honeycutt's office the day before his execution, Respus discussed his criminal record in depth. He told the reporters who were present that although he could only conclusively remember eight of the murders that he committed, "I think I killed nine." The first murders Respus could recall committing were those of two black women, Lizzie Banks and Zenie Britt; Respus shot Banks and beat Britt to death prior to 1912. Around 1910, Respus also murdered another black woman named Becky Storr in Boykins, Virginia, by beating her with a stick. In 1912, Respus shot and murdered a black man named Ed B. Wynne, a native of Severn, North Carolina. Respus was later charged with and convicted of second degree murder in Wynne's death and sentenced to 15 years in prison, a sentence he began serving on August 31, 1912. In February 1913, approximately six months into his sentence, officials declared Respus 'criminally insane' and sent him to a state mental hospital. Sometime during his stay at the hospital, authorities deemed Respus mentally sound enough to finish serving his sentence in prison, so he was returned to a prison camp. There, he found employment as a cook. On September 13, 1916, Respus and three other prison cooks - John Pearce, Emmett Smith, and Tom Boylan - escaped from the prison kitchen with a fake key that they made on their own, scaling a wall within the prison. Prison officials discovered the escape within a few minutes, but all four of the inmates were able to evade the bloodhounds that authorities used to attempt to trace them, and all four were able to successfully escape. The fate of the other escapees is unknown, but Respus was not apprehended or arrested again between his 1916 escape and his 1931 arrest for the murder that would lead to his execution. 1918–1931 murders After escaping from the prison, Respus returned to Virginia; soon, he relocated to North Carolina once again. On January 14, 1918, near Greensboro, North Carolina, he resumed killing with the murder of housewife Jennie Gilbreath, who died from burn injuries in a house fire that also destroyed her house while her husband was out of town. The murder of Gilbreath marked the first time Respus crossed the color line and murdered a white victim. The fire that destroyed the Gilbreath home was initially considered accidental. On July 21, 1920, Respus drowned a 4-year-old boy named Robert Neal Osborn. While Osborn's death was also originally believed to be an accident (with his death certificate labeling his death "accidental"), Respus confessed shortly before his execution that he threw Osborne into a stream and "held his head under water," stating, "I held it there with both my feet." Respus later pretended to have discovered the body, but authorities did not suspect foul play in Osborn's death until after Respus was arrested for the September 1931 murder of Vera Leonard. On July 17, 1925, Respus murdered 82-year-old Eunice Stevenson, a widow who lived alone. Respus broke into her house, beat her to death, and left her body hanging by the neck on the rafters of the house in order to stage the scene to look like a suicide. Monroe Ozment, a man in his 40s with dementia and an intellectual disability, initially confessed to Stevenson's murder. Like the murder of Osborn, Respus was only considered a suspect in the murders of Gilbreath and Stevenson after his arrest for Vera Leonard's murder years later. Respus was at one point a suspect in the murder of Robert G. Smith, a native of Sumner, a township in Guilford County, who lived alone. Smith's murder was unsolved at the time of Respus's execution; the perpetrator shot into Smith's isolated house and fatally struck him on a Sunday in January 1929. The murder took place approximately five miles from where Respus lived at the time, and four of Respus's murders took place in Guilford County, but Smith's murder was never conclusively tied to Respus. Locals believed that the same person who murdered Smith may have also been responsible for the similar death of Nellie Jones Ballinger, whose body was discovered with a gunshot wound in her mother's Greensboro home on January 15, 1929. Murder of Vera Leonard On September 30, 1931, at approximately 8:00 in the morning, 9-year-old Vera Leonard left her house to catch her school bus when Asbury Respus approached and waylaid her shortly before the bus arrived. While authorities initially believed that Respus's motive was sexual assault, Respus later denied having a sexual motive, claiming instead that he had gotten intoxicated on alcohol and drugs and that the drugs had sent him into a violent frenzy. Respus proceeded to beat Leonard to death. After murdering Leonard, Respus wrapped her body in a blanket and set the family house on fire. At the time of the fire, neither Vera's parents, Mr. and Mrs. Thomas Leonard, nor Vera's 4-year-old brother, were home. Approximately 10 minutes after the murder took place, passersby saw smoke arising from the Leonard household and approached to find the house in flames. The passersby attempted to rescue possessions from inside of the burning house when they noticed pools of blood, shortly after which Vera's father, Thomas Leonard, arrived at the house. After authorities put out the fire, they searched the house and found Vera Leonard's body under a bed. Her skull had been crushed. Authorities quickly connected Respus to the murder when he repeatedly showed up near the scene of the crime and suspiciously stood around. He was arrested and brought into custody later on September 30, and when police searched his house, they found bloodstained overalls and shoes that matched footprints discovered at the murder scene. At the time of the murder, Respus went by the alias Will Moore, and he was employed as a farmhand in a field located next to the Leonard household. After questioning Respus for some time, authorities locked Respus in a padded cell. Respus denied any involvement in the crime until authorities confronted him with a pair of bloodstained overalls found in his house. Respus admitted to beating Leonard to death with a stick, stating that he had consumed copious amounts of alcohol the previous day and that "the [devil] must have gotten hold of me." A lynch mob of approximately 1,000 vigilantes formed on the Guilford County courthouse lawn, but early on the morning of October 2, authorities moved Respus to the Central Prison in Raleigh for safeguarding from mob violence. Around the time of Respus's arrest, two other black men, Lacy Crutchfield and Wilson Headen, were arrested in spite of police admitting that they had little evidence to implicate the two. Cruchfield and Headen were taken to a jail in Winston-Salem, North Carolina, for their own protection from lynch mob violence, but after Respus's confession, the two were released. Trial On Monday, October 26, 1931, Respus was arraigned on charges of murder, criminal assault, and arson, all three of which carried the death penalty in North Carolina at the time. Respus had two court-appointed attorneys who focused their defense on questioning Respus's sanity at the time of the crime. Prior to the trial, psychiatrists analyzed Respus's mental state. As mob violence was still a threat even with Respus's trial soon to begin, state officials ordered National Guardsmen to protect the courthouse. Authorities expected there to be lynch mob violence if the trial court failed to sentence Respus to death. Between the time of his arraignment and the time his trial began, Respus was held in an undisclosed location for his safekeeping. Respus's trial was slated for October 28, 1931. Although he was arraigned on three charges carrying the death penalty, the prosecutor elected to try Respus only for the murder of Vera Leonard. During the trial, approximately 60 National Guardsmen stood duty outside of the courthouse. Respus's jury consisted of citizens of Forsyth County, North Carolina, rather than those from Guilford County, where the murder had taken place. Two of Respus's coworkers undermined his insanity defense by stating that they had never witnessed Respus having a mental health episode or acting strangely in the decade in which they had known him; additionally, a mental health expert who had examined Respus's mental state four times since his arrest stated that he believed Respus to be sane. Respus's trial lasted for one day, and the jury took less than one hour to deliberate before convicting him of murder. Judge Thomas J. Shaw sentenced Respus to death in the electric chair and scheduled the execution for January 8, 1932. The first time Respus was seriously considered a suspect in any murders prior to that of Vera Leonard was during his trial, while he underwent questioning by a group consisting of his attorneys, some psychiatrists, and some county officials. During a noon recess of the court, Respus mentioned having committed two murders in Guilford County and four more in Northampton County. The additional confessions were only reported in the news after Respus's trial for the murder of Vera Leonard concluded with his guilty verdict and death sentence. Execution Respus's only attempt to avoid execution was a plea for executive clemency from North Carolina's governor at the time, which was summarily denied. On January 6, two days before the execution, one of Respus's death row attorneys, Tyre C. Taylor, announced that he would not have a board of psychiatrists examine Respus's mental state, thereby permitting his client's execution to move forward without any further legal challenges. Respus expressed satisfaction with his fate, however, telling guards as they delivered his last meal of sardines and crackers, "If Governor Gardner was to free me today, I would tell him I would rather die in the electric chair." Respus also said, "I'd rather be dead and in Heaven than here on earth being tormented to death." On January 8, 1932, Respus was executed by electric chair at the Central Prison in Raleigh. Witnesses to his execution included Guilford County Deputy Sheriff Murray Benbow, and S.C. Deskins, the principal of the school that Vera Leonard had attended when she was murdered. Respus was reported to have been singing a hymn shortly before his execution was carried out. Following his execution, nobody stepped forward to claim his body, and his body lay in a local morgue. Victim profile Respus's victim profile was unusual for a serial killer, as his victims were of no particular age or racial group. He confessed to the murders of four black people and four white people; two of the white people (Robert Neal Osborn and Vera Leonard) were children, while at least one of the white victims (Eunice Stevenson) was in her 80s at the time of her death. In addition, Respus's first four murder victims (Lizzie Banks, Zenie Britt, Becky Storr, and Ed Wynn) were all black; his subsequent four victims (Osborn, Leonard, Stevenson, and Jennie Gilbreath) were white. During the interview on the eve of his execution, Respus stated that he committed seven of the murders – all but that of Vera Leonard – while he was "in a spell." He further explained, ""When I had them spells, I went funny in the head. I wanted to kill somebody. I wouldn't know why. I just wanted to kill. I'd run. If you ever [saw] a dog with running fits, that's like me when I was in a spell. I'd kill and run." He blamed the murder of Vera Leonard on him having been heavily intoxicated on drugs. See also List of serial killers in the United States List of people executed in North Carolina Capital punishment in North Carolina References 1878 births 1932 deaths 20th-century American criminals 20th-century executions of American people 20th-century executions by North Carolina Male serial killers American people convicted of murder People convicted of murder by North Carolina Executed African-American people Executed American serial killers People executed for murder Executed people from North Carolina 20th-century African-American people People executed by electric chair

70075294

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lynching%20of%20Mushtaq%20Ahmed

Lynching of Mushtaq Ahmed

On 12 February 2022, Mushtaq Ahmed was killed by a mob in Punjab, Pakistan, after being accused of blasphemy. Background Blasphemy is a very serious crime in Pakistan, for which the maximum penalty is death. Pakistan has sentenced people convicted of blasphemy to death, although it had not executed any of them. Some people who were accused of blasphemy were lynched, most recently Priyantha Kumara in Sialkot, Punjab, on 3 December 2021. International and national human rights groups say that blasphemy accusations have often been used to intimidate religious minorities. Lynching On the evening of 12 February 2022, in Tulamba, Mian Channu Tehsil, Khanewal District, Punjab, Pakistan, Mushtaq Ahmed was accused by the custodian of a mosque of burning a Quran inside the building. A mob of about 300 beat the 41-year-old mentally ill man to death using batons, axes and iron rods, and hanged him on a tree. The police, who were greatly outnumbered by the mob, failed in an attempt to arrest Ahmed. Three police officers were injured; the force arrested about 80 men in connection with the killing. Ahmed's funeral was held on 13 February. References 2022 crimes in Pakistan 2022 in Punjab, Pakistan 2022 murders in Asia 2020s crimes in Punjab, Pakistan 2020s murders in Pakistan February 2022 crimes February 2022 events in Pakistan Khanewal District Lynching deaths in Pakistan Murder in Punjab, Pakistan

70075636

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Shooting%20of%20Michael%20Ortiz

Shooting of Michael Ortiz

Michael Ortiz was shot in the back by police while handcuffed in Hollywood, Florida on July 3, 2021. He is now paralyzed from the waist down due to the gunshot. He also lost control of his bodily functions, suffered damage to his pancreas and has accumulated $1 million in medical bills. Ortiz called 911 and reported himself as having a mental health crisis due to his dog being missing. According to the Hollywood police, Ortiz told the 911 dispatcher that he had “chest pains, ingestion of narcotics and, according to the Fire Rescue call log, was making delusional and suicidal statements.” After calling 911, Ortiz's family convinced him to take a shower in order to calm down. Hollywood Fire Rescue arrived at Ortiz's apartment, and stated that “he refused to answer the door so Fire Rescue requested Hollywood Police respond with lights and sirens.” According to Fire Rescue, Ortiz then came out of his apartment without any clothes on and became combative with parametics, threatening suicide. Hollywood Police arrived as the paramedics were attempting to restrain Ortiz from jumping off of the balcony. According to the police, an officer then tasered Ortiz to subdue him, and he was handcuffed. An officer later told Ortiz's family that he was tasered twice and that he was “shot on the shoulder.” Ortiz struggled as officers attempted to escort him to the elevator. During the struggle an officer shot Ortiz in the back. Police and Fire Rescue officers then moved Ortiz to the elevator to get him medical treatment. Six Police and Fire Rescue officers were involved. Hollywood Police later said that “an initial review suggests the officer intended to deploy his taser, but instead discharged his firearm.” The Florida Department of Law Enforcement investigation is ongoing and the unnamed officer was relieved of duty and given administrative duties within the department. Ortiz was in a coma for several weeks. He described his recovery as like being reborn, with such challenges as getting out of bed and using the restroom. Ortiz's family were initially represented by Morgan and Morgan law firm, and on July 12 sent Hollywood Police a request to preserve all evidence and records. Morgan and Morgan stated that they made a public records request in writing via postal mail, but Hollywood Police claim that they have no record of receiving such a request. On February 7, 2022, Ortiz and his family held a press conference with their new attorney, civil rights lawyer Ben Crump. Crump announced a public record's lawsuit against Hollywood Police, specifically in regards to security camera footage from the apartment complex that would have documented the entire incident. Crump stated that “you must release the video that shows us why your police officer shot a man — that was stark naked, handcuffed — in the back and paralyzed him.” See also 2020–2022 United States racial unrest References External links 2022 controversies in the United States

70076044

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Beverly%20rooming%20house%20fire

Beverly rooming house fire

The Beverly rooming house fire took place at the Elliott Chambers, a low-rent rooming house in Beverly, Massachusetts, on July 4, 1984. The fire was set by a man whose ex-girlfriend was going out with someone who was staying in the building. It was the deadliest arson fire in Massachusetts, the deadliest fire in the state since the Cocoanut Grove fire in 1942, and the deadliest fire in Beverly's history. Background The fire occurred in the Elliott Chambers, an 80-year old, three-story wooden frame building that had 34 rooms on the top two floors and housed businesses on the first. The rooming house was located on the corner of Rantoul and Elliott Streets in downtown Beverly and catered to deinstitutionalized mental patients, intellectually disabled people, substance abusers, elderly, transients, and other low-income individuals, many of whom had been placed there by the Massachusetts Department of Mental Health or another human services agency. The small rooms cost $150 to $175 per month and contained a bed, sink, refrigerator, and bureau. Residents shared common bathrooms. It was owned by David and Pauline Faxler and managed by 73-year old Hattie Whary and valued between $100,000 and $150,000. It had working smoke detectors, fire extinguishers, and emergency lights, and a fire escape, but did not contain firewalls, fire stops, or sprinklers. According to the city's mayor, building inspector, and fire chief it met the minimum standards for safety. Fire The fire broke out around 4 am on July 4, 1984. According to a report by the National Fire Protection Association, the fire started in an alcove, moved across flammable wooden paneling above the alcove, and spread throughout the building via an unenclosed stairway. The fire moved so quickly that it had already reached the top floor by the time the fire alarm had sounded. By the time most residents were awakened, passage to the fire escape was already blocked. The Beverly Fire Department responded within two minutes of receiving the alarm. The second and third floors were gutted while the first floor was relatively intact. At the time of the fire there were 33 residents and three guests in the building. Thirteen people died in the fire. The second floor victims burned to death while those on the third floor died from smoke inhalation. Five were found near a locked fire escape door and six were still in bed. A fourteenth victim died after jumping from a third story window. 12 survivors were taken to area hospitals. One firefighter and one police officer were also hospitalized. Some of the bodies were so badly burned they were difficult to identify. The final victims were not identified until July 8 when doctors were able to identify them using dental and x-ray records. On August 5, the fire's fifteenth victim died at Brigham and Women's Hospital from burn injuries. Investigation On July 5, 1984, state Public Safety Secretary Charles V. Barry announced that a preliminary investigation indicated the cause of the fire to be arson. According to investigators, the fire was caused by gasoline-soaked newspapers that had been lit in an alcove adjacent to the front entrance to the rooming house. The prime suspect in the arson was James Carver, a 20-year old part-time pizza cook and taxi driver whose ex-girlfriend was dating someone who was staying in the building. Carver was committed to a mental hospital within a week of the fire and attempted suicide shortly thereafter. The investigation stalled until late 1987, when the Essex County district attorney's office received information that Carver had confessed to a female friend. On April 21, 1988, a witness identified Carver in a police lineup as the man he saw near the Elliott Chambers shortly before the fire. Trials On May 4, 1988, nearly four years after the fire, Carver was arrested. He pleaded not guilty to 15 counts of second-degree murder, 15 counts of assault and battery with intent to murder, and one count of arson. Carver's trial began on March 7, 1989. On March 24, Judge Peter F. Brady declared a mistrial based on a motion from Carver's attorney, Dennis F. Jackson, who contended that the prosecution had violated discovery procedures by not providing him with an incriminating statement a witness had given to police until the trial was already underway. District Attorney Kevin M. Burke called Brady's decision "inappropriate" and "unjust" and declared that his office would "vigorously reprosecute" the case. Carver's second trial was held in November 1989. The prosecution alleged that in October 1984, Carver had told a friend that he had set the fire and told her how he had set it, and in November 1986 had told a co-worker that he had lit the fire but that he was going to get away with it. The prosecution also presented a witness who testified that a day before the fire Carver had threatened Rick Nickerson, the Elliott Chambers resident who had gone out with Carver's ex-girlfriend. Carver's parents contended that he was home in bed when the fire occurred. On November 22, 1989, Carver was found guilty of murder and arson. He was sentenced to two consecutive life sentences to be served as the maximum-security Massachusetts Correctional Institution – Cedar Junction with eligibility for parole after 30 years. In 2020, Carver, who has a history of cardiovascular disease, skin cancer, and depression, uses a wheelchair due to dizziness, vertigo, tremors and seizures he has suffered from since brain surgery, and has been diagnosed with, but is refusing treatment for, prostate cancer, sought a medical parole on the grounds that he was "highly likely" to become incapacitated if he contracted COVID-19. His petition was denied by the state commissioner of corrections and the decision was upheld by a Superior Court judge. Effect on building codes In the wake of the fire, Mayor F. John Monahan called on the state legislature to strengthen the state's fire code. Legislators and local officials called for a law to require sprinklers and other fire safety systems in rooming houses. Governor Michael Dukakis stated that he opposed such a law, as it would drive up the cost of housing. A proposed law requiring sprinklers in stairways of residential buildings died in the legislature due to opposition from building owners. However, in 1986 the legislature did pass a bill that gave local governments the option to require automatic sprinklers in buildings occupied by six or more unrelated people. During the early 1980s, the state saw an average of between seven and nine fire deaths per year in rooming houses. After the law was passed, this number decreased quickly, with zero deaths occurring in 1992. As of 2014, 134 of the state's 351 municipalities have adopted the measure. Memorial The Elliott Chambers building was rebuilt into a two-story professional office building. In 2009 it was demolished and replaced by a CVS Pharmacy. A plaque listing the names of the fire's victims was placed on the corner of Elliott and Rantoul Streets. References 1984 disasters in the United States 1984 fires 1984 in Massachusetts Arson in Massachusetts Beverly, Massachusetts Hotel fires in the United States July 1984 events

70077078

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sheikh%20Abdul%20Awal

Sheikh Abdul Awal

Sheikh Abdul Awal is a judge of the High Court Division of the Bangladesh Supreme Court. Early life Awal was born on 4 June 1960 to Sheikh Yousuff Ali and Saleha Begum. He completed a M.A., M.S.S., and law degree. Career Awal became a lawyer of the District Courts on 30 October 1986. On 26 February 1989, Awal became a lawyer of the High Court Division of Bangladesh Supreme Court. Awal was appointed to the High Court Division as an additional judge on 23 August 2004. On 23 August 2006, Awal became a permanent judge of the High Court Division. On 26 August 2008, Awal and Justice Tariq ul Hakim granted bail to Tarique Rahman, son of former Prime Minister Khaleda Zia, on an extortion case. Awal and Justice AKM Fazlur Rahman on 8 October 2008, ordered the government not to harass Saifur Rahman. On 17 October 2008, Awal and Justice Tariqul Hakim granted bail to Lutfozzaman Babar, former Minister of Home Affairs, who had been sentenced to 17 years imprisonment for illegal procession of weapons by Judge Sayed Jahed Mansur. On 8 March 2015, Awal and Justice Abu Taher Mohammad Saifur Rahman granted bail to an Islamic State recruit and son of former judge of the High Court Division, Justice Abdus Salam Mamun. On 3 March 2010, Awal and Justice Md Iman Ali declared the death penalty under Women and Children Repression Prevention (Special) Act, 1995 illegal as it did not offer an alternate punishment besides the death penalty which was against the constitution of Bangladesh. The verdict was delivered following a petition filed by Bangladesh Legal Aid and Services Trust and Sukur Ali, a convicted murder and rapist sentenced to death under the act. On 21 July 2018, Awal and Justice Bhishmadev Chakrabortty in a verdict found involvement of seven staff of the court system involved in forging bail order. Awal and Justice Bhishmadev Chakrabortty granted bail to Shahidul Alam. Awal and Justice Bhishmadev Chakrabortty accepted the bail plea of two former inspector generals of police, Ashraful Huda and Shahudul Haque, on 21 January 2019 for their involvement in the August 21 grenade attack case. References Living people 1960 births Bangladeshi lawyers Supreme Court of Bangladesh justices

70078432

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List%20of%20defunct%20media%20due%20to%20Hong%20Kong%20national%20security%20law

List of defunct media due to Hong Kong national security law

This list includes the defunct media since the passage of the National Security Law in Hong Kong. Some of these media were prosecuted by the NS department police for the “crime of conspiring to publish seditious publications”, and some media announced that they suspended publication due to security concerns. Media List The closed media are listed below. This list may be updated any time, as long as the media related to the national security law in Hong Kong or suspected of being jointly affected will be included. 2020 2021 2022 Ref Hong Kong national security law Censorship in Hong Kong

70078628

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Catarina%20Sarmento%20e%20Castro

Catarina Sarmento e Castro

Catarina Sarmento e Castro (born 1970) is a Portuguese jurist and politician. As a member of the Portuguese Socialist Party (PS), she became a deputy in the Portuguese Assembly of the Republic in the January 2022 Portuguese legislative election, representing the Leiria District. Between 2019 and 2022 she served as Secretary of State for Human Resources and Former Combatants. A professor in the Faculty of Law at the University of Coimbra, she has also served as a judge in the Constitutional Court. Early life and education Catarina Teresa Rola Sarmento e Castro was born in Coimbra on 16 May 1970. Her father was Osvaldo Alberto do Rosário Sarmento e Castro, a former Socialist Party deputy in the Assembly of the Republic. She obtained undergraduate and master's degrees, as well as a PhD, from the Faculty of Law at the University of Coimbra and also studied for a postgraduate diploma at the Université catholique de Louvain in Belgium, with a dissertation entitled The notion of victim in the European Convention of the Rights of Man. Career Sarmento e Castro has been teaching at the University of Coimbra since 1999 and is now an assistant professor. Courses she has taught have included constitutional law and political science; police law; human rights; database protection; administrative courts; public procurement; and labour law. She has addressed these issues in various publications. She has also taught at the NOVA University Lisbon, the University of Lisbon and the Catholic University of Portugal. Among her other roles, Sarmento e Castro has been a member of the advisory board of the Attorney General's Office and a member of the Superior Council of Administrative and Fiscal Courts. In 2010 she was elected to be a judge at the Constitutional Court, for a term of nine years. She has also been a member of the National Data Protection Commission. On 26 October 2019, she became the new Secretary of State for Human Resources and Former Combatants in the Ministry of National Defence. Sarmento e Castro was elected to the Portuguese National Assembly in the January 2022 election. Standing for the Socialist Party (PS) she was third on the list of PS candidates for the Leiria District, in which the PS won five seats. Nationally, the PS won an overall majority of seats. References 1970 births Living people Socialist Party (Portugal) politicians Portuguese socialists Members of the Assembly of the Republic (Portugal) University of Coimbra alumni University of Coimbra faculty Portuguese jurists

70082121

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Monumento%20a%20los%20Constructores

Monumento a los Constructores

The Monumento a los Constructores (), also known as the Monumento a los Constructores de la Ciudad (), is a partly-destroyed outdoor bronze monument installed along Acueducto Avenue, in the historic center of Morelia, Michoacán. The artwork was created by José Luis Padilla Retana and it was unveiled in May 1995 in honor of those who built the city. The monument depicted four men, a New Spain master builder and behind two Purépecha men, one carving a stone and the other carrying a carved block on his back. By 2020, the Supreme Indigenous Council of Michoacán (CSIM) began petitioning for the removal of the monument citing that they considered it a racist monument that portrayed slave-owning submission of indigenous people. However, they failed to reach a consensus with the city government and in February 2022 multiple CSIM members toppled two of the statues. Description and meaning The Monumento a los Constructores is a long artwork that formerly featured four statues and weighted . From near to far, the first statue features a Purépecha mason who carries a stone on his back. He is dressed in torn clothes and barechested. The next statue shows a Purépecha man carving a squared stone. Then, shoulder to shoulder, there were the statues of a master builder holding a blueprint and who had his left arm outstretched. According to the plaque, the mason was selected to represent the anonymous builders, the stonemason for his knowledge of tilling, the master builder meant the architects and engineers, and Fray Antonio symbolized the ecclesiastical and civil governments, as well as all those who influenced the erection of the city. Fray Antonio, bishop of the diocese of Michoacán, was chosen as he ordered the during a time of drought in 1785. He was in favor of the liberties of the native peoples and of civil equality between the population. The main message of the plaque reads in Spanish in all caps (translated to English): José Luis Padilla Retana was the designer. He explained that the mason carries the stone on his back, not as a punishment but as a way of transporting the blocks and then carrying them up to a higher place. He also commented that Fray Antonio does not point to give an order but only points to the distance to a neutral point of the aqueduct. The monument is located at the starting point of the aqueduct on a vegetal slope that symbolizes the Loma de Guayangareo, where the city was built. The city was later renamed to Valladolid and later to Morelia. History The creation of the monument started in 1993 and it was supervised by a board of trustees chaired by José Antonio Romo, a local photographic chronicler. It was installed as a means of appreciation to those who built in the 1700s the historic center of Morelia, in the state of Michoacán. It was installed on 18 May 1995 and the government of the state unveiled it three days later. The monument was never registered as municipal, state or national heritage. By 2020, members of the Supreme Indigenous Council of Michoacán (Spanish: Consejo Supremo Indígena de Michoacán; CSIM), which is integrated by 60 indigenous communities in the state, requested to the local government the removal of the monument citing their disagreement with it and labeled it as racist, as a symbol of slavery and submission, and a reminder of the Spanish conquest of the Purépecha State, which they termed as a genocide. The CISM also argued that the monument recalled centuries of exploitation and trivialized how the architects and priests treated the Indigenous populations. According to the historian Eduardo Rubio Elosúa, there is no evidence of slavery involved in the construction of the aqueduct. On 12 October 2020 (Columbus Day or Día de la Raza, as it is locally known), performed a demonstration next to the monument and damaged it minimally. The city's cultural heritage body said about the requested removal: "You just have to read the simple and clear plaque on the monument to feel pride in our city, the birthplace of great thinkers". On 1 August 2021, members of the council held a referendum in the state to determine whether or not the monument had to be removed. Of the ten tables installed, 905 people voted: 810 in favor and 87 against. Of those votes, 259 came from inhabitants of Morelia: 172 in favor and 87 against. The government did not qualify it as a binding consultation because it only represented 0.03% of the city's population. On 11 October 2021, members of the council threatened to topple the monument the following day. Instead, they covered the sculptures with a blue tarpaulin. Toppling On 14 February 2022, members of the council toppled the sculptures of Fray Antonio and the master builder, with the former being beheaded. In this regard, the CSIM published a bulletin informing that "[g]iven the indolence, racism, discrimination and lack of attention by the Morelia City Council [...] we decided collectively in a General Assembly of Authorities, to remove on our own account the so-called sculpture 'The Builders', for being a symbol of subordination, representation of slavery and an emblem of Spanish genocide". The damage amounted to 800,000 pesos (37,000 US$) according to the State Attorney General's Office, while the city estimated it at 200,000 pesos (9,700 US$). The event took place on the 492nd anniversary of the execution of Tangaxuan II, the last ruler of the Purépecha State, by Nuño de Guzmán, a Spanish conquistador. The police arrested 24 people in various locations, 21 of whom were adults who agreed to repair the damage caused; the remaining three were minors who were referred to the corresponding court. During the same night, and as a protest, demonstrators stole three vehicles and set them on fire on Mexican Federal Highway 14. By 28 February, the defendants challenged the agreement because they considered that their rights had been violated by being arrested outside the area where the events occurred, by being exposed by the media during the protest and by being physically assaulted during their arrests, and at the same time they notified that they would legally proceed against those who arrested them. Prior to its toppling, Padilla Retana said: "In the time of Francisco Antonio de San Miguel there was a great famine, he was a source of work for multiple indigenous people who came from various places. This sculpture had no major complication, I represented what I was asked for, I imagined the scene according to the historical elements. It represents the mason, the stonemason, those who direct the work. I don't understand why they are surprised that someone is naked and another with clothes, that's how the work was in those times and even nowadays. It's not about hurting anyone or offending anyone, it's about highlighting the human sacrifice, the effort". After its partial destruction, Padilla Retana commented that the monument was not intended to "humiliate anyone, nor denigrate our roots" and offered to rebuild it but mentioned that there are no molds of the original sculptures. Notes References 1995 establishments in Mexico 1995 sculptures Bronze sculptures in Mexico Destroyed sculptures Morelia Purépecha Outdoor sculptures in Mexico Race-related controversies in sculpture Vandalized works of art in Mexico

70082175

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The%20Tower%20%282021%20TV%20series%29

The Tower (2021 TV series)

The Tower is a British police procedural television series developed from the first of Kate London's Metropolitan trilogy book series, Post Mortem. Starring Gemma Whelan as anti-corruption officer, Sarah Collins, from the fictional DSI department, it is set in 21st-century London and follows the aftermath of the deaths of a veteran Metropolitan Police officer and a young Libyan girl who fell together from the roof of a London tower block. When Constable Lizzie Adama—one of the only witnesses—disappears soon after, Collins' investigation becomes two-pronged: what happened on the roof, and finding Adama. Although the series is set in southeast London, it was mostly filmed in the northwest of England, particularly Liverpool and Manchester. The Tower was broadcast over three 50-minute episode in November 2021. Patrick Harbinson acted as both screenwriter and executive producer. The show received generally favourable reviews, with positive comparisons being made by critics to fellow police corruption drama, Line of Duty, with Whelan's acting considered a highlight. Criticisms were also made, particularly of the sound engineering, which was accused of muffling the spoken dialogue on occasion. Kate London Kate London was born in Staffordshire to a retired RAF officer and a nurse. A graduate of the University of Cambridge, she took up acting and played alongside Hugh Bonneville and Dominic Dromgoole. She travelled to Paris and attended the same clown school as Sacha Baron Cohen would later. She joined the Metropolitan Police Service (MPS) as a uniformed PC in 2006 and left in 2014 as a murder squad detective in a Homicide and Serious Crime Command dealing with major investigations before becoming a full-time author. She also writes regularly for newspapers. When London joined the police, she began to record the events of her working day, particularly the minutiae; she was especially interested in the bigger problems that could stem from tiny errors of judgement. In response to comparisons between The Tower and the murder of Sarah Everard in March 2021, London argued that, in a close-knit institution such as the police, officers often do not speak out or criticize, through fear of becoming known as a troublemaker. London notes that, in the universe of The Tower, this is at the root of the police's problem, and by extension the public's: Although London lives and writes in Shropshire, her connection with the city of her work remains strong. She has said, "part of me needs the city too: its life, grit, energy and hunger. My novels are set in its streets. I once joked with my publisher that I could write a murder detective's guide to the cafes of London." Critic Joan Smith positively reviewed Post Mortem on its 2015 publication, arguing that London had "vividly recreates the everyday experience of uniformed police, for the most part avoiding the temptation to take sides. The result is a complex novel that offers rare insights into how the police operate." London was nervous of ITV's proposal to televise Post Mortem as she had experienced two previous, unsuccessful, attempts at turning her book into script. Cast DS Sarah Collins (Gemma Whelan) DC Steve Bradshaw (Jimmy Akingbola) Lizzie Adama (Tahirah Sharif) Inspector Kieran Shaw (Emmett J. Scanlan) Younes Mehenni (Nabil Elouahabi) PC Hadley Matthews (Nick Holder) Farah Mehenni (Lola Elsokari) Detective Chief Inspector Tim Baillie (Karl Davies) Rex Parry (Ben Stoddard) Cast background Gemma Whelan is probably best known as her character Yara Greyjoy in the HBO series Game of Thrones; Collins is her first primetime lead character. Tahirah Sharif was previously seen in The Haunting of Bly Manor and played minor characters in soaps such as Waterloo Road and Casualty. Jimmy Akingbola had roles in Kate & Koji and Holby City, Emmett J. Scanlan and Nick Holder were both in Peaky Blinders, while Nabil Elouhabi has had parts in Deep State, His Dark Materials and Only Fools and Horses. Karl Davies had previously appeared in Happy Valley, Brief Encounters, and Chernobyl, while The Tower was Lola Elsokari's and Ben Stoddard's first television roles. Characters DS Collins—described by The Guardians Hollie Richardson as "a heavy-sighing, perma-frown primetime detective" and an "outlier and an outsider"—is a Detective Sergeant from the Directorate of Special Investigations. The Telegraph suggested that she displayed a "rigid attention to detail at work that masks a sadness in her personal life, which seems to be represented by a signature anorak that is the colour of a dying autumn leaf". Ed Cumming of The Independent, summarises her as "a single, gay, childless cop: it’s made to look like a thankless gig". PC Lizzie Adama is a newly qualified rookie, having been in the MPS for six months. Constable Matthews, a veteran cop of the old school, aspires to become a Police training officer. He is only seen in flashbacks. Kieran Shaw is Adama's and Matthews' immediate superior and has been engaging in an extramarital affair with the former. His relationship with the DSI team becomes increasingly fractious, and Collins suspects him of knowing far more about Adama's disappearance than he is letting on. However, he is protected by his superior, DCI Tim Baillie, until the last series. Production The show was commissioned by ITV and produced in three 50 minute episodes by Mammoth Screens—a subsidiary of ITV—and Windhover Films, owned by Harbinson. It was produced and edited by Paul Testar and Gez Morris respectively. Several different scenarists were considered before Patrick Harbinson, who had previously co-produced the Showtime series Homeland, was chosen as both writer and executive producer. It was directed by Jim Loach and developed for television by Sly Fox Productions. Locations The COVID-19 pandemic prevented Harbinson from doing the usual thorough location searches, and he had to rely on images being Dropboxxed to him from around the country. Although set in southeast London, The Tower was predominently filmed in northwest England, with a week spent in London during post-production doing pick-up shots, particularly of the City of London skyline. Northern locations included Liverpool, Manchester, Runcorn, Warrington and Knutsford's Tatton Park. Sharif later recalled the scenes filmed in Liverpool as particularly difficult due to pervasive rain, which made her "emotional, heavy dialogue...challenging". The disused cellars of the Martins Bank Building in Liverpool was used to replicate the police cellblock. Episodes Reception Although the original book was published many years before the murder of Sarah Everard by serving Met officer, Wayne Couzens, the show's timing made the comparison obvious to critics. Paul Kendall, for example, in The Telegraph, placed the show squarely in the context of contemporary police-public relations, particularly in the aftermath of the Couzens case. The Guardian's Lucy Mangan considered the show's release timely, as "trust in officers is at an all-time low". She was generally positive about the first episode, writing that "the plot builds at pace but without inducing vertigo in the viewer", and noting its background of "racial tensions, bigger crimes, personal secrets and political arse-covering". Writing in The Times, Carol Midgley identified an "aura of grim authenticity", which she put down to the original author's police background. Although she noticed a Line of Duty-style "what are all these coppers hiding?" trope, she considered the show to have successfully avoided the tendency to focus on the murder of females. Midgely criticised the sound engineering, though, complaining that at times it was difficult to hear; "was it just my old ears or were the actors going for a mumbling level worthy of The Wire?" A similar criticism, of muffled—and also hurried—dialogue was made by Digital Spy, who argued that this was a common refrain from viewers on Twitter. Anita Singh of The Telegraph also criticised dialogue which sounded as if some cast members were "mumbling at their shoes". She summed up the series, effectively, as "everyone is lying about what happened and Collins is here to find out why", although she disagreed that the series was derivative of Line of Duty: while the DSI might appear to be another A10, she suggested The Tower had a greater sense of day-to-day realism that the similar programs. Also addressing comparisons with Line of Duty, Ed Cumming suggested that, unlike that show, with The Tower "there isn't much pure evil here, more opportunists and easy-life seekers". He also argued that, thanks to Loach's direction, The Tower was a tighter script—less "flabbiness"—than many of its genre. However, he was overall critical, arguing that Whelan is the only character to consistently hold the viewers' interest, and that, generally, the series could have "aimed a bit higher". The Guardians Barbara Ellen was also less enthusiastic, picking out what she considered an overuse of flashbacks adding unnecessary confusion to an already complex plot, combined with the shoehorning in of too many themes. She was more positive of the dialogue and portrayals, summing up saying "bring back the characters, please, but with a less chaotic story". Future Due to the fact that Post Mortem was the first of three books in a series—the others being Death Message and Gallowstree Lane—speculation mounted that the show would return to depict subsequent events, in which Collins and Adama's careers intersect again. Tahirah Sharif believed that there was plenty of material to allow for the series' expansion, and Emmett Scanlan has pointed out that the later books expand the characters also, particularly Bradshaw's. Notes References 2021 British television series debuts 2021 British television series endings 2020s British drama television series 2020s British police procedural television series British crime television series British detective television series British thriller television series English-language television shows Police corruption in fiction Television series by ITV Studios Television shows filmed in England Television shows set in England

70082716

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Houston%20Roberts

Houston Roberts

Houston Roberts (1905 – March 21, 1951) was an American murderer and suspected serial killer who was convicted for poisoning his two granddaughters in 1949, one fatally, but later confessed that he was also responsible for killing two of his wives in 1931 and 1933. He was never prosecuted for the former murders, but was sentenced to death for his granddaughter's murder and subsequently executed in 1951, despite recanting his confession and claiming that he was innocent. Murder of Mary Hill At the time of the crimes, Roberts, an unemployed dairy herdsman, lived with his daughter Gladys and her family, who operated a boarding house in Jackson, Mississippi. He had previously been charged with passing bad checks in 1940, but after suffering an attack during the trial, he was remanded to the Mississippi State Hospital in Whitfield on January 13, 1940, where underwent medical examinations. After spending twelve days in the hospital, Roberts was determined to be sane and released, with the charges against him dropped altogether. On July 16, 1949, the elder of Roberts' granddaughters, 5-year-old Mary Louise Hill, was admitted to St. Dominic's Hospital due to multiple convulsions, to which she succumbed at the hospital. For unclear reasons, no post-mortem was done on the body, and she was quickly buried at the family plot in Hopewell. Suspicions were raised when the younger granddaughter, 4-year-old Shirley, was also admitted to the hospital in October, suffering from similar symptoms. While she managed to recover, an analysis of her urine determined that she had been poisoned with arsenic. This information was passed on to the police, who further discovered that both girls had life insurance policies issued on them in which their grandfather was the beneficiary. Due to these circumstances, Roberts was arrested on suspicion of murder, but he initially denied responsibility, claiming that he had used half of the policies to pay for Shirley's hospital bills. These claims were disproven after a check from the hospital, and after chemists from the Mississippi State University reported that an examination of five arsenic bottles determined that some of the arsenic had mysteriously vanished, Roberts was charged with capital murder and attempted murder. Confessions Five days after his arrest, Roberts signed a written statement to Police Chief Joel Holden, in which he confessed that he had poisoned Mary and Shirley in order to collect the money from the life insurance policies, implicating a woman named Ruby Pace as his supposed accomplice. Following this revelation, the local coroners were tasked with exhuming Mary's body to test whether she had traces of arsenic, but the probe was temporarily suspended until they could produce a proper report on the results. In the meantime, attorney Julian Alexander claimed to the press that Roberts had admitted to poisoning two of his wives with strychnine so he could collect $5,000 in life insurance policies from each. According to his confessions, Roberts had given his first wife Aletha Ainsworth some poisoned ice cream circa August 1931, while she lay pregnant at a hospital in Jackson. The second killing occurred sometime in 1933, when he had given strychnine capsules to his second wife Etta McRaney after she had returned from hospital to their home in Collins, where the family lived at the time. For unclear reasons, Roberts refused to make written statements about these confessions but supposedly claimed they were true. Despite this, Roberts was never charged with either case, presumably due to lack of evidence. Trial, imprisonment and execution On November 21, a grand jury was selected for the upcoming murder trial. At one of the pre-trial hearings, Roberts' court-appointed attorney, Forrest Jackson, claimed that his client had told him that he had made the confession when he was "tired", a notion supported by his daughter, who believed that he was innocent. As a result, Jackson requested that the confession be thrown out on the grounds that Roberts was questioned without a warrant, but his request was denied by Justice Harold Cox, who ruled that the admission could be used at the trial. On December 11, 1949, Roberts was found guilty and sentenced to death, but appeared seemingly unmoved by when the verdict was announced. At the time of the trial, the press compared him with another defendant in an unrelated murder case, focusing on Roberts' lackluster education and low IQ of 73, stating that he represented one of two extremes of a murder defendant. Following an appeal lodged by his lawyers to the Supreme Court of Mississippi, Roberts' initial execution date was stayed. In the end, however, the verdict was upheld, and Roberts' death sentence was finalized. On March 17, 1951, several days before his scheduled execution, Roberts attempted suicide by slashing his wrists with a razor blade he had hidden in his shoe. The injuries proved to be superficial, and from then on, he was kept in a straitjacket to prevent him from further harming himself. Four days later, on March 21, he was executed at a prison in Jackson in the state's portable electric chair. Before the procedure had begun, he had spent the day mostly praying with the prison chaplain and other inmates and repeatedly reiterated that he was innocent. As he was strapped to the chair, his final words were, "Well now, bye bye." His execution came as a huge disappointment for the surviving family members, who hoped for a last-minute reprieve from Governor Fielding L. Wright, which never came. See also Capital punishment in Mississippi References External links FamilySearch Roberts v. State (1951) 1905 births 1951 deaths 20th-century American criminals American male criminals Suspected serial killers American murderers of children Uxoricides Familicides Poisoners 20th-century executions of American people 20th-century executions by Mississippi People executed by Mississippi by electric chair People executed for murder Executed people from Mississippi Criminals from Mississippi People from Covington County, Mississippi

70084324

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Order%20of%20the%20Somali%20Star

Order of the Somali Star

The Order of the Somali Star is the highest distinction award for military gallantry, the Order of the Somali Star has been awarded to members of the Somali Armed Forces and foreign citizens who have conducted and exhibited great fidelity to the Somali Republic. It has been issued mainly during the Ogaden War to military and police officers posthumously. History The Order of the Somali Star was established by the Government of Somalia and was named in honour of the Somali flag, a sky blue field emblazoned with a white singular central star, the award was established the year after that Somalia became a republic in 1961 by the founding father and first President of Somalia, Aden Adde. The award can be worn as a necklet, medal or a sash. Statute The title of Order of the Somali Star can be awarded for military gallantry in the service of Somalia. It can be awarded to both civilian and military personnel. The title can also be awarded posthumously if the heroic act costs the recipient his or her life. It may also be awarded to foreign citizens who display exceptional service to the Somali republic, The President of Somalia is the main conferring authority of the award although the Federal Parliament may nominate individuals for the President's consideration. Description The award comes in grades with the Order of the Leopard (formerly the Knight of the Grand Cross changed due to the adoption of Islam as the state religion) which gold-plated badge to be worn on the band and gold-plated plate to be worn on the left chest; Grand Officer, silver badge to be worn on a ribbon around the neck and plaque to be worn on the left chest; Commander, silver badge to be worn on a ribbon around the neck; Officer, silver badge to be worn on a ribbon with a rosette on the chest; Knight, silver badge to be worn on a ribbon on the chest. Recipients The vast majority of recipients of this award are Somali military officers and enlisted soldiers who died in service to Somalia, however there are foreign dignitaries who received this award due to their exceptional service to the Somali state. Individuals Military Personnel Major General Daud Abdulle Hirsi (Army) Major General Mohamed Siad Barre (Army) Lieutenant General Mohamed Ali Samatar (Army) Brigadier General Ali Matan Xashi (Air Force) Vice Admiral Mohamed Osman (Navy) Colonel Abukar Liban (Army) Foreign Dignitaries Anwar Sadat - Provided unconditional support for Somalia during the Ogaden War, also Egypt and Somalia were regular participants of Bright Star war games, Somalia also was one of the few countries to send dignitaries to attend Sadat's state funeral in 1981. Fidel Castro - Awarded in 1977, for "extraordinary services to Somalia." Jaafar Nimeiry - Sudan and Somalia had very warm relations under the tenure of President Nimeiry, also Nimeiry was a vocal advocate of Barre's chairmanship of the OAU in 1974. Muammar Gaddafi - Libya and Somalia had very warm relations under the tenure of Chairman Gaddafi, as both countries were Italophonic, members of the Arab League and OIC and had pan-African viewpoints. Joseph Broz Tito - Awarded in 1972, Somalia and Yugoslavia had a strategic and warm relationship as both were non-Soviet aligned countries yet were both socialist, Somalia also sent dignitaries to Tito's funeral in 1980, this carries forwards onto the modern Serbia–Somalia relations. See Also Order of the Nile Hero of the Soviet Union Nishan-e-Haider Gold Medal of Military Valour References Orders, decorations, and medals Military history of Somalia History of Somalia Somalia Somalia-related lists

70084417

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chief%20of%20the%20Toronto%20Police%20Service

Chief of the Toronto Police Service

The chief of the Toronto Police Service is the professional head of the Toronto Police Service (TPS). Under the direction of the Toronto Police Services Board, the chief is responsible for the management and administration of the police service's operations. James Ramer is the current chief of police, assuming the role in an interim capacity on August 1, 2020. Overview Section 41 of the Police Services Act legally defines the role of police chiefs in Ontario. Under this law, the chief is responsible for administering the police force and overseeing its operation in accordance with the objectives, priorities and policies established by the board, ensuring that members of the police force carry out their duties in accordance with the Police Services Act in a manner that reflects the needs of the community, maintaining discipline in the police force, ensuring that the police force provides community-oriented police services, and administering the complaints system. The Toronto Police Services Board recruits and dismisses the chief. Day-to-day policing and operational decisions of the Toronto Police Service are made by the chief, but must be consistent with the policies and objectives set by the Toronto Police Services Board. History The position was known as "high constable" when the Toronto Police Department was formed until 1859 and then as "chief constable" until 1957, when the Toronto Police Department was amalgamated with 12 other Toronto-area forces to form the Metropolitan Toronto Police. List of chiefs of police References Canadian Toronto police chiefs

70085674

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Clara%20Phillips

Clara Phillips

Clara Phillips (born Clara Anne Weaver, June 23, 1898–1969), nicknamed the "Tiger Woman", was an American showgirl and chorus girl who, in 1922, murdered 19-year-old bank teller Alberta Meadows based on rumors that her husband, Armour L. Phillips, was having an affair with her. Phillips's crime has been described as "brutal" and "remorseless" by many local and natoinal news organizations as they reported on her crime and subsequent escape and recapture. She has been called "Hollywood’s first female psychopath" by the New York Post. Early life and career Clara Anne Weaver was born on June 23, 1898 in Waco, Texas as one of five children to John Weaver and Anna Jackson. Throughout her childhood, her family moved frequently around Texas and settled in Houston as a teenager. Once there, she met Armour Phillips, who was a part of the poorer side of the Mellon family that moved to Texas. She and Armour married in Houston on November 13, 1913. Armour wanted to become an oilman, and while Weaver wanted to become an actress, and moved to Vermont Square, Los Angeles. Phillips was relatively successful in her acting career, working as a chorus girl at the Pantages Theatre in Hollywood and was hired by Mack Sennett for one of his Sennett Bathing Beauties works. Although both had luxury, her schedule conflicted with Armour, and soon quit her job to spend her time with him, though Armour started to spend his time elsewhere. Because of this, their neighbors started rumors that he was seeing a younger girl named Alberta Gibson Tremaine Meadows, a 19-year-old bank teller and a widow. Crime Murder Phillips investigated the rumors by quietly stalking both of them, trying to see if her suspicions were correct or not. She followed Armour to First National Bank, where Meadows happened to work at, and it was all that she needed to convince herself that an affair was happening. On July 10, Phillips went to a five-and-dime store where she picked up a 15-cent hammer and asked a store employee if it could kill a woman, to which the clerk replied that it could, assuming she was joking. The next day, Phillips, accompanied by friend and fellow showgirl Peggy Caffee, broke into Meadows's home to find that she wasn't there. They then went to her workplace where Phillips, claiming to be drunk, asked Meadows to drive them to Montecity Heights. Once there, Phillips asked Meadows to step outside to discuss something, and she interrogated Meadows on the affair to which Meadows denied. Phillips then began beating her with the hammer and then rolled a 50-pound boulder onto her dead body before driving home. Caffee was apparently terrified of the murder and kept quiet. Search and arrest When she arrived, still drenched in Alberta’s blood, she told Armour that she was going to cook him the "best dinner he’d ever had because she was so happy," as she told Armour about the crime. Armour was repulsed, but still helped Clara get rid pf evidence and to help her slip away from Los Angeles. The morning after, Armour sent Phillips on a train and then went to the cops to tell them about the murder as advised by a lawyer. The police found Meadows's body and described it a similar to a tiger attack, dubbing her the "Tiger Woman," which stuck. On July 14, police in Tucson, Arizona said that they had her in custody. Trial Phillips stayed silent on the murder as the trial neared. On September 17, 1922, Phillips stood for trial. Armour hired attorney Bert Herrington and the prosecution was Charles Fricke, with the jury consisting of nine men and three women. Caffee testified during the hearing about how Phillips murdered Meadows, while Phillips claimed that Caffee killed Meadows after she and Meadows got into a fistfight, which saved her. Most didn't believe Phillips's story except for journalist Jesse Carson. On November 16, 1922, Phillips was convicted of second-degree murder and was sentenced to 10 years to life, saved from the death penalty by her looks according to some members of the jury. Escape and recapture On December 5, 1922, a jail matron made a routine check on Phillips's cell and saw the cell empty, with bars sawed clean and an open window. The police questioned Armour, who said that he did not know nor aid of her escape, as well as her two sisters, Ola Weaver and Etta Mae Jackson, with them saying that their father left the night before to go to a downtown hotel. The police theorized that Phillips fled to Mexico, and sent information to Mexican authorities. In April 1923, police in San Salvador, El Salvador spotted Phillips, and on April 23, police in Tegucigalpa, Honduras arrested her, who was under the name "Mrs. R. H. Young," as well as her accomplice Jesse Carson and Phillips's sister Etta. During her time in jail in Honduras, she convinced a crowd of teenage boys to help her escape, but a jail warden overheard them and promptly arrested the 15 boys. In jail, Carson denied knowing Phillips and proclaimed innocence. On May 2, 1923, Phillips was transferred early in the morning from Tegucigalpa to Omoa Castle, and on May 26, she was brought back to Los Angeles by Sheriff Eugene W. Biscailuz. It was found out that she used Carson to get a saw, to which she used to cut the bars, and was lifted by Carsen and two other men onto the roof. She and Carson made plans for travel as Mr. and Mrs. Jesse Carlson and spent five weeks in Los Angeles, then going to Texas and Louisiana before sailing to Veracruz, Mexico and travelling to Mexico City where they met with Etta Jackson. Life in jail On June 2, 1923, guards brought Clara back into San Quentin State Prison. Phillips attempted to commit suicide by slitting her wrists, but then resolved to be a model prisoner for an early release. In 1926, she was allowed to temporarily leave to see her dying mother. In 1929, Phillips asked Governor C. C. Young to release her so she could become a good wife, but Young denied her request. While in prison, Phillips studied to become a dental assistant and met a convicted burglar named Thomas Price. In September 1932, a correctional officer intercepted a love letter from Phillips to Price, which stripped her of her visitation, library, and mail rights in prison as well as parole, as the board denied her in 1933 and 1934 due to the letters. Although Armour still stood by his wife for a while, the two stopped communicating and eventually divorced. Release and aftermath On June 17, 1935, Phillips was released from prison with plans to become a "useful citizen and a model housewife." She told reporters that she was going to San Diego to work as a dental assistant. Not much is known about Phillips afterwards, other than her changing her name and reportedly being spotted in Texas in 1961. In popular culture L.A. Not So Confidential, hosted by Dr. Shiloh Catanese & Dr. Scott Musgrove, talked about Phillips and the murder in 2021. Tenfold More Wicked, a podcast hosted by Kate Winkler Dawson, talked about Phillips in the season 4 premiere in 2022. References 20th-century American criminals American female criminals American showgirls 1898 births 1969 deaths American murderers American female murderers

70085693

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Robert%20Harland

Robert Harland

Robert John Yurgatis is an American stage and television actor. He is known for playing the role of "Jack Flood" in the American crime drama television series Target: The Corruptors!. Born in Chester, Pennsylvania, the son of Frank Yurgatis. Harland attended at the St. James High School for Boys, later graduating in 1953. He then attended at the Columbia School of Broadcasting in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania for which Harland worked as a disc jockey and radio announcer in Wilmington, Delaware. He appealed for an acknowledgment into attending at the private performing arts conservatory American Academy of Dramatic Arts in New York. Harland formerly lived in Greenwich Village, New York, while attending and having roles in its stage productions. In 1957, Harland played the lead role in the stage play, titled, Bus Stop. The play shown at the Robin Hood Playhouse. He performed in summer stock theaters. He changed his surname into "Harland" in the Hollywood, California name changer for which his surname was originally "Yurgatis". Harland began his film and television career in 1958, where he played the lead role of "Hank Moore" in the film As Young as We Are. He played the role of "Deputy Billy Lordan" in the western television series Law of the Plainsman. In 1961, Harland starred in the new ABC crime drama television series Target: The Corruptors!, playing the role of "Jack Flood". He starred alongside actor Stephen McNally, who played the role of "Paul Marino". After the series ended in 1962, Harland played the recurring role of "Sgt. Older" in the police procedural television series The Rookies, with also playing the recurring role of "James Rayford" in the soap opera television series Dynasty. He guest-starred in television programs, including, Outlaws, Petticoat Junction, Ben Casey, The Life and Legend of Wyatt Earp, Wagon Train, The Millionaire and Zane Grey Theatre. References External links Rotten Tomatoes profile Living people Place of birth missing (living people) Year of birth missing (living people) American male television actors American male stage actors Western (genre) television actors American male soap opera actors 20th-century American male actors

70087633

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The%20Murder%20of%20Robert%20Kidd

The Murder of Robert Kidd

On Sunday 29 September 1885, 37-year-old English Police Sergeant Robert Kidd was killed near Wigan northwestern station, (then Lancashire), England while investing railway thefts. Kidd and a fellow officer were responding to a number of reports of thefts at the goods yard adjacent to the station. He was fatally injured by a knife. In Dec 1895, two maN, Elijah Winstanley, William Kearsley were found guilty of manslaughter and received the death sentence. One was later were commuted to penal servitude for life and one was hanged. See also List of British police officers killed in the line of duty References 1853 births 1895 deaths 1895 in England 1890s trials 1895 in the United Kingdom British police officers killed in the line of duty Deaths by person in England Manslaughter in the United Kingdom Murder trials Wigan Trials in Liverpool

70088201

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Walter%20Hochmuth

Walter Hochmuth

Walter Hochmuth (born 14 February 1904 in Reichenbach im Vogtland, died 28 December 1979 in Berlin) was a German politician in the Weimar Republic (KPD), resistance fighter during the Nazi regime and a diplomat of East Germany. From childhood to the Weimar Republic Walter Hochmuth was born the ninth of ten children of a railway official. His father, Karl Hochmuth, was a conductor on the Saxon Railway. His mother Selma, née Schramm, was a crank embroiderer. He attended the eight-year elementary and civil school and then trade school. In 1920, he began an apprenticeship as a clerk in the Tuchfabrik Albert Greiner (Albert Greiner AG cloth factory). At the same time he joined the Gewerkschaftsbund der Angestellten (Trade Union Federation of Employees, GdA) and within a short time became chairman of its youth federation. In 1922, he moved to Düsseldorf, and a little later to Cologne, and worked as a cashier and salesman in the cloth wholesale business of Hugo Braunstein AG. In Cologne, too, he was a member of the local youth group of the GdA, which was very sympathetic to the KJVD and was therefore expelled from the GdA in 1924. The group then became the Wanderbund „Florian Geyer“ (“Florian Geyer” hiking association). Since Hochmuth had been a member of the KJVD and the KPD since May 1, 1925, he was transferred to the Hamburg branch of the Tuchhaus Paul Peininger GmbH in 1926, where he later became union chairman. There he was married in 1927 to Katharina Emmermann, their daughter Ursel Hochmuth was born in 1931. The year 1931 was also a year with important events in other regards. On the one hand, Hochmuth was expelled from the union, on the other hand he was elected to the Hamburg Parliament as the youngest member of the KPD. His employer fired him and he began a traineeship at the Hamburger Volkszeitung. In the district leadership of the KPD he was also responsible for the work among the employees. In this function he was involved, among other things, in the establishment of a club for employees at the Gänsemarkt. In 1932, Hochmuth took part in the 3rd Reich Conference of the KPD in Berlin. Time of National Socialism: illegality, escape, emigration, imprisonment After the Nazis seized power, Hochmuth was wanted by the police and had to go underground. Nevertheless, he was a member of the illegal leadership of the KPD until August 1934. He continued to write for the now illegal Hamburger Volkszeitung and worked with Albert Bennies in the district leadership of the Revolutionäre Gewerkschafts Opposition (RGO), where he published the RGO newspaper Der Klassengewerkschafter. He began a love affair with one of his lodgers, the tailor's assistant Renate Brake, which resulted in their son Peter in March 1934. After Bennies and other comrades were arrested, Hochmuth fled to Denmark with Brake's help. There he came into conflict with the emigration leadership of the KPD and had to move his exile to Amsterdam in 1935 by decision of the party. Hochmuth stowed away on a cargo ship from Denmark to Antwerp. Brake and his son Peter followed him to the Netherlands. In 1938, Hochmuth was stripped of his German citizenship and deported from the Netherlands to Belgium as an "undesirable person" after he had already been interned from March to June of that year. In Belgium, too, he lived illegally with communist miners' families without valid identification papers. In March, their daughter Birgid was born in Charleroi. After Germany's invasion of Belgium, Hochmuth was interned. In May 1940 he was transported by freight wagon to the Gurs internment camp in southern France and interned there. After the German troops had also occupied southern France, Hochmuth was arrested by the Gestapo (via Wehrmacht) and imprisoned in the Fuhlsbüttel police prison in March 1943. In Germany he was in custody by the Gestapo until January 1944, then in judicial custody, and finally on July 21 the People's Court in Potsdam sentenced him to five years in prison for "preparing to commit high treason". After his first marriage ended in divorce in 1939, Hochmuth married Renate Brake in January 1944. Franz Jacob married his first wife Katharina, who also lived with their daughter Ursel. In 1945 he was liberated by the Red Army along with other prisoners from the Brandenburg Prison. Career in East Germany In May 1945, Hochmuth became head of the personnel department of the Post and Telecommunications Department of the Greater Berlin Municipality. Shortly thereafter he fetched his wife and children from Reichenbach, where they had found shelter with his brother Rudolf Hochmuth. In 1947 he became Head of Human Resources in the Post and Telecommunications Department of the German Economic Commission (DWK). He was also one of the founding members of the postal and telecommunications industrial union and was a member of its central board. After the president of the Oberpostdirektion Schwerin had fled to the western zones, Hochmuth was removed from the personnel manager function "due to a lack of vigilance" and became an procurator at the Deutsche Handelsgesellschaft in March 1949, and in 1950 finally group leader in the GDR government chancellery, main office administration. From 1949 he lived in Woltersdorf, Brandenburg, where he was chairman of the Main Committee of the National Front. At this time he began distance learning at the Deutsche Akademie für Staats- und Rechtswissenschaft „Walter Ulbricht“ (German Academy for Political Science and Law "Walter Ulbricht"). He completed it with the state examination. From April 1956 Hochmuth was deputy head and from 1957 head of the East German trade mission (Commercial attaché) in Jakarta, Indonesia. From 1959 to 1962 he was a Legationsrat (legation counselor) in Iraq, from June 1962 until his return due to illness in 1963 as Consul General in Baghdad. Among other things, he was involved in setting up the GDR embassy in Iraq. He was thus the first representative of the GDR in a non-socialist country. In 1964, Hochmuth moved to the Ministry of the Interior and was initially deputy head of the Deutsches Zentralarchiv (DZA) (the East German Central Archives) in Potsdam. After a lengthy illness, in 1965 he succeeded Karl Schirdewan as head of the State Archives Administration in Potsdam, where he also lived in the meantime. Hochmuth had been a pensioner since 1968. In the last years of his life he was chairman of the Potsdam district committee of the anti-fascist resistance fighters in the GDR. In addition to other awards, Hochmuth received the Vaterländischer Verdienstorden in silver in 1960 and in gold in 1974, and in 1979 the clasp of honor for the Patriotic Order of Merit. Hochmuth's grave can be found in the "Pergolenweg" grave complex of the Gedenkstätte der Sozialisten (Socialist Memorial) at the Zentralfriedhof Friedrichsfelde (Friedrichsfelde Central Cemetery), where he is buried alongsite his wife. Publications Das Personalwesen der Deutschen Post in der sowjetischen Besatzungszone, Deutscher Zentralverlag, Berlin 1948. Brief von Walter Hochmuth aus der Internierungshaft in Merxplas/Belgien an seine Tochter Ursel vom 31. März 1940, In: Was bleibt ist Hoffnung. Eine Briefdokumentation aus Brandenburger Konzentrationslagern, Zuchthäusern und Gefängnissen der NS-Zeit 1933-1945, Brandenburgische Landeszentrale für Politische Bildung, Potsdam 1994, p. 104f. Further reading Andreas Herbst: Hochmuth, Walter. In: Wer war wer in der DDR? Volume 1. 5th edition, Ch. Links, Berlin 2010, ISBN 978-3-86153-561-4. Hochmuth, Walter. In: Hermann Weber, Andreas Herbst: Deutsche Kommunisten. Biographisches Handbuch 1918 bis 1945. 2nd edition. Karl Dietz, Berlin 2008, ISBN 978-3-320-02130-6. Ursel Hochmuth, Peter Hochmuth: Vor 75 Jahren – Dissonanzen im Kopenhagener Exil. Ein Gedächtnisprotokoll Walter Hochmuths vom Oktober 1934. In: Jahrbuch für Forschungen zur Geschichte der Arbeiterbewegung. Band 8, Heft 3, 2009, S. 123–144. External links Nachlass im Archiv der Parteien und Massenorganisationen der DDR im Bundesarchiv Bundesarchiv NY 4630 (Nachlass) References 1904 births 1979 deaths Commercial attachés Communist Party of Germany politicians Communists in the German Resistance Consuls East German diplomats Free German Trade Union Federation members German archivists German atheists German expatriates in Belgium German expatriates in France German trade unionists Exiled politicians Members of the Hamburg Parliament People condemned by Nazi courts Recipients of the Banner of Labor Recipients of the Patriotic Order of Merit (honor clasp) Socialist Unity Party of Germany members

70088323

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/We%20Own%20This%20City

We Own This City

We Own This City is an upcoming American miniseries based on the nonfiction book of the same name by Baltimore Sun reporter Justin Fenton. Like the book, the miniseries details the rise and fall of the Baltimore Police Department's Gun Trace Task Force and the corruption surrounding it. The miniseries was created and written by David Simon and George Pelecanos, and directed by Reinaldo Marcus Green. The six-episode series is set to premiere on HBO on April 25, 2022. Cast Main Jon Bernthal as Sgt. Wayne Jenkins, the central figure in the Baltimore Police Department's (BPD) Gun Trace Task Force (GTTF) Wunmi Mosaku as Nicole Steele, an attorney assigned to the Civil Rights Division of the Department of Justice Jamie Hector as Sean M. Suiter, a BPD homicide detective caught up in the GTTF case McKinley Belcher III as Momodu "G Money" Gondo, a BPD veteran and member of the GTTF Darrell Britt-Gibson as Jemell Rayam, a BPD officer involved in the GTTF Josh Charles as Daniel Hersl, a BPD officer involved in the GTTF Dagmara Domińczyk as Erika Jensen, an FBI agent who investigated the GTTF Rob Brown as Maurice Ward, a plainclothes officer involved in the GTTF Don Harvey as John Sieracki, a BPD officer assigned to the public corruption task force who aided the FBI David Corenswet as David McDougall, a veteran investigator with the Harford County Narcotics Task Force Larry Mitchell as Scott Kilpatrick, a veteran investigator with the Harford County Narcotics Task Force Ian Duff as Ahmed Jackson, a former Department of Justice trial attorney who is now working for the Office of Civil Rights Delaney Williams as Kevin Davis, the BPD police commissioner Lucas Van Engen as Leo Wise, the lead federal prosecutor assigned to the GTTF case Recurring and guest Treat Williams as Brian Grabler, a retired Baltimore detective now teaching at the police academy Gabrielle Carteris as Andrea Smith, the head of the Organized Crime Drug Enforcement Task Force Tray Chaney as Gordon Hawk, a recent addition to the Harford County Narcotics Task Force Domenick Lombardozzi as Stephen Brady, the president of the Baltimore City Fraternal Order of Police Thaddeus Street as James Otis, a Baltimore resident and HVAC repairman Jermaine Crawford as Jaquan Dixon, a young BPD patrolman Nathan E. Corbett as Tariq Touré, a West Baltimore author and community activist Chris Clanton as Brian Hairston, a BPD officer Production In March 2021, HBO ordered a six-episode series based on the book We Own This City: A True Story of Crime, Cops and Corruption by Baltimore Sun investigative journalist Justin Fenton, to be written by David Simon and George Pelecanos. Filming In May 2021, it was confirmed that Reinaldo Marcus Green would direct the series. Production was reported to begin in July 2021 with filming occurring in Baltimore. Production was temporarily halted for a week in September 2021 due to a "COVID-19 event". Casting In May 2021, Jon Bernthal, Josh Charles, Jamie Hector were announced to have been cast in leading roles. Darrell Britt-Gibson, Rob Brown, McKinley Belcher III, Larry Mitchell and Wunmi Mosaku were cast in June. In August, several castings were announced, including Dagmara Domińczyk, Don Harvey, Delaney Williams, David Corenswet, Ian Duff, Lucas Van Engen, Gabrielle Carteris, Treat Williams and Domenick Lombardozzi. In September, several recurring and guest roles were announced, including Thaddeus Street, Tray Chaney, Chris Clanton, Jermaine Crawford and Nathan E. Corbett. References External links 2020s American drama television miniseries 2022 American television series debuts English-language television shows Fictional portrayals of the Baltimore Police Department HBO original programming Television series created by David Simon Television series set in 2015 Television shows filmed in Maryland Television shows set in Baltimore

70088419

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/U%20Kadam

U Kadam

Umesh Ashok Kadam is a professor of history at the Centre for Historical Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi. His core area of study include the history of the Marathas and European powers, Socio-economic and cultural History of the Deccan, Trade and Commerce in the 17th and 18th century Konkan coast, Bhakti movement from 10th to 17th century, Maritime History of Western India, and Urbanization in the Medieval Maratha country. Early life Kadam was born on 28 May 1976 as the son of Ashok Narayan Kadam and Gayatri Kadam. After the completion of his B.A. and M.A., Kadam enrolled for Ph.D. at Shivaji University, Kolhapur. His Ph.D. thesis entitled French Maratha Relations,1668–1818 was awarded the Late Smt. Sitabai Kulkarni Research Prize of 2006–07 academic year. Career Kadam started his career as a lecturer at his alma mater and became an assistant professor in 1999. He was promoted as a senior assistant professor in 2007 and a full-fledged professor in 2013. Currently, he is teaching at CHS-JNU. He is an expert in the history of Medieval India from 8th to 18th century, and specializes in 16th to 18th century western India, primarily focusing on Marathas and their interactions with the European powers of the era. Kadam was the Visitors Nominee (President of India) on the Executive Council of Aligarh Muslim University in 2017, Executive Council Member of Academic Council and Court of JNU and Dean of Students in JNU in that same year, Chairperson of CHS, Member of Indian Historical Records Committee under the National Archives of India, Governing Council member of Indian Council of Historical Research (ICHR), V-C's Nominee (JNU) on the Academic Council of National Defense Academy (NDA) at Pune, Member of Board of University Departments and Interdisciplinary Studies at Solapur University in 2018, Deputy Coordinator of National Resource Centres (NRCs) for Annual Refresher Programme in Teaching (ARPIT) of Higher Education Faculty through SWAYAM, Deputy Coordinator of UGC-CAS Programme of CHS, Editor at Member of Committee to review NCERT history syllabus class VIII to XI, Govt.of India, Member of 14th Educational Research and Innovations Committee (ERIC) of the NCERT, and Member of committee for Medieval History (part of ICHR's Special Research Project ‘Comprehensive History of Bharat’) in 2021. He is also the editor of the Indian Historical Review (the Peer Reviewed Journal of ICHR) and Studies In History (Journal of CHS-JNU and Sage Publications). JNU protests In March 2018, Kadam was appointed Dean of Students at Jawaharlal Nehru University after eight chairs of departments were removed for non-attendance and insubordination. Kadam faced allegations of nepotism after getting his wife enrolled in a PhD at the university. Kadam alleged that he and his wife were being targeted by a left faction as they are both members of the Dalit community. In March 2018, Kadam lodged a complaint of "caste discrimination" against most of the faculty of the Centre for Historical Studies, alleging "humiliation, victimisation and casteist remarks." His colleagues said the allegations were "baseless." He also filed a First information report against 17 students alleging they assaulted and manhandled him at his office while protesting new rules he had implemented. The police said the allegations reflected "professional rivalry more than rivalry on caste lines." In his role as Dean, Kadam was responsible for the university's hostels. A draft manual for these hostels introducing a dress code and curfews was campaigned against by the Jawaharlal Nehru University Students' Union. In October 2019, during a student protest, Kadam fell ill and an ambulance was called, however the students surrounded the ambulance and did not let it move off campus to a hospital, forcing Kadam to the taken to the University Health Centre instead. The University's Vice Chancellor, M. Jagadesh Kumar condemned the incident, calling the students' behaviour dangerous and shameful. Kadam later said he supported protests but not an "undemocratic protest" and that the administration would not enter dialogue with the student union as it was "un-notified". and that the administration was not going to enter into a dialogue with an “un-notified union”. He issued a notice for the union to vacate their office. Awards Late Smt. Sitabai Kulkarni Research Prize 2006-07 for the best Ph.D. thesis. Maharashtra Sahitya Parishad's Mahamahopadhya Datto Waman Potdar Award in 2012 for his work French-Maratha Relation, 1668-1818. State Level Best Teacher Award -2011, by Aaviskar Social and Educational Foundation, Kolhapur (Maharashtra State). Bibliography Books Medieval Deccan: An Era of Transition (Maratha State and the Age of Conflicts, Challenges and Collaboration (English). Published by Lambert Academic Publishing, imprint of SIA OmniScriptum Publishing, Brivibas gatve 197, LV-1039, Riga Latvia, European Union. Year of Publication: 2020, ISBN 13: 978-620-0-50053-3 History of the Marathas: French- Maratha Relations, 1668-1818. (English). Published by Sundeep Prakashan, New Delhi, October 2008. Year of Publication: 2008, ISBN 13: 978-81-7574-190-4 & ISBN 10: 81-7574-190-2 French-Maratha Sambandha, 1668-1818. (Marathi). Published by Pushpananda Prakashan, Pune, April 2011. Year of Publication: 2011, ISBN 13: 978-81-907033-6 Fragments of History- (Some Aspects of Maratha History). (English). Published by Paradigm Publication, Pune, 2012. Year of Publication: 2012, ISBN 13: 978-81-922348-0-9 Select papers, articles and chapters The French in India: A Review (1761-1790) Franco-Maratha Relations between 1761-1818: The Period of Anarchy and Interdependency Impact of Local Values on Development of Tourism in Iran (with Zahra Mohebbi) Franco-Maratha Relations: The 18th Century Revisited 'The Whole Universe is my Home': Bhakti in Medieval Maharashtra in Essays in Memory of Nandita Prasad Sahai - Looking Within Looking Without: Exploring Households in the Subcontinent Through Time, (pp.219-232) Primus Books, Delhi, 2015. Personal life He is married to Kaveri Kadam, an assistant professor at Jamia Milia Islamia. They have two children. References 1976 births Living people Jawaharlal Nehru University faculty Historians of India Shivaji University alumni

70089217

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Facebook%20content%20management%20controversies

Facebook content management controversies

Facebook or Meta Platforms has been criticized for removing or allowing various content on posts, photos and entire groups and profiles. This includes but is not limited to allowing violent content, including content related to war crimes, and not limiting the spread of fake news and COVID-19 misinformation on their platform, as well as allowing incitement of violence against multiple groups. Intellectual property infringement Facebook has been criticized for having lax enforcement of third-party copyrights for videos uploaded to the service. In 2015, some Facebook pages were accused of plagiarizing videos from YouTube users and re-posting them as their own content using Facebook's video platform, and in some cases, achieving higher levels of engagement and views than the original YouTube posts. Videos hosted by Facebook are given a higher priority and prominence within the platform and its user experience (including direct embedding within the News Feed and pages), giving a disadvantage to posting it as a link to the original external source. In August 2015, Facebook announced a video-matching technology aiming to identify reposted videos, and also stated its intention to improve its procedures to remove infringing content faster. In April 2016, Facebook implemented a feature known as "Rights Manager", which allows rights holders to manage and restrict the upload of their content onto the service by third-parties. Violent content In 2013, Facebook was criticized for allowing users to upload and share videos depicting violent content, including clips of people being decapitated. Having previously refused to delete such clips under the guideline that users have the right to depict the "world in which we live", Facebook changed its stance in May, announcing that it would remove reported videos while evaluating its policy. The following October, Facebook stated that it would allow graphic videos on the platform, as long as the intention of the video was to "condemn, not glorify, the acts depicted", further stating that "Sometimes, those experiences and issues involve graphic content that is of public interest or concern, such as human rights abuses, acts of terrorism, and other violence. When people share this type of graphic content, it is often to condemn it. If it is being shared for sadistic pleasure or to celebrate violence, Facebook removes it." However, Facebook once again received criticism, with the Family Online Safety Institute saying that such videos "crossed a line" and can potentially cause psychological damage among young Facebook users, and then-Prime Minister of the United Kingdom David Cameron calling the decision "irresponsible", citing the same concerns regarding young users. Two days later, Facebook removed a video of a beheading following "worldwide outrage", and while acknowledging its commitment to allowing people to upload gory material for the purpose of condemnation, it also stated that it would be further strengthening its enforcement to prevent glorification. The company's policies were also criticized as part of these developments, with some drawing particular attention to Facebook's permission of graphic content but potential removal of breastfeeding images. In January 2015, Facebook announced that new warnings would be displayed on graphic content, requiring users to explicitly confirm that they wish to see the material. War crimes Facebook has been criticized for failing to take down violent content depicting war crimes in Libya. A 2019 investigation by the BBC found evidence of alleged war crimes in Libya being widely shared on Facebook and YouTube. The BBC found images and videos on social media of the bodies of fighters and civilians being desecrated by fighters from the self-styled Libyan National Army. The force, led by General Khalifa Haftar, controls a swathe of territory in the east of Libya and is trying to seize the capital, Tripoli. BBC Arabic found almost one hundred images and videos from Libya shared on Facebook and YouTube, in violation of their companies' guidelines. The UK Foreign Office said it took the allegations extremely seriously and is concerned about the impact the recent violence is having on the civilian population. In 2017, a Facebook video of Libyan National Army (LNA) special forces commander Mahmoud al-Werfalli was uploaded showing him shooting dead three captured fighters. The video was then shared on YouTube over ten thousand times. The International Criminal Court used it as evidence to indict al-Werfalli for the war crime of murder. The BBC found the original video was still on Facebook 2 years after his indictment and also discovered videos showing the bodies of civilians being desecrated. These were taken in Ganfouda, a district of Benghazi which was under siege by the LNA between 2016 and 2017. More than 300 people, including dozens of children died during the siege. A video uncovered by BBC Arabic showed soldiers mocking a pile of corpses of dead civilians and trampling on bodies. Among them was a 77-year-old woman, Alia Hamza. Her son, Ali Hamza, had five family members killed in Ganfouda. Ali Hamza told BBC Arabic, "I sent links to lawyers to send to the ICC in the Hague against Khalifa Haftar and his military commanders regarding the massacres of civilians", said Hamza. In the video, the LNA soldiers label the civilians as terrorists. Human rights lawyer and war crimes specialist Rodney Dixon QC reviewed the evidence BBC Arabic found. "If groups are using those platforms to propagate their campaigns then those platforms should seriously look at their role because they could then be assisting in that process of further crimes being committed", he said. After presenting our findings to Facebook they removed all the videos that show a suspected war crime taking place. However, they opted not to suspend any of the accounts which we found linked to the images. Erin Saltman, Facebook's policy manager for counterterrorism in Europe, Middle East and Africa, told BBC Arabic, "Sometimes there are very conflicting narratives of whether or not the victim is a terrorist, or whether it's a civilian over who's committing that act, we cannot be the pure arbiters of truth." But Facebook and YouTube's own community guidelines explicitly prohibit content that promotes or depicts acts of violence. Facebook Live Facebook Live, introduced in August 2015 for celebrities and gradually rolled out for regular users starting in January 2016, lets users broadcast live videos, with Facebook's intention for the feature to be presenting public events or private celebrations. However, the feature has been used to record multiple crimes, deaths, and violent incidents, causing significant media attention. Facebook has received criticism for not removing videos faster, and Facebook Live has been described as a "monster [Facebook] cannot tame" and "a gruesome crime scene for murders". In response, CEO Mark Zuckerberg announced in May 2017 that the company would hire 3,000 people to review content and invest in tools to remove videos faster. Pro-anorexia groups In 2008, Facebook was criticized for hosting groups dedicated to promoting anorexia. The groups promoted dramatic weight loss programs, shared extreme diet tips, and posted pictures of emaciated girls under "Thinspiration" headlines. Members reported having switched to Facebook from Myspace, another social networking service, due to a perceived higher level of safety and intimacy at Facebook. In a statement to BBC News, a Facebook spokesperson stated that "Many Facebook groups relate to controversial topics; this alone is not a reason to disable a group. In cases where content is reported and found to violate the site's terms of use, Facebook will remove it." Pro-mafia groups' case In Italy in 2009, the discovery of pro-mafia groups, one of them claiming Bernardo Provenzano's sainthood, caused an alert in the country and brought the government to rapidly issue a law that would force Internet service providers to deny access to entire websites in case of refused removal of illegal contents. The amendment was passed by the Italian Senate and now needs to be passed unchanged by the Chamber of Deputies to become effective. Facebook criticized the government's efforts, telling Bloomberg that it "would be like closing an entire railway network just because of offensive graffiti at one station", and that "Facebook would always remove any content promoting violence and already had a takedown procedure in place." Trolling On March 31, 2010, The Today Show ran a segment detailing the deaths of three separate adolescent girls and trolls' subsequent reactions to their deaths. Shortly after the suicide of high school student Alexis Pilkington, anonymous posters began trolling for reactions across various message boards, referring to Pilkington as a "suicidal CUSS", and posting graphic images on her Facebook memorial page. The segment also included an exposé of a 2006 accident, in which an eighteen-year-old student out for a drive fatally crashed her father's car into a highway pylon; trolls emailed her grieving family the leaked pictures of her mutilated corpse. There have been cases where Facebook "trolls" were jailed for their communications on Facebook, particularly memorial pages. In Autumn 2010, Colm Coss of Ardwick, Britain, was sentenced to 26 weeks in jail under s127 of the Communications Act 2003 of Great Britain, for "malicious communications" for leaving messages deemed obscene and hurtful on Facebook memorial pages. In April 2011, Bradley Paul Hampson was sentenced to three years in jail after pleading guilty to two counts of using a carriage service (the Internet) to cause offense, for posts on Facebook memorial pages, and one count each of distributing and possessing child pornography when he posted images on the memorial pages of the deceased with phalluses superimposed alongside phrases such as "Woot I'm dead". Rape pages A series of pro-rape and 'rape joke' content on Facebook drew attention from the media and women's groups. Rape Is No Joke (RINJ), a group opposing the pages, argued that removing "pro-rape" pages from Facebook and other social media was not a violation of free speech in the context of Article 19 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the concepts recognized in international human rights law in the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. RINJ repeatedly challenged Facebook to remove the rape pages. RINJ then turned to advertisers on Facebook telling them not to let their advertising be posted on Facebook's 'rape pages'. Following a campaign that involved the participation of Women, Action and the Media, the Everyday Sexism Project and the activist Soraya Chemaly, who were among 100 advocacy groups, Facebook agreed to update its policy on hate speech. The campaign highlighted content that promoted domestic and sexual violence against women, and used over 57,000 tweets and more than 4,900 emails to create outcomes such as the withdrawal of advertising from Facebook by 15 companies, including Nissan UK, House of Burlesque and Nationwide UK. The social media website initially responded by stating that "While it may be vulgar and offensive, distasteful content on its own does not violate our policies", but then agreed to take action on May 29, 2013, after it had "become clear that our systems to identify and remove hate speech have failed to work as effectively as we would like, particularly around issues of gender-based hate". Child abuse images In June 2015, the UK National Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Children raised concerns about Facebook's apparent refusal when asked to remove controversial video material which allegedly showed a baby in emotional distress. In March 2017, BBC News reported in an investigation that Facebook only removed 18 of the 100 groups and posts it had reported for containing child exploitation images. The BBC had been granted an interview with Facebook policy director Simon Milner under the condition that they provide evidence of the activity. However, when presented with the images, Facebook canceled the interview, and told the BBC that it had been reported to the National Crime Agency for illegally distributing child exploitation images (the NCA could not confirm whether the BBC was actually being investigated). Milner later stated to the BBC that the investigation had exposed flaws in its image moderation process that have since been addressed, and that all of the reported content was removed from the service. According to data from the National Center for Missing & Exploited Children in 2020, there have been 20 million reported incidents of child sexual abuse material on Facebook. This accounted for 95% of total incidents recorded by the organization, while Google accounted for half a million incidents, Snapchat for 150,000 and Twitter for 65,000. Objectification of women In July 2017, GMA News reported that "a number" of secret Facebook groups that had been engaging in illegal activity of sharing "obscene" photos of women had been exposed, with the Philippine National Bureau of Investigation warning group members of the possibility of being liable for violating child pornography and anti-voyeurism laws. Facebook stated that it would remove the groups as violations of its community guidelines. A few days later, GMA News had an interview with one of the female victims targeted by one of the groups, who stated that she received friend requests from strangers and inappropriate messages. After reporting to authorities, the Philippine National Police's anti-cybercrime unit promised to take action in finding the accounts responsible. Senator Risa Hontiveros responded to the incidents with the proposal of a law that would impose "stiff penalties" on such group members, stating that "These people have no right to enjoy our internet freedom only to abuse our women and children. We will not allow them to shame our young women, suppress their right to express themselves through social media and contribute to a culture of misogyny and hate". Anti-Semitism Facebook has been suspected of having a double standard when it comes to pages and posts regarding the Arab–Israeli conflict. When it comes to alleged incitement, Facebook has been accused of being unfair, removing only posts and pages that attack Palestinians, while turning a blind eye to similar posts that are violently antisemitic. The NGO Shurat Hadin-Israel Law Center conducted an experiment over the incitement issue, which sought to expose what it viewed as double standards regarding anti-Israel sentiment vis-a-vis the simultaneous launch of two Facebook pages: "Stop Palestinians" and "Stop Israel". Following the launch of the two nearly identical pages, the NGO posted hateful content simultaneously on both pages. Next, Shurat Hadin reported both faux-incitement pages to Facebook to see which, if either, would be removed. According to them, despite featuring nearly identical content, only one was removed from the online platform. They said the page inciting against Palestinians was closed by Facebook (on the same day that it was reported) for "containing credible threat of violence" which "violated our [Facebook's] community standards", but not the page inciting against Israelis. Shurat Hadin said that Facebook claimed that this page was "not in violation of Facebook's rules". Shurat Hadin's staged anti-Israel group "Stop Israel" still remains active on Facebook. ProPublica stated in September 2017 that a website was able to target ads at Facebook users who were interested in "how to burn Jew" and "Jew hater". Facebook removed the categories and said it would try to stop them from appearing to potential advertisers. In March 2019, Facebook subsidiary Instagram declined to remove an anti-semitic image posted by right-wing conspiracy theorist Alex Jones, saying that it did not violate their community standards. Incitement of violence against Israelis Facebook has been accused of being a public platform that is used to incite violence. In October 2015, 20,000 Israelis claimed that Facebook was ignoring Palestinian incitement on its platform and filed a class-action suit demanding that Facebook remove all posts "containing incitement to murder Jews". Israeli politicians have complained that Facebook does not comply or assist with requests from the police for tracking and reporting individuals when they share their intent to kill or commit any other act of violence on their Facebook pages. In June 2016, following the murder of Hallel Ariel, 13, by a terrorist who posted on Facebook, Israeli Minister of Public Security Gilad Erdan charged that "Facebook, which has brought a positive revolution to the world, has become a monster ... The dialogue, the incitement, the lies of the young Palestinian generation are happening on the Facebook platform." Erdan accused Facebook of "sabotaging the work of Israeli police" and "refusing to cooperate" when Israel police turns to the site for assistance. It also "sets a very high bar" for removing inciting content. In July 2016, a civil action for $1 billion in damages was filed in the United States District Court for the Southern District of New York on behalf of the victims and family members of four Israeli-Americans and one US citizen killed by Hamas militants since June 2014. The victims and plaintiffs in the case are the families of Yaakov Naftali Fraenkel, a 16-year-old who was kidnapped and murdered by Hamas operatives in 2014; Taylor Force, a 29-year-old American MBA student and US Army veteran killed in a stabbing spree in Jaffa in 2016; Chaya Braun, a three-month-old thrown from her stroller and slammed into the pavement when a Hamas attacker drove his car into a light rail station in Jerusalem in an October 2014; 76-year-old Richard Lakin who was killed in the October 2015 shooting and stabbing attack on a Jerusalem bus; and Menachem Mendel Rivkin, who was seriously wounded in a January 2016 stabbing attack in Jerusalem. The plaintiffs claimed that Facebook knowingly provided its social media platform and communication services to Hamas in violation of provisions of US Anti-Terrorism laws which prohibits US businesses from providing any material support, including services, to designated terrorist groups and their leaders. The government of the United States has designated Hamas as a "Foreign Terrorist Organization" as defined by US law. The suit claims that Hamas "used and relied on Facebook's online social network platform and communications services to facilitate and carry out its terrorist activity, including the terrorist attacks in which Hamas murdered and injured the victims and their families in this case". The legal claim was rejected; the court found that Facebook and other social media companies are not considered to be the publishers of material users post when digital tools used by the company match content with what the tool identifies as interested consumers. In August 2016, Israel's security service, the Shin Bet, reported that it had arrested nine Palestinians who had been recruited by the Lebanon-based Hezbollah terrorist organization. Operatives of Hezbollah in Lebanon and Gaza Strip recruited residents of the West Bank, Gaza and Israel through Facebook and other social media sites. After recruiting cell leaders on Facebook, Hezbollah and the recruits used encrypted communications to avoid detection, and the leaders continued to recruit other members. The terror cells received Hezbollah funding and planned to conduct suicide bombings and ambushes and had begun preparing explosive devices for attacks, said the security service, which claimed credit for preventing the attacks. The Shin Bet said it also detected multiple attempts by Hezbollah to recruit Israeli Arabs through a Facebook profile. Currently, legislation is being prepared in Israel, allowing fines of 300,000 shekels for Facebook and other social media like Twitter and YouTube for every post inciting or praising terrorism that is not removed within 48 hours, and could possibly lead to further acts of terrorism. Countermeasure efforts In June 2017, Facebook published a blog post, offering insights into how it detects and combats terrorism content. The company claimed that the majority of the terrorism accounts that are found are discovered by Facebook itself, while it reviews reports of terrorism content "urgently", and, in cases of imminent harm, "promptly inform authorities". It also develops new tools to aid in its efforts, including the use of artificial intelligence to match terrorist images and videos, detecting when content is shared across related accounts, and developing technologies to stop repeat offenders. The company stated that it has 150 people dedicated to terrorism countermeasures, and works with governments and industries in an effort to curb terrorist propaganda. Its blog post stated that "We want Facebook to be a hostile place for terrorists." Employee data leak In June 2017, The Guardian reported that a software bug had exposed the personal details of 1,000 Facebook workers involved in reviewing and removing terrorism content, by displaying their profiles in the "Activity" logs of Facebook groups related to terrorism efforts,. In Facebook's Dublin, Ireland headquarters, six individuals were determined to be "high priority" victims of the error, after the company concluded that their profiles were likely viewed by potential terrorists in groups such as ISIS, Hezbollah and the Kurdistan Workers' Party. The bug itself, discovered in November 2016 and fixed two weeks later, was active for one month, and had also been retroactively exposing censored personal accounts from August 2016. One affected worker had fled Ireland, gone into hiding, and only returned to Ireland after five months due to a lack of money. Suffering from psychological distress, he filed a legal claim against Facebook and CPL Resources, an outsourcing company, seeking compensation. A Facebook spokesperson stated that "Our investigation found that only a small fraction of the names were likely viewed, and we never had evidence of any threat to the people impacted or their families as a result of this matter", and Craig D'Souza, Facebook's head of global investigations, said: "Keep in mind that when the person sees your name on the list, it was in their activity log, which contains a lot of information ... there is a good chance that they associate you with another admin of the group or a hacker". Facebook offered to install a home-alarm monitoring system, provide transport to and from work, and counseling through its employee assistance program. As a result of the data leak, Facebook is reportedly testing the use of alternative, administrative accounts for workers reviewing content, rather than requiring workers to sign in with their personal profiles. Fake news Facebook has been criticized for not doing enough to limit the spread of fake news stories on their site, especially after the 2016 United States presidential election, which some have claimed Donald Trump would not have won if Facebook had not helped spread what they claim to have been fake stories that were biased in his favor. Mark Zuckerberg has begun to take steps to eliminate the prevalence of fake news on Facebook as a result of criticisms of Facebook's influence on the presidential election. At a conference called Techonomy Mark Zuckerberg stated in regards to Donald Trump, "There's a profound lack of empathy in asserting that the only reason why someone could have voted the way that they did is because they saw some fake news". Zuckerberg affirms the idea that people do not stray from their own ideals and political leanings. He stated, "I don't know what to do about that" and, "When we started, the north star for us was: We're building a safe community". Zuckerberg has also been quoted in his own Facebook post, "Of all the content on Facebook, more than 99 percent of what people see is authentic". In addition, The Pew Research Center, stated that "62% of Americans obtain some, or all, of their news on social media-the bulk of it from Facebook". The former editor at Facebook leaked inflammatory information about the websites' algorithm's pointing to certain falsehoods and bias by the news created within Facebook. Although Facebook initially denied claims of issues with fake new stories and their algorithms, they fired the entire trending team involved with a fake news story about Megyn Kelly being a "closeted liberal". Inclusion of Breitbart News as trusted news source In October 2019, Facebook announced that Breitbart News, an American far-right news and opinion website, would be included as a "trusted source" in its Facebook News feature alongside sources like The New York Times and The Washington Post. The decision sparked controversy due to Breitbart News's status as a platform for the alt-right and its reputation for publishing misinformation. In October 2021, The Wall Street Journal reported that Facebook executives resisted removing Breitbart News from Facebook's News Tab feature to avoid angering Donald Trump and Republican members of Congress, despite criticism from Facebook employees. An August 2019 internal Facebook study had found that Breitbart News was the least trusted news source, and also ranked as low-quality, in the sources it looked at across the U.S. and Great Britain. Incitement of violence in Sri Lanka In March 2018, the government of Sri Lanka blocked Facebook and other social media services in an effort to quell the violence in the 2018 anti-Muslim riots, with Harsha de Silva, the Deputy Minister for National Policies and Economic Affairs, tweeting: "Hate speech on Facebook is increasing beyond acceptable levels. Government will have to act immediately to save lives." Sri Lankan telecommunications minister Harin Fernando stated that Facebook had been too slow in removing content and banning users who were using its platforms to facilitate violence during the 2018 anti-Muslim riots in Sri Lanka. In response, Facebook stated that it had increased the number of Sinhalese speakers it employs to review content. Uyghur genocide denial In February 2021, a Press Gazette investigation found that Facebook had accepted promotional content from Chinese state media outlets such as China Daily and China Global Television Network that spread disinformation denying the Uyghur genocide. Incitement of human rights abuses in Myanmar The chairman of the U.N. Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmar stated that Facebook played a "determining role" in the Rohingya genocide. Facebook has been accused of enabling the spread of Islamophobic content which targets the Rohingya people. The United Nations Human Rights Council has called the platform "a useful instrument for those seeking to spread hate". In response, Facebook removed accounts which were owned by the Myanmar Armed Forces because they had previously used Facebook to incite hatred against the Rohingya people, and "engaging in coordinated inauthentic behavior." On 6 December 2021, approximately a hundred Rohingya refugees launched a $150 billion lawsuit against Facebook, alleging that it did not do enough to prevent the proliferation of anti-Rohingya hate speech because it was interested in prioritizing engagement. Blue tick Facebook grants blue tick to verified accounts of public personalities, brands, and celebrities (including politicians and artists). They have no policy in the cases where an individual who has a verified blue tick account is convicted in a serious criminal case. There has been a recent case in India where a politician was convicted and sentenced to 10 years in jail in a serious bribery criminal case but his Facebook page still continues to be verified. Neo-Nazi and white supremacist content From c.2018 until March 27, 2019, Facebook's internal policy was to permit "white nationalist" content but not "white supremacist" content, despite advice stating there is no distinction. In practice, it hosted much white supremacist and neo-Nazi content. On March 27, 2019, Facebook backtracked and stated that white nationalism "cannot be meaningfully separated from white supremacy and organized hate groups". In 2020 the Centre for Countering Digital Hate (CCDH) found Facebook was hosting a white supremacist network with more than 80,000 followers and links to the UK far right. The CCDH said: "Facebook's leadership endangered public safety by letting neo-Nazis finance their activities through Facebook and Instagram ... . Facebook was first told about this problem two years ago and failed to act." COVID-19 misinformation In 2021, the Bureau of Investigative Journalism found that 430 Facebook pages – being followed by 45 million people – were spreading false information about COVID-19 or vaccinations. This was despite a promise by Facebook in 2020 that no user or company should directly profit from false information about immunization against COVID-19. A Facebook spokesman said the company had "removed a small number of the pages shared with us for violating our policies". Marketplace illegal Amazon rainforest sales In February 2021, BBC investigations revealed that Amazon rainforest plots on land reserved for indigenous people were being illegally traded on the Facebook Marketplace with the sellers admitting they do not have the land title. The BBC reported that Facebook were "ready to work with local authorities", but were unwilling to take independent action. Incitement of ethnic massacres in Ethiopia In February 2022, Facebook was accused by the Bureau of Investigative Journalism and The Observer of letting activists incite ethnic massacres in the Tigray War by spreading hate and misinformation. See also Censorship by Facebook Criticism of Facebook References Facebook criticisms and controversies Facebook Facebook

70090287

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Willy%20Schmelcher

Willy Schmelcher

Willy Schmelcher (25 October 1894 - 15 February 1974) was Nazi politician and SS-Gruppenführer who served as an SS and Police Leader in Ukraine and Wartheland during the Second World War. Early life Schmelcher, the son of a master glazier, completed realschule in Eppingen in 1911. Until 1914 he studied at the building trade school in Stuttgart. On the outbreak of the First World War, he joined the Imperial German Army and served on the western front as a combat engineer. Commissioned a Leutnant in July 1917, he was captured by the British in September 1918, earning the Iron Cross, 1st and 2nd class. Released in January 1920, he studied civil engineering at the Stuttgart Technical University, graduating with an engineering degree in 1925. He passed his state engineering examinations in 1927 and worked as a construction engineer. Nazi Party career Schmelcher joined the Nazi Party (membership number 90,783) and the SA in June 1928. In 1929 he was elected to the Neustadt city council, serving as the leader of the NSDAP parliamentary group and becoming City Council Chairman. He was also the SA Leader in Gau Baden from 1928 to August 1930. In June 1930 he became a member of the SS and two months later he left the SA with the rank of Standartenführer. Schmelcher in September 1932 became the leader of the 10th SS-Standarde in Kaiserslautern, remaining there until July 1935. After the Nazi seizure of power, Schmelcher became chairman of the NSDAP parliamentary group in the Rhenish Palatinate District Assembly (Kreistag) in March 1933 and held this office until 1937. In November 1933, he was elected to the Reichstag from electoral constituency 27 (Rheinpfalz) and served until the end of the Nazi regime. From March 1935 to October 1942 he was the Polizeipräsident (chief of police) in Saarbrücken. He held SS staff positions with Abschnitt XXIX in Mannheim and with Oberabschnitte "Südwest" and "Rhein" from 1935 to 1938, before moving to the Reich Security Main Office. Second World War In 1940, during the Second World War, Schmelcher performed military service with the 36th Infantry Division. After the fall of France, he was made Police President of Metz in December 1940. Following the German attack on the Soviet Union, Schmelcher became the SS and Police Leader (SSPF) in Tschernigow from 19 November 1941 to 1 July 1943 and also in Shitomir from 5 May to 25 September 1943. From 15 October 1943 to the end of the Nazi regime in May 1945, Schmelcher also served as head of the Technische Nothilfe, a civil defense organization in the main office of the Ordnungspolizei (Order Police). On 9 November 1943, he was promoted to SS- Gruppenführer and Generalleutnant der Polizei. In December 1944 he was made the Higher SS and Police Leader (HSSPF) "Warthe" with his headquarters in Posen. Postwar After the end of the war, Schmelcher was interned by the Allies. In January 1949 he underwent denazification and was deemed a "lesser offender." From 1954 to 1962, he worked in the civil defense department of the Saarland Interior Ministry. Schmelcher died in Saarbrücken in February 1974. External weblink Sources 1894 births 1974 deaths German military personnel of World War II German police chiefs Holocaust perpetrators in Germany Holocaust perpetrators in Ukraine Members of the Reichstag of Nazi Germany Nazi Party politicians People from the Grand Duchy of Baden SS-Gruppenführer Recipients of the Iron Cross (1914), 1st class Recipients of the Iron Cross (1914), 2nd class SS and Police Leaders Sturmabteilung officers

70091394

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jacob%20Kornbluh

Jacob Kornbluh

Jacob Kornbluh is a reporter. Career After moving to New York City, Kornbluh worked at a deli counter and hardware store, later owning a pizza shop while on the side he blogged and did videography. After seeing considerable response to his publications, Kornbluh decided to move fully into journalism. Kornbluh has written for many local New York publications. In 2018 he was aggregating content for the Jewish Insider newsletter. He started at Yeshiva World News, moved to the website JP Updates, joined Jewish Insider in 2015. In January 2021, he left to join the Forward as Senior Political Correspondent. His beats were expected to include coverage of the early Biden administration, of local New York City elections, and of the results of Israel's upcoming national election. Kornbluh uses Twitter in his reportage. He was included in the JTA's 2018 list of fifty Jewish twitter users. Armin Rosen included him in a 2016 Tablet article listing recommended Jewish Twitter users. At that time, Kornbluh had around 6600 followers on the site. In 2013, Kornbluh posted a video of Democratic mayoral candidate Anthony D. Weiner engaging in a shouting match after being insulted by another customer at a Boroughs Park bakery. This video went viral. In 2013 the New York Times editorial board highlighted a video taken by Kornbluh of Rudy Giuliani. Responses to coronavirus coverage Kornbluh produced considerable reportage on the reaction of the New York Orthodox Jewish community's reactions to the coronavirus pandemic. This included coverage of the refusal of some parts of this community to follow public health guidelines such as social distancing and masking. This led attacks against Kornbluh. On October 8, 2020, Kornbluh attended and covered the second day of a Brooklyn, New York protest where members of the Orthodox Jewish community expressed opposition to new COVID-19 restrictions. Minor fires were set, masks were burned, and Kornbluh was attacked. Heshy Tischler, an anti-lockdown radio host, told protesters to yell at Kornbluh. Tischler was taken into custody for inciting a riot against Kornbluh. After Tischler's arrest that Sunday, a group of young men arrived at Kornbluh's home. They shouted, calling Kornbluh a snitch and an informer. They stood on Kornbluh's doorstep, a line of police officers keeping them away from the house. On the next day, Monday, Jewish Democratic Council of America executive director Halie Soifer and Republican Jewish Coalition head Matt Brooks issued a joint statement condemning the attacks on Kornbluh. Personal life Kornbluh was raised in London's Belzer Hasidic community. He attended a yeshiva in Israel at age 16 and moved to New York City four years later. Kornbluh lives in Borough Park. As of 2020, he had been living there for 18 years. He is a Hasidic Jew. References Living people Journalists from New York City

70091802

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rescued%20by%20Ruby

Rescued by Ruby

Rescued by Ruby is an upcoming 2022 American Netflix original biographical drama film directed by Katt Shea. Its story follows a state trooper named Dan, who dreams of joining the K-9 search and rescue team of the state police, however has been unsuccessful in doing so until he befriends a shelter dog named Ruby. The film is set to be released on March 17, 2022. Cast and characters Grant Gustin as Dan Scott Wolf as Matt Zarrella Kaylah Zander as Melissa Camille Sullivan as Pat Inman Tom McBeath as Seamus Brady Sharon Taylor as Sam Eileen Pedde as Sergeant Amanda Grinnell Jude Culham-Keays as Michael Giacomo Baessato as Rick McGuinness References External links Rescued By Ruby Official Website 2022 films English-language films 2022 drama films 2020s English-language films American biographical films American films American films based on actual events English-language Netflix original films Films about dogs Upcoming Netflix original films

70093285

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The%20Heist%20%28TV%20series%29

The Heist (TV series)

The Heist is a British Reality television competition series produced by Shine TV that began airing on Sky One in the UK in 2018. A first series of six episodes premiered on Nov 9, 2018. A second series of 8 episodes premiered on Feb 6, 2020. Series One is available on Amazon Prime Video in the United States. Premise The program, similar in format to Hunted (which is also produced by Shine TV), is a competition between a group of ordinary citizens (“The Thieves”) and a team of former police and intelligence officers (“The Detectives”). The Thieves are given the opportunity to “steal” money and escape. The Detectives are told only that a robbery has occurred and then use legal investigative techniques and resources (interviews with the public, access to CCTV feeds and mobile phone records of suspects, vehicle license plate tracking, etc.) to identify the participants, track them down and recover the stolen money (or, if spent, the items purchased). A referee (Kevin O’Leary, former Scotland Yard Detective Chief Superintendent) determines if the Detectives would have realistically and legally had access to requested information; if so, it is provided or recreated by the program. In Series One, ten Thieves have the opportunity to take up to £ 250,000 (in bills and coins) from an unattended armored car. In Series Two, nine Thieves can take up to £ 1 M after breaking into a bank vault. Each Thief can have an accomplice (friend or family member) drive them away from the “heist” to a location where the money taken will be equally divided (“the slaughter”). The Thieves can then hide or spend their share as they see fit (spending money may increase the risk of being located), while the Detectives attempt to identify them, recover the money and collect enough evidence to legally charge them for the theft. Suspected Thieves can be brought in for questioning, and can be arrested and held for a 24 hour period, pending being charged. Any Thief charged with sufficient evidence loses their share of the money. On the 16th day (20th day in Series 2) the remaining Thieves at large must meet at a pre-determined location to “launder” their remaining cash and escape. Cast Series One The Thieves The Detectives Narrator Pip Torrens Series Two The Thieves Hellen & Leonie Christine & Gary Helen Ruff (former Police officer) Mickey Craig (ship captain) & Ryan William & Ishy The Detectives Production The first series was filmed in and around the market town of Thirsk, in Yorkshire. The Thieves were all residents of the town or the surrounding area. The crime scene was filmed on Marage Road, adjacent to St. Mary’s Church. An old library was used as the police station. The second series was filmed in and around the town of Alnwick in Northumberland. The Duchess's Community High School served as the local police station. A storefront at 41 Fenkle Street stood in as the ficticious "Bank of Northumbria". Episodes Series One External Links The Heist, Shine TV Page The Heist, IMDB Page References British reality television series

70093706

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/John%20Harvey%20Rainier

John Harvey Rainier

Admiral John Harvey Rainier (29 April 1847 – 21 November 1915) was a Royal Navy officer. He had the unusual distinction of commanding troops from six different nations in action. Background Descended from the Huguenot family of Régnier, John Harvey Rainier was the son of the Rev. George Rainier, vicar of Ninfield, and of Sarah Rainier, née Harvey. His elder brother, George Harvey Rainier, was also a naval officer. Another brother, the Rev. W. V. Rainier, was a naval chaplain. Rainier was descended from two families with long naval connections. On his father's side, he was related to Admiral Peter Rainier, Rear-Admiral John Spratt Rainier, and Captain Peter Rainier. Through his mother, Rainier belonged to a family whose naval associations can be traced back to the 16th century. He was the grandson of Vice-Admiral Sir Thomas Harvey, and the great-grandson of Admiral Sir Henry Harvey and of Captain John Harvey, who fell at the Glorious First of June. At least two of his uncles were also admirals. Early life and career Rainier was educated at private schools before entering HMS Britannia in December 1860 as a cadet, scoring first of thirty-four successful candidates. From 1862 to 1866, he served on the Pacific Station in the HMS Tribune, Topaze, Sutlej, Leander, and Alert. Becoming a sub-lieutenant in 1866 and a lieutenant in 1869, he served from 1867 to 1870 on the West African Station in HMS Vestal, Rattlesnake, and Plover, then on the Plover in the West Indies from 1870 to 1871. From 1872 to 1874, he served in HMS Northumberland in the Channel Squadron. Having specialised in gunnery in 1876, from 1876 to 1880 he was on the staff and senior lieutenant of HMS Excellent, being promoted to commander in 1880. He served on the War Office Committee on Machine Guns in 1880–1, and was secretary to the Committee on Torpedo Instruction in 1884. Appointed to the command of the composite screw sloop HMS Kingfisher for service on the East Indies Station in 1884, Rainier landed at Zeyla in February 1885 with seamen and Royal Marines to assist in the arrest of mutinous Somali police. The same year, whilst in command of the Kingfisher, he was a member of the Defence Committee of Mauritius, and received the thanks of the Governor. Kingfisher was engaged in anti-slavery patrols off the east coast of Africa, during which he captured several slave dhows. Promoted to captain in 1887, Rainier was next appointed to the command of the corvette HMS Tourmaline in 1889 on the North America and West Indies Station. He received the appreciation of both the Admiralty and of the Governor of the Leeward Islands for his prompt action during disturbances at Tortola in 1890, the thanks of the French governor of Martinique for taking relief to the island after the fire at Fort de France the same year, and the thanks of the governors of the Leeward and Windward Islands and of Trinidad for various services in 1890–2. He also received the approval of the Foreign Office for the actions he took at Tucacas during a revolution in Venezuela in 1892. Cretan service After a short stint in command of the second class protected cruiser HMS Iris in 1893, Rainier took command of the battleship HMS Rodney in 1894. In February 1897, Rodney joined the International Squadron off the coast of Crete the Cretan Revolt against Ottoman rule. In March, following reports of massacres of Muslims by Christian insurgents, Rainier led an international landing force consisting of 200 British Royal Marines and sailors, 100 men each from Austro-Hungarian and French warships, 75 Russians, and 50 Italian sailors on an expedition inland to Kandanos (also spelt Candanos), which rescued 1,570 Muslim civilians and 340 Ottoman soldiers from Kandanos and 112 Ottoman troops from a fort at Spaniakos (or 3,000 in total according to some contemporaneous sources) and evacuated them by sea. Of the rescued, only one civilian was wounded, while the Christian insurgents lost four killed and 16 wounded. For his part in the expedition, Rainier was mentioned in despatches and personally thanked by the senior foreign admiral. Later career In 1897, Rainier took command of the turret ship HMS Thunderer, and in 1898 he was appointed to command of the battleship HMS Nile, simultaneously appointed for command of the Fleet Reserve at Devonport. The same year, he was granted a captain's good service pension. In May 1898, he was superseded in command of the Nile, but continued in command of the Devonport Fleet Reserve until March 1901, when he was promoted to rear-admiral. Promoted to vice-admiral on 26 June 1905, he was placed on the retired list at his own request on 1 August that year. Promoted to admiral on the retired list on 5 November 1908, he died in 1915 at St. Margaret's, Southborough, Kent. Family Rainier married in 1880 Georgina Mary (Ina) O’Callaghan, daughter of I. Stoney O’Callaghan, barrister-at-law, of Dublin; they had two sons and a daughter. Both of his sons joined the Royal Navy: John Walter Rainier (born 1881) reached the rank of captain and Daniel Harvey Rainier (born 1888) reached the rank of lieutenant-commander. References 1847 births 1915 deaths Royal Navy admirals 19th-century Royal Navy personnel 20th-century Royal Navy personnel

70093903

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Salleh%20Mat%20Som

Salleh Mat Som

Dato' Seri Panglima Salleh bin Mat Som (30 December 1948 – 17 July 2008) is a former Malaysian police officer. Early life Salleh Mat Som was born on 30 December 1948 in Ulu Kinta, Perak. Police career Salleh joined the Police Force on 1 June 1973 as Inspector and holds a bachelor's degree from the Royal College of Defence Studies (RCDS) London. After completing basic police training, he was placed as Investigate Officer of Penang Police Contingent Criminal Investigation Department until 1976. During his career, he had served Terengganu Police Chief, Penang Police Chief, deputy director of Bukit Aman Criminal Investigation Department, Director of Bukit Aman Criminal Investigation Department and deputy director of Bukit Aman Commercial Crime Department. In addition, he also became first Director of Bukit Aman Narcotics Crime Investigation Department from 15 April 1996 to 1 December 1997 and third Director from 4 January 1999 to 30 September 1999. His last post in Police Force was Director of Bukit Aman Internal Security and Public Order Department, he was retired on 2 December 2004. Death Salleh passed away at 17 July 2008 due cancer. Honours : Member of the Order of the Defender of the Realm (A.M.N.) (1984) Officer of the Order of the Defender of the Realm (K.M.N.) (1991) Companion of the Order of the Defender of the Realm (J.M.N.) (1996) Commander of the Order of Meritorious Service (P.J.N.) - Datuk (2003) : Companion of the Order of the Defender of State (D.M.P.N.) - Dato' (1994) : Knight Commander of the Order of Taming Sari (D.P.T.S.) - Dato’ Pahlawan (1993) Knight Grand Commander of the Order of Taming Sari (S.P.T.S.) - Dato’ Seri Panglima (2003) References 1948 births 2008 deaths Malaysian police officers Members of the Order of the Defender of the Realm Officers of the Order of the Defender of the Realm Companions of the Order of the Defender of the Realm Commanders of the Order of Meritorious Service

70096134

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fabiola%20Campillai

Fabiola Campillai

Fabiola Campillai is a Chilean Senator-elect known for losing her sight in a case of police brutality in the 2019–2020 Chilean protests. She is a former worker and firefighter. On November 26, 2019, she was hit by a tear gas grenade permanently losing the sight in both eyes and the senses of olfaction and taste. Campillai was going to her nighttime work when she was hit by the grenade. She was accompanied by her sister, Ana María, when the incident happened. Ana María immediately confronted the police squad who shot the grenade, but had a grenade shot next to her causing her dress to catch fire. As the police denied Fabiola aid, Ana María shouted for help to which a neighbour reacted and brought Fabiola to hospital in his car. The next day police showed up outside Ana Marías house aiming to bring her to the police station, without showing any valid arrest warrant, which Ana María rejected after consulting with her lawyer. As of June 19, 2020, no suspect had been identified, but then on August 14, 2020, two police officers were fired for their involvement in the case. Both the officer in charge of the squad and the one who shot have been identified, and the latter brought to justice. The involved officers deny having aimed at her body or noticed that Fabiola had been injured. Campillai and Gustavo Gatica, another well-known victim of police brutality, were part of campaign advertising for the "Approve" option in the 2020 Chilean national plebiscite held on October 25, 2020. In November 2021 Campillai was elected senator for Santiago Metropolitan Region with 15% of the valid votes in the 2021 Chilean general election, receiving more votes than any other candidate in her district. She celebrated her election in Plaza Baquedano. References 1983 births Living people Blind politicians Blind people from Chile Chilean people of Diaguita descent Women members of the Senate of Chile Victims of police brutality Members of the List of the People People from Maipo Province es:Fabiola Campillai

70096242

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nirut%20Sonkhamhan

Nirut Sonkhamhan

Nirut Sonkhamhan (; August 5, 1969 – April 18, 2012), known as The Pickup Truck Killer (), was a Thai serial killer who poisoned nine taxi drivers from 2011 to 2012, six of which died as a result. Sonkhamhan was arrested and charged with the murders, but hanged himself in his jail cell before he could go to trial. Early life Nirut Sonkhamhan was born on August 5, 1969, in the Nong Kung Si district. When he was ten years old, he moved with his father moved to Songkhla, where Sonkhamhan remained until the age of 25 when he moved to the village of Khok Krua. There, he married and started a family, and found a job as a taxi driver, but experienced financial difficulties due to his gambling habits. Murders As part of his modus operandi, Sonkhamhan would hire taxi drivers to help him move things to various locations with whom he would ride. Along the way, he would stop at a gas station and order coffee, which he would then poison it with pesticide. After the victim was either incapacitated or dead, Sonkhanham would dump their body by the roadside and then sell the vehicle to a gang of car thieves in the Hat Yai district. On January 11, 2011, the body of the first victim, 67-year-old Yupin Jeonkhem, was found floating in the Lampao Dam, having been weighed down with cement blocks. By examining fingerprints imprinted in front of the victim's house, police determined that the perpetrator was Sonkhamhan, and an arrest warrant was subsequently issued for his arrest. The next attack came in March when Sonkhamhan poisoned Montree Kalam in Prachuap Khiri Khan, who survived through his injury. After that, he poisoned Nairob Prathon in Surat Thani and dumped his body in a palm plantation, before selling his Toyota Hilux to the car thieves. On January 3, 2012, Sonkhamhan supposedly poisoned and robbed a man named Watchara Suebchuea, whose body he dumped off a bridge between the Sawi and Thung Tako districts, but the body was never located. Later that month, Sonkhamhan attempted to do the same to a taxi driver named Charoen Daranoi, who realized that he was being poisoned and kicked him out of the car before speeding away. At the very end of January, he poisoned his sixth victim, Paitoon Pattalapho, whom he dumped at a sugarcane plantation in the Cha-am district, unaware that he had survived. For the following three months, Sonkhamhan successfully poisoned three additional victims: the first was Julsil Salangsing, whose body was found in the Tha Sae district. For the fifth murder, during which Sonkhamhan reportedly brought along his wife, he killed Chamnong Srirachat, whose body was dumped in a grove near a canal in the Mueang Chumphon district on March 18. The final victim was a man named Somsak Srichampa, whose body was found along the Petchkasem Road in the Khlong Wan subdistrict in Prachuap Khiri Khan on April 9. Arrest After reviewing CCTV footage of the client last seen with the victims and Srichampa's stolen car, authorities tracked down Sonkhamhan to a hotel room in the Sam Phran district, where the Crime Suppression Division subsequently arrested him. He was subsequently brought to the Khlong Wan Police Station and put in solitary confinement, where he attempted to hang himself with an electric cord on April 17, 2012, but was saved after prison guards found him and cut it off. On the following day, after excusing himself to the bathroom, Sonkhamhan ripped off a piece of his T-shirt tied it to the bars of the bathroom window and around his neck before he climbed onto the toilet tank and jumped off. This was noticed by the prison guards, who again cut off the cloth and attempted to resuscitate him, but to no avail. See also List of serial killers by country References 1969 births 2012 deaths 21st-century criminals Male serial killers Nirut Sonkhamhan Poisoners People charged with murder Nirut Sonkhamhan Fugitives wanted on murder charges Serial killers who committed suicide in prison custody Suicides by hanging in Thailand Nirut Sonkhamhan

70096388

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Parbatia%20Banal%20Panditayan

Parbatia Banal Panditayan

Parbatia Banal Panditayan (English translation - Parbatia turns into a panditayan) is a 1986 Bhojpuri film directed by Ramnath Roy and produced by Sheetla Prasad Agrahari under the banner of Rajwanta Films. The film stars Girija Mitra, Shiv Agrahari, Laxmi Chhaya, Chandrakala, Kalpana Pandit and Naseem Banu. It had music by Pratibha Dutt, lyrics by Ramnath Roy and songs sung by Usha Mangeshkar, Mahendra Kapoor, Anuradha Paudwal and Dilbar Khan. Plot It is a romantic cum drama-based film, which is the story about a girl named Parbatia (played by Girija Mitra) who falls in love with Kishan Pandit, a police officer, played by Shiv Agrahari, but they both belong to a different section of society. Kishan fights for his love and gets married to her (Parbatia). The climax of the film deals with a twist related to the hidden truth of Parbatia's past life. Cast Girija Mitra Shiv Agrahari Laxmi Chhaya Chandrakala Liaqat Ali Kalpana Pandit Sheetla Prasad Agrahari Naseem Banu Vandna Shashtri Hari Shukla Soundtrack Parbatiya Banal Panditayan has music by Prativa Dutta, with lyrics by Ramnath Roy. The songs were sung by Usha Mangeshkar, Mahendra Kapoor, Dilbar Khan, Anuradha Paudwal and Prativa Dutta. See also Bhojpuri Film Industry List of Bhojpuri films References External links Bhojpuri-language films 1986 films Indian films 1980s Bhojpuri-language films