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MIT HAN Lab 73

Tumor-infiltrating lymphocytes and perforation in colon cancer predict positive response to 5-fluorouracil chemotherapy. The major pathologic markers of prognosis in colorectal cancer include vascular invasion by tumor cells, invasion of adjacent lymph nodes, and perforation of the serosal wall. Recent work suggests that a high density of tumor-infiltrating lymphocytes (TIL) is associated with good outcome independently of these established prognostic markers. The aim of the present study was to investigate the prognostic significance of TILs and other routinely reported pathologic features in colon cancer, particularly in relation to the use of adjuvant chemotherapy. Pathologic markers, disease-specific survival, and the use of adjuvant chemotherapy were recorded in a retrospective, population-based series of 1,156 stage III colon cancer patients with a median follow-up time of 52 months. In patients treated by surgery alone (n = 851), markers with significant prognostic value included poor histologic grade, T4 stage, N2 nodal status, vascular invasion, and perforation, but not the presence of TILs. In patients treated with 5-fluorouracil-based chemotherapy (n = 305), TILs were associated with significantly improved survival [hazard ratio (HR), 0.52; 95% confidence interval, 0.30-0.91; P = 0.02] and perforation with a trend for improved survival (HR, 0.67; 95% confidence interval, 0.27-1.05; P = 0.16). Patients with TILs or perforation seemed to gain more survival benefit from chemotherapy (HR, 0.22 and 0.21, respectively) than patients without these features (HR, 0.84 and 0.82, respectively). The apparent survival advantage from 5-fluorouracil associated with TILs and perforation requires confirmation in prospective studies. Because the presence of TILs reflects an adaptive immune response and perforation is associated with inflammatory response, these results suggest that there may be interactions between the immune system and chemotherapy leading to improved survival of colon cancer patients.

Q: PHP/MySQL Get autoincremented value after insert In my mysql table i have an id-column which is set to autoincrement. then i do queries like this: INSERT INTO table (id, foo) VALUES ('', 'bar') how can i then safely find out which id was generated with this insert? if i just query the last id this might not be safe, since another insert could have happened in the meantime, right? A: There's a PHP and also a MySQL function for this: mysqli_insert_id() and PDO::lastInsertId(). http://php.net/manual/en/function.mysql-insert-id.php A: Use LAST_INSERT_ID() in SQL SELECT LAST_INSERT_ID(); Use mysql_insert_id() in PHP A: If you are using PHP to get the auto_incremented value that is returned after an INSERT statement, try using the MySQLi insert_id function. The older mysql_insert_id() version is being deprecated in PHP. An example below: <?php $mysqli = new mysqli("localhost", "my_user", "my_password", "world"); /* check connection */ if (mysqli_connect_errno()) { printf("Connect failed: %s\n", mysqli_connect_error()); exit(); } $mysqli->query("CREATE TABLE myCity LIKE City"); $query = "INSERT INTO myCity VALUES (NULL, 'Stuttgart', 'DEU', 'Stuttgart', 617000)"; $mysqli->query($query); printf ("New Record has id %d.\n", $mysqli->insert_id); /* drop table */ $mysqli->query("DROP TABLE myCity"); /* close connection */ $mysqli->close(); ?>

// Boost.Bimap // // Copyright (c) 2006-2007 Matias Capeletto // // Distributed under the Boost Software License, Version 1.0. // (See accompanying file LICENSE_1_0.txt or copy at // http://www.boost.org/LICENSE_1_0.txt) /// \file relation/support/get_pair_functor.hpp /// \brief get_pair_functor definition #ifndef BOOST_BIMAP_RELATION_SUPPORT_GET_PAIR_FUNCTOR_HPP #define BOOST_BIMAP_RELATION_SUPPORT_GET_PAIR_FUNCTOR_HPP #if defined(_MSC_VER) && (_MSC_VER>=1200) #pragma once #endif #include <boost/config.hpp> #include <boost/bimap/relation/support/pair_by.hpp> namespace boost { namespace bimaps { namespace relation { namespace support { /// \brief A Functor that takes a relation as a parameter an return the desired view. /** This functor is included to help users of the relation class when using stl algorithms. See also member_at, pair_by(). \ingroup relation_group **/ template< class Tag, class Relation > struct get_pair_functor { BOOST_DEDUCED_TYPENAME result_of::pair_by<Tag,Relation>::type operator()( Relation & r ) const { return pair_by<Tag>(r); } BOOST_DEDUCED_TYPENAME result_of::pair_by<Tag,const Relation>::type operator()( const Relation & r ) const { return pair_by<Tag>(r); } }; /// \brief A Functor that takes a relation as a parameter an return the above view. /** \ingroup relation_group **/ template< class Relation > struct get_above_view_functor { BOOST_DEDUCED_TYPENAME Relation::above_view & operator()( Relation & r ) const { return r.get_view(); } const BOOST_DEDUCED_TYPENAME Relation::above_view & operator()( const Relation & r ) const { return r.get_view(); } }; } // namespace support } // namespace relation } // namespace bimaps } // namespace boost #endif // BOOST_BIMAP_RELATION_SUPPORT_GET_PAIR_FUNCTOR_HPP

Live USB faster than full installTry creating a new user and seeing if the lag persists. If not, it is due to some settings, in which case the fix is to just create a new username for yourself, or reset your settings somehow. Which laptop tools does Ubuntu come with?The first question is "the" question. The other are hints towards what the readers should be thinking about. I'll edit my post to make this more clear. The reason that splitting up would be a bad idea is because often these tools overlap and intersect, and furthermore, I don't have a complete list of "laptop specific" tools at my disposal to ask separate questions.

The Wisconsin College Democrats Vice Chair lashed out against “white men” last week, tweeting that she feels emphatic hatred toward the demographic. [RELATED: Profs look to turn 'white men' into 'social justice activists'] "My new bit is tearing down all the pro life Christian pregnancy resource center fliers that they put up around campus to try & trick people." According to the images obtained by Campus Reform, Sarah Semrad, a junior at the University of Wisconsin-La Crosse, allegedly wrote that “I f***ing hate white men” in a tweet on Thursday. Following initial backlash, Media Trackers reports that Semrad proceeded to delete her private Twitter account as well as her Facebook profile. Semrad’s recent tweet is not the only controversial statement made by the Wisconsin College Democrats Vice Chair in recent weeks. Another image of her Twitter profile obtained by Campus Reform appears to show Semrad admitting to “tearing down all the pro life Christian pregnancy resource center fliers” that were posted on campus. “My new bit is tearing down all the pro life Christian pregnancy resource center fliers that they put up around campus to try & trick people,” Semrad allegedly tweeted in October. According to her bio posted on the College Democrats of Wisconsin website, Semrad says she is a Democrat “because I believe in strong public schools for all [students] across Wisconsin.” “I believe everyone, regardless of race, age, religion, or gender deserves the equal opportunity to [achieve] anything they put their mind to,” she adds, noting that she also believes in strong labor unions and the right of individuals to “marry the person they love.” [RELATED: UPenn TA boasts of calling on white male students last] The College Democrats of Wisconsin did not immediately respond to Campus Reform’s request for comment. Follow this author on Facebook: Nikita Vladimirov

Trouble logging in?We were forced to invalidate all account passwords. You will have to reset your password to login. If you have trouble resetting your password, please send us a message with as much helpful information as possible, such as your username and any email addresses you may have used to register. Whatever you do, please do not create a new account. That is not the right solution, and it is against our forum rules to own multiple accounts. Serionsly guys, are you going to keep on and on trashing the game till the end of times ? We know you're dissapointed of this reboot. I was in the same situation regarding the new Soul Calibur. Though I choose not to lose time on the forum hating all over the place. IMO, DMC4 could be as well criticized : Dante not being the lead character, having to go all the way back with him as an "after-game"... It's like a spin-off + a bonus Dante. I'm not a fan of the franchise so I can't really complain. But the wig scene is to me hilarious. It's pure trolling from Capcom so I do understand the hate coming from that. But let's be honest, I don't think having boots and long hair was badass to begin with. So yeah, hilarious. Serionsly guys, are you going to keep on and on trashing the game till the end of times ? Not all people in this thread is trashing the game. Some people even game the game a chance. The Reboot is solid and have a lot of positive scores and a higher rating than that mediocre Devil may cry 4 whose only positive thing is the gameplay. I can understand why some people are disappointed in this game too. Alex jones keeps saying that the gameplay is "evolved". Certainly at the basic levels, it had evolved, it had more freedom and accessibility than any Hack n' slash game but by "evolved" means toping DMC 3 or 4's Advanced combat(Which at this point, i still don't know). Also, the Story. Ninja theory is known for it's Storytelling in Heavenly Sword and especially Enslaved. Thing is, the writer in those games and here in DmC is different. While the story in this reboot is the most understandable, it felt way too anti-climatic in the end and the pacing is draggy. I also think the character development of Dante is way too early in the game. If there would ever be a DmC 2, i'm hoping the next developer will do better. If it only sell well and if Crapcom thinks that it's worthy enough to be a series again. Serionsly guys, are you going to keep on and on trashing the game till the end of times ? Pointing out the flaws and major/minor errors of a game, as well as the broken promises of it's developers (not to mention their insufferable attitude) is not considered 'trashing'. Quote: Originally Posted by Vladrave Not all people in this thread is trashing the game. Some people even game the game a chance. The Reboot is solid and have a lot of positive scores and a higher rating than that mediocre Devil may cry 4 whose only positive thing is the gameplay. Wait, if the only positive thing of DMC4 is it's gameplay, pray tell what did DmC do so right that makes it a solid title while the former is only mediocre? __________________ ~"I think 'DINOSAUR' might be one of my favorite words for a punchline."~ pray tell what did DmC do so right that makes it a solid title while the former is only mediocre? Dynamic combat and more accesibility. Top notch, Non repetitive, Non linear level designs. There is NO BACKTRACKING. The environment and the Visuals are stunning. A story that is more understandable than some cheesy love story which is clearly a bleach rip-off. Voice acting is solid. Brilliant, bloody fun. I'm planning to get this game on the PC but to my surprise, my friend bought it for his XBOX 360 and played it all day. Edit: Gonna try testing it for Advanced combat. Dynamic combat and more accesibility. Top notch, Non repetitive, Non linear level designs. There is NO BACKTRACKING. The environment and the Visuals are stunning. A story that is more understandable than some cheesy love story which is clearly a bleach rip-off. Voice acting is solid. Brilliant, bloody fun. I'm planning to get this game on the PC but to my surprise, my friend bought it for his XBOX 360 and played it all day. Well, for ppl like us waiting for the PC version, we have more than 1 week to go; the wait is really killing me. Standing from a neutral position, it's kinda interesting to read both the positive negative comments. Definitely getting it next week. 1. Lacking in depth? Yeah.... Color code enemies restrict gameplay? A half of yes. 2.Platforming is way better than any DMC game and clearly more unique. Glithces? Who cares about glitches? Skyrim was released with full of glitches yet was universally acclaimed. Your point? Also, it doesn't hinder you from the full experience sooo.. 3.Cool. 4.Yeah, but this is one is way better. 5. Want me to get to the point? DMC 4's storytelling is garbage. Also yeah you're right. Bleach doesn't have any major love arc of what ever it is. 6.Reuben langdon is the iconic VA of dante 7. Does that mean DMC 4 is not fun without bloody palace? Ha! lol JK 1. Lacking in depth? Yeah.... Color code enemies restrict gameplay? A half of yes. 2.Platforming is way better than any DMC game and clearly more unique. Glithces? Who cares about glitches? Skyrim was released with full of glitches yet was universally acclaimed. Your point? 3.Cool. 4.Yeah, but this is one is better. 5.Reuben langdon is the VA of dante 6. Does that mean DMC 4 is not fun without bloody palace? Ha! lol JK Too lazy to Multiquote soooo..... 2. Doesn't make it right. So you would pay full price for unfinished game? Also, Skyrim was a HUGE open world game, DmC is a single player game and they still can't get it right?(Also, the whole pulling mechanic was done with Nero as well so it's not that unique) 4. But the other one is prettier. 6. Just making a pun __________________ ~"I think 'DINOSAUR' might be one of my favorite words for a punchline."~ I have a question. If this DMC had Dante living 3 or so years under Mundus' cronies who were beating the ever loving crap out of him, how come they didn't just kill him then? It's not like they hate him that much to put him through extended damnation. A year, two tops then just lop his head off? He's an abberration considered something unwanted, you'd think they would burn him to ashes the chance they get instead of letting him rot. The revisionism being exhibited by reviewers and a lot of "anti-haters" is pretty fucking depressing, I gotta say. (It's really awful when you consider, oh, Kotaku's treatment of the recent Ubisoft titles as compared to their treatment of this. Capcom must have paid them more.) I don't want to play DmC and probably never will, and while I can understand why it would appeal to some people I doubt its myriad problems that have been pointed out ad infinitum long before release have suddenly vanished. I have a question. If this DMC had Dante living 3 or so years under Mundus' cronies who were beating the ever loving crap out of him, how come they didn't just kill him then? It's not like they hate him that much to put him through extended damnation. A year, two tops then just lop his head off? He's an abberration considered something unwanted, you'd think they would burn him to ashes the chance they get instead of letting him rot. Or am I just thinking too much? I only watched the vids but apparently, they couldn't get a firm grip on his whereabouts

Town meeting voters Saturday night adopted a zoning amendment that would limit the location of medical marijuana dispensaries or treatment centers to the adult entertainment zone, despite some concerns that the local regulations were too restrictive. The Planning Board, acting on the precautionary principle, was prepared to initially seek a complete ban of medical marijuana dispensaries or treatment centers. However, the Planning Board quickly retooled its original article after state Attorney General Martha Coakley earlier in the week rejected a ban voted by the town of Wakefield. The regulations were adopted by a vote of 97-34. Under the zoning amendment, a dispensary or treatment center would only be allowed in the adult entertainment district near the Northboro town line by special permit. Additionally, the amendment also stated that the town's agricultural use definitions would not include marijuana cultivation. J.J. Malone, also an Advisory Finance Committee member, proposed a further amendment to have a sunset date of March 31, 2014, attached to the zoning amendment, which would force the town to review the regulation. Planning Board Chairman Lester Hensley said his board reserved the right to review and relax the regulations if they prove to be too strict once the state Department of Public Health issues and implements its regulations. Drafts of the state regulations are expected to be released later this month and could be in effect by the end of May. “Without this bylaw we have nothing,” Mr. Hensley said. “We are beholden to whatever comes out of DPH. With this bylaw, we can at least exercise some control over our future.” Mr. Malone, in proposing his amendment for an expiration date of the regulations, said the wording of the bylaw made it still an outright ban, primarily due to the notation that a special permit will be issued by the Planning Board in compliance with all relevant state, local and federal laws. Marijuana is still considered a Schedule 1 drug, and as such illegal under federal law. “Medical marijuana will not be moved from Schedule 1 in any near term,” Mr. Malone said. “what they have here is a built in excuse not to issue a special permit. It is an outright ban.” Town Council Gregory Franks advised voters that he didn't think Mr. Malone's amendment on the town meeting floor would hold up under review by the Attorney General's Office because it was a significant change made after public hearings were already held. He also warned that any special permit issued under these regulations would be grandfathered after the expiration date. Cassandra O'Connor, a resident of Roy Street, said the bylaw was too restrictive and the town should wait for the DPH regulations before it acts.

Q: After Tomcat restart on VM, Youtrack resets I've installed Tomcat today on my local VMware Workstation and loaded *.war YouTrack there. Everything was great until I needed to stop VM and reboot my PC. After that I started my VM again, went to address where YouTrack is based and it took me to "setUp" page immediately. What might be the reason for that? Am I loading it incorrectly? Why did it reset and began everything from the start? Thank you for help. A: What OS do you use? How do you Start Tomcat? Most likely after restart Tomcat is running from the system service or different user account and therefore is using the blank database (since database is specific to the user account). You need to ensure that Tomcat is always running from the same user account and there are read/write permissions for the directory where YouTrack stores its data.

Background {#Sec1} ========== The concept of the autonomy of a child in the context of healthcare is both complex and challenging globally. In South Africa the controversy surrounding children and autonomy has come into sharp focus since the promulgation of the Children's Act 38 of 2005 (hereinafter referred to as "the Children's Act" or "the Act"). Much of the debate revolves around the concept of maturity and the child's developing capacity to consent. The process of development generally concerns progressive advances from one state, usually primitive or simple, toward another, usually more complex or advanced. Where this process typically terminates is what is colloquially (and formally) understood as maturity. There are various dimensions of maturity including emotional, biological, cognitive and social. However, for the sake of firmer pertinence to our research question we concern ourselves herein with cognitive and social maturity as they bear directly on Western liberalism and African communitarianism, the former often emphasising rationality and individualism and the latter; sociality of persons albeit not refuting the significance of other dimensions of maturity such as the emotionality of the deciding subject in decision-making. We can thus conceive of a child as a developing *person* with evolving capacities like autonomy, mental (decisional) capacity and capacity to assume responsibility. Notwithstanding possession of capacities, we must first plainly conceive of a child as a *person*; a human being. Although this plain conception of a child is indeed attractive as it admits no prejudice toward children as rights-holders, a fuller and more adequate definition is required to define when a subject becomes a person[1](#Fn1){ref-type="fn"} and at what age we should consider a person no longer to be regarded as a child but rather an adult \[[@CR1]\]. The Constitution of the Republic of South Africa (hereinafter referred to as "the Constitution") aligns itself with the African Charter on the Rights and Welfare of the Child (ACRWC) and the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (UNCRC) \[[@CR2], [@CR3]\] with regard to exalting children as independent legal actors -- as stipulated in the Act[2](#Fn2){ref-type="fn"}, and in defining which persons are entitled to provisions entailed therein. It provides that a child is a *person* under the age of 18 years[3](#Fn3){ref-type="fn"} \[[@CR2], [@CR4]\]. It also follows that a person is considered to have attained majority at this age. Furthermore, under the Children's Act, a child is considered a rights-holder, not merely a property or extension of her parents or an object of adult concern \[[@CR2], [@CR5]\]. Children are indeed persons with an evolving capacity for individual autonomy \[[@CR6]\] hence deserve the right to express their views freely in matters affecting them[4](#Fn4){ref-type="fn"}. The relevant sections in the Children's Act attend to the various jurisdictions of a child but of particular interest to us is section 129 of the Children's Act which pertains to the consent of children to medical treatment. Section 129 expressly dictates the prerequisites for the medical treatment of a child and stipulates as follows: '(2) A child may consent to his or her own medical treatment or to the medical treatment of his or her child if-the child is over the age of 12 years; andthe child is of sufficient maturity and has the mental capacity to understand the benefits, risks, social and other implications of the treatment.' \[[@CR4]\] In the past, when the Child Care Act 75 of 1983 was still in effect, only children above the age of 14 years could consent to medical treatment \[[@CR7]\]. What necessitated law reform was a realisation of a number of shortcomings experienced with the Child Care Act[5](#Fn5){ref-type="fn"} and a need to fully acknowledge children as rights-holders. A lower threshold for age of consent was thus seen as a means to promote access to health services, promote participation of children in health decisions affecting them in accordance with international trends \[[@CR7], [@CR8]\]. Over the years there has been mounting empirical evidence suggesting lowering age thresholds for decisional capacity in children. For example it has been demonstrated that children below 12 years can make well considered decisions \[[@CR9]\] and that children as young as nine years old can understand issues pertinent to decision making in clinical trials \[[@CR10]\] however the statutory age of consent to medical treatment as stipulated in various countries appears arbitrary as it varies from 12 to 19 years \[[@CR11]\]. A child contemplated under the Children's Act must satisfy two requirements before accessing medical treatment on his or her own, that is, without parental, guardian, or care-giver's consent being required. The first requirement is that the child must have reached 12 years of age to consent. The second requirement is that the child must have 'sufficient maturity' and decisional capacity to understand the 'benefits, risks, social and other implications of the treatment.'[6](#Fn6){ref-type="fn"} \[[@CR12]\] However, there are a few deficiencies in this section of the Act with regard to definitions, regulations and sufficient descriptions \[[@CR8]\]. Firstly, the Act does not provide a definition regarding what ought to be considered medical treatment. Hence, for the purposes of this article, we define medical treatment as a non-invasive intervention usually in the form of a drug[7](#Fn7){ref-type="fn"}. Secondly, the Act also does not provide a definition of sufficient maturity. Hence, we will comprehend that the Act infers by 'sufficient maturity' a degree of cognitive development that affords a child the kind of engagement necessary in decision-making comparable to that of fully developed persons, namely*,* adults[8](#Fn8){ref-type="fn"}. We will provide an alternative rendition of 'sufficient maturity' in the course of this article. Thirdly, there is no provision in the Act specifying how the health practitioner ought to assess a child's decisional capacity. This is compounded by the fact that there currently is no standard objective tool for assessing the decisional capacity of children \[[@CR9]\]. Moreover, considering that South Africa is a culturally diverse country \[[@CR5]\] another concern with regard to the implementation of the Act involves the potential consequence of conferring (autonomy) rights on children without commensurate responsibilities to their community[9](#Fn9){ref-type="fn"}. For '\[i\]n the African context, for example, individual autonomy is of smaller status than the pursuit of the communal good'[10](#Fn10){ref-type="fn"} \[[@CR5]\]. In view of this, it appears the conferring of autonomy rights on children without cementing their reciprocal duties erodes interdependent relations between the child and his or her community \[[@CR13], [@CR14]\]. Our research question may be posited as follows: given the newest developments in child law as regards the conception of the child and his or her participation in society, how may appeals to different moral theories (African communitarianism and Western liberalism) aid in finding better and alternative means of determining *how* and *by whom* decisions about medical treatment of the child should be made? Perhaps there has not been a time better suited to address questions of this nature than today given the near-universal advocacy for children's rights and the resurgence of activism and scholarly criticism against old hegemonic conceptions such as the status of children in civil society, person and personhood and so forth. In advancing forth our argument we first assert children as rights-holders, give an overview of the doctrine of informed consent and the principle of respect for individual autonomy and the legal conception of a person in the setting of the Constitution; discuss African communitarianism with regard to its notion of a person and personhood and the child and the implications thereof in the consent of children to medical treatment. And in pursuit of a case-specific definition for sufficient maturity we appeal to the notion of capacity for responsibility. Lastly, in view of both legal liberal and African communitarian moral vantages we conclude by giving due attention to the enquiry whether a 12 year old is of sufficient maturity to consent to medical treatment with the conviction that no moral theory should be assigned an absolute (moral) value *a priori*, that is, antecedent to the context within which it is to be observed and/or contemplated. Discussion {#Sec2} ========== Asserting children as rights-holders {#Sec3} ------------------------------------ As a point of departure, a child is a developing person. When he or she obtains decisional capacity of such degree that affords him or her the kind of engagement necessary in decision-making comparable to that of fully developed persons, *viz.* adults, we will comprehend that as what is inferred by the Act as 'sufficient maturity'. It appears to follow from this that a child with sufficient maturity ought to be equally afforded autonomy rights in decision-making, including medical treatment as is the case in adults. For '\[c\]onferring rights on children is viewed as '*recognising their moral equality with adults, thereby underscoring the moral worth of all human beings, irrespective of their situation*.' (emphasis added) \[[@CR12]\], and by autonomy rights we understand broadly those entitlements persons have which allow them the freedom of involvement in matters affecting them as members of civil society, be they public or private (also referred to herein as participatory rights); different perhaps to rights in general which are often conceived as entitlements persons have plainly by virtue of being persons . Having said that, do these rights also extend to those children who do not possess sufficient maturity and/or decisional capacity? The Act is unambiguous on this issue. Where a child is judged to lack sufficient maturity and decisional capacity to understand the benefits, risks, social and other implications of the treatment the authorisation of his or her consent devolves on the parent, guardian or caregiver. However, this question highlights a central problem in many rights theories as to what we mean by the notion of rights and who qualifies to be a rights-holder \[[@CR15]\]? For if the conferring of participatory rights is contingent on possession of certain dispositions or traits such as capacity, degree of maturity, age, condition of dependency and so on as some commentators might argue then holding such rights indeed becomes exclusionary and further, fails dismally in serving the very groups it was purposed to protect \[[@CR12], [@CR15]\]. Hence, we maintain: if we are to truly recognise the moral equality of children with adults we ought to grant that capacity of whatever kind need not be the arbitrating principle on the conferring of rights on children. Admissibly, as Mosikatsana observes, '\[t\]he difficulty with granting children rights is that their physical, emotional, and intellectual immaturity cause dependence on adults to assist children in exercising those rights' \[[@CR13]\], but, as O Neill writes (as cited by Mosikatsana) the fact that children 'cannot claim their rights for themselves...is no reason for denying them rights. Rather it is reason for setting up institutions that can monitor those who have children in their charge and intervene to enforce rights.' \[[@CR13]\] Therefore, as convenient a notion as sufficient maturity and decisional capacity may appear, they do confine our discourse on the rights of the child to the exclusion of others and their claims. Moreover, children have moral status (or moral worth) plainly by virtue of being humans or persons (these terms are used interchangeably in this paper). It would indeed appear morally unsound, let alone 'morally monstrous' \[[@CR16]\], for one to argue that children have lower moral status compared to adults as it also appears unlikely that one can indeed justify it with sound moral reasoning. It is rather best assuming a value theory that does not in any manner legitimise preferences to the acquisition of certain capacities in the development of persons \[[@CR17]\] in order for us to arrive upon the conclusion of equal rights and moral status of all persons plainly by virtue of their humanity. And by humanity we broadly refer to the totality of universal potentialities, qualities and dispositions which both constitute and distinguish us as persons, whatever these may entail. Here the conferring of rights is then premised solely on the notion of humanity and not on some other contingent condition. (This argument equally applies to the entities enumerated in the following developmental continuum: 'blastocyst, zygote, embryo, foetus, neonate, baby, infant, child, minor, adolescent, adult' \[[@CR16]\].) This attribution of rights founded plainly on the notion of humanity is also apparent in the preamble of the UNCRC which recognises the 'inherent dignity and...equal... rights of all members of the human family' \[[@CR12], [@CR18]\]. It follows from this that children are indeed rights-holders for the same reasons we recognise in adults (that is, their humanity) and thus should be afforded equal rights as adults including participatory rights. However, to exercise participatory rights requires autonomy -- a capacity that is acquired over time through the process of development. It is obvious that certain age-groups will lack this capacity and thus may not have the commensurate wherewithal to exercise participatory rights in decision making \[[@CR19]\]. Although there seems little contention to assert this, it need not necessarily follow that persons judged deficient of such capacity be stripped of that right completely as the argument herein advanced is that the affordment of participatory rights should not be predicated on the basis of capacity to exercise a right but rather on the existence of fundamental human interests that deserve protection from prejudicial forces. In contending the notion of capacity in the setting of the "rights talk" Federle writes:"Children clearly have been disadvantaged by a rights theory premised upon capacity. The incapacities of children and their concomitant need to be protected from themselves and others permit the state to restrict the activities of children in ways that would be impermissible in the case of adults. Furthermore, these incompetencies suggest that the rights children do have are somehow different, less fundamental, and more easily overridden by paternalistic concerns for the safety and well-being of children. Consequently, the courts have authorized significant restrictions on the liberty interests of children as legitimate protective measures. Nevertheless, our laws may subject children to selective and discriminatory laws with concomitantly greater restrictions on their liberty than would be sanctioned in the case of adults. \[[@CR15]\]" It is for these reasons that we argue that children are rights-holders regardless of whether or not they possess the wherewithal to exercise these rights. The doctrine of informed consent {#Sec4} -------------------------------- The doctrine of informed consent holds that persons are their own sovereign and should thus be allowed to make the final decision on affairs concerning them providing that the elements required for informed consent (or informed refusal) \[[@CR20]\] have been satisfied. These elements include:Competence;Disclosure of information;Understanding and appreciation of information disclosed;Voluntariness in decision-making;Ability to express a choice \[[@CR5]\]. In view of the above it may safely be declared that informed consent has occurred when a competent person has received a thorough disclosure, understands and appreciates the disclosure, acts voluntarily, and consents to the intervention \[[@CR19]\]. We briefly elaborate on these in the following accounts. Competence[11](#Fn11){ref-type="fn"} simply refers to the ability to perform a task \[[@CR20]\]. It is task and context-specific and changes over time. By convention, age and decisional capacity are thought to be the chief elements that constitute competence. Albeit several competence assessment tools for children have been devised by various authors e.g. Hopkin's Competency Test, Competency Questionnaire-Child Psychiatric and the Competency Questionnaire-Pediatric Outpatient Modified Version, there currently exists no standard objective tool to assess a child's competence to consent to medical treatment \[[@CR9], [@CR10]\]. This inclines assessors of competence (health practitioners) to make judgements based on subjective assessments. A patient's competence is influenced by their experience with a medical condition, hospitalisation, family relationships and social roles and development \[[@CR21]\]. Furthermore, '\[i\]t is a legal obligation for health practitioners to disclose relevant information to their patients regarding:The patient's health condition (except when disclosure of information would be contrary to the patient's best interest)Available diagnostic and treatment optionsRisks, benefits, costs and consequences attached with each optionThe option of non-treatment, that is, informed refusal and its implications.' \[[@CR5]\] The patient should also attach significance to the information disclosed. 'The process of consent should also be conducted in a language that the patient understands and in a manner that considers the patient's level of literacy. This is especially so with children.' \[[@CR5]\]. In addition, for informed consent to be valid it must be voluntary, that is, the patient must not be influenced by other individuals either by coercion, persuasion or manipulation \[[@CR5], [@CR19]\]. Lastly the patient's choice to treatment or non-treatment may be expressed orally, in writing or may be implied, that is, tacit consent \[[@CR19], [@CR22]\]. Capacity for responsibility {#Sec5} --------------------------- A deciding subject, in this instance a child, ought not to only consider given choices but also accept the prospective responsibilities involved. And to '*accept responsibility means to be able to be held accountable for whatever decisions are taken, on the basis of the assumption that reasons can be provided, that they have been thought through, and even though they might be fallible.*' \[[@CR23]\]. That is, a deciding child must also have the capacity for responsibility for that particular choice decided upon, whatever this may entail. Capacity for responsibility therefore refers to a deciding subject's ability to deal with the likely outcomes of his or her decision. Whilst we grant that a person need not possess capacity of any kind to have moral status and constitutional rights (human dignity, privacy, freedom), as we established above, we argue that a deciding subject *must* then necessarily possess or be facilitated insofar as it is practically possible to possess the commensurate wherewithal for responsibility to account for that particular choice decided upon. In view of this, we arrive at our ultimate definition of 'sufficient maturity':"*A child has sufficient maturity to consent to medical treatment insofar as he or she can independently demonstrate (or be facilitated either by aids or a helper as far as it is practically possible in that given setting to possess) the commensurate wherewithal required to assume responsibility for that specific decision.*" To clarify this definition, let us make an example: a child patient is newly diagnosed with type I diabetes mellitus and it is required that she consents to using insulin injections as her treatment. To determine whether she has sufficient maturity to consent to using insulin injections the health practitioner must consider, among other factors, whether the child would be able to take the chronic medication as frequently as prescribed. A child who has previous experience with a chronic illness like asthma may be presumed to already possess the capacity to assume the responsibility of taking chronic medication. Those children whom it is believed cannot demonstrate the forgoing capacity in order to assume responsibility can be facilitated to attain this capacity. In the case where a child patient refuses treatment we advise that recourse be made to the best interest principle. A child (or adult) who fails this definition of sufficient maturity may be considered incompetent to make a decision. The Constitution on autonomy and the legal conception of a person {#Sec6} ----------------------------------------------------------------- Human dignity is expressly enumerated in the Bill of Rights Chapter of the Constitution as a human right that deserves respect and protection. It is a foundational value that 'informs the interpretation of other specific rights' \[[@CR24]\]. Albeit some authors, such as Jordaan \[[@CR24]\], claim that one of the fundamental elements of human dignity include the capacity for *autonomy* whether understood as free-will or rational deliberation \[[@CR25]\], we maintain throughout this paper that human dignity in general denotes a universal, and objective value *inherent* to all human *persons* notwithstanding capacity*.* The notion of *autonomy* is derived from the Greek expressions: '*autos*' -- self, and '*nomos*' -- law, referring to a self-legislating agent \[[@CR19], [@CR24], [@CR25]\]. Autonomy is a constitutional value defined by the Courts as 'the ability to regulate one's own affairs, even to one's own detriment' \[[@CR24]\]. Implicit in this juridical definition is the acknowledgement of autonomy as a developmental phenomenon. This is inferred by the term "ability" implying that autonomy is an evolving capacity that is, *acquired* in the process of human development. According to the provisions of the UNCRC and the ACWRC, a child has autonomy rights. The Children's Act first defines a child as a *person* below the age of 18 years and further specifies in section 129 which children can fully exercise autonomy rights in the setting of consent to medical treatment (as dealt with above) \[[@CR4]\] It is plain from the forgoing definition of a child that rights are ascribable only to *persons* not things[12](#Fn12){ref-type="fn"}. According to Black's Law dictionary a natural *person* considered in juridical contexts is a human being; a legal entity with rights and duties that deserve protection and respect \[[@CR26]\]. However, it still remains unclear as to what is truly meant by the notion of *person* or *human being*; what potentialities, qualities and dispositions declare us as persons and thereby entitle us to constitutional rights (e.g. autonomy rights), and duties in general. We acknowledge the import of such a definition as a desideratum not only in juridical but also in philosophico-ethical contexts with regard to moral status and abortion. African communitarianism on autonomy, the conception of a person and the consent of a child to medical treatment {#Sec7} ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- "'Amidst gathering talk of human rights and civil society, of the celebration of autochthony and authenticity, the version of an African Renaissance arises to counter the rampant excesses of European modes of being-in-the world' \[[@CR27]\]" Communitarianism is a moral theory concerned with the pursuit of the communal good. It expressly repudiates individual autonomy (and liberal moral theory) and exalts community. In this theory, individual rights become docile whilst duties owed by a member to his or her community are held to be of great import, and communal values such as mutual reciprocity, collective loyalties and solidarity are endorsed \[[@CR19], [@CR28]\]. The consideration of a *person* has always been at the centre of consternation in this moral theory. The problem can be stated as follows: is a person wholly embedded in a communal matrix of interrelations and interdependencies without the concession of individual autonomy as radical communitarians insist or does one retain his or her individual merits like autonomy within a community as moderate communitarians argue?[13](#Fn13){ref-type="fn"} \[[@CR19], [@CR28]\]. African societies generally uphold communal values (African communitarianism), of those, the highest weight is assigned to relationships shared within a community \[[@CR19], [@CR28], [@CR29]\], and to human life (vitality). Thus, a *person* has the duty to preserve the continuity of such relationships by pursuing the communal good, whatever this may entail. In traditional African thought a person exists as an extended entity embedded within a communal matrix of interrelations and interdependencies, owing much to the relational nature of human beings. Thus, a person is regarded as an ontological and epistemological reference thereof \[[@CR28], [@CR29]\]. This concept of a person is no better expressed than in John Mbiti's coinage of the African ethos:"'I am because we are; and since we are, therefore I am' \[[@CR30]\]" Personhood in the African ethos is thought to be *acquired* through a process of incorporation into the community \[[@CR29]\] and this involves executing one's duties owed to the community. And we may add here that this requires a good measure of social maturity. Personhood in this view is something that one can indeed fail. Moreover, in this view a child is not considered as a *person* as *it* is yet to fulfil *its* duties to attain personhood \[[@CR29]\]. This however raises an important question: How can we acknowledge the rights of children (as we asserted elsewhere) if we cannot conceive of them as full persons? To answer this we appeal to an alternative interpretation of the notion of human dignity established upon the African communitarian value for vitality \[[@CR25]\] as opposed to autonomy and declare this as follows: a child (or being) has human dignity thereby human rights insofar as he or she has vitality[14](#Fn14){ref-type="fn"}. In truth, however, African communitarianism[15](#Fn15){ref-type="fn"} is premised upon a duty-based system; not naturally perceived nor experienced as being oppressive to the individual since the individual himself or herself realises his or her interests as being consonant with the pursuit of the communal good and sees nothing else outside this \[[@CR31]\]. He or she therefore finds little sense in "going on" about individual rights that seemingly conflict with the harmony of interrelations and interdependencies shared within the very community whence he or she derives self-worth and security with regard to individual welfare. In healthcare where informed consent is a necessary ethical and legal requirement to solicit from a patient before performing an indicated medical intervention a patient from an African communitarian society may often wish to consult with his or her community to make a decision \[[@CR32], [@CR33]\]. This derives from the fact that in African communitarian societies the best interests of all persons, not only the child, are determined by the community based on the communal value-system. Hence important decisions are arrived upon through collective discussions, often in the presence of elders from the community since their wisdom is highly regarded concerning (moral) decision-making to guard the interest of the community. Where consent to the medical treatment of a child (or person) is concerned it is likely that the community from which the child belongs will collectively decide on this. It appears therefore that the African value system is indeed in conflict with the law which permits a child 12 years or older to make an autonomous decision regarding his/her medical treatment. Conclusion {#Sec8} ========== It seems reasonable to suggest that we move away from a general age of consent toward more individualised, context-specific approaches in determining the maturity of a child patient to consent to medical treatment. Conferring rights upon children based on capacity (autonomy rights and decisional capacity in this instance) alone may be myopic at best. Hence, we subscribe to the minimal notion that where a child is able to express his or her will based on an established value system and rationality they ought to have their views taken seriously in decisions pertaining to their medical treatment. We also suggested an alternative definition of sufficient maturity which can be used to determine whether a child patient is indeed competent to consent to medical treatment or not without unfairly discriminating against children based on their perceived incapacities. The proposed definition places emphasis on the prospective duties that the decision-maker ought to be able to execute consequent to his or her decision. In South Africa conflict exists between law and the African value system. In view of both legal liberal and African communitarian moral theories it is however plain that no one theory can account for how we ought to conceive of a child and his or her freedom to consent to medical treatment antecedent to the context within which the child is raised. Hence, we argue that no moral theory should be assigned an absolute (moral) value *a priori*, that is, antecedent to the context within which it is to be observed and/or contemplated and propose that in the case of a child who belongs to an African communitarian society decision-making with respect to consent to her medical treatment ought to involve the child's community (included here are the child's parents/guardians/caregivers) insofar as it is possible provided that the best interests of the child are awarded priority. ACRWC : African Charter on the Rights and Welfare of the Child UNCRC : United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child Alternatively, when does personhood or childhood begin? The Children's Act 38 of 2005 is the most significant statute in South Africa entailing provisions and protections of the constitutional rights of the child. Among these rights are those pertaining to the participation of children in health treatment decisions. See Article 2 of the ACRWC and Article 1 of the UNCRC. South Africa ratified the ACRWC in 2000 and the UNCRC in 1995. See section 10 of the Children's Act. Some of these shortcomings included difficulties finding the caregivers or foster parents of orphans or child-headed households when required to consent to medical treatment thereby access health services. This requirement derives from *the Gillick v West Norfolk and Wisbech Area Health Authority* case and is commonly referred to as the "*Gillick* competence test" \[[@CR8]\]. However, we also maintain that regardless of whether an intervention is indeed medical or not recourse should always be made to the principle of respect for human dignity as enshrined in the Constitution. It still remains to be proven whether such degree of maturity can indeed be clearly defined, measured and objectively validated with the support of empirical evidence. The term "community" will be used broadly to also denote family as a communal unit. The communal good involves preserving the continuity of communal interrelations and interdependencies. In this article we use the terms *competence* and *capacity* interchangeably. A calabash for example cannot conceivably have rights (or duties) insofar as any rational person cannot conceive of it a person, or rather, insofar as it is not a person notwithstanding its aesthetic, economic and social value. For the sake of brevity we will not engage this enquiry any further, saving it for another occasion. Vitality may be thought as a being's ability (or potentiality thereof) to 'exhibit a superlative degree of health, strength, growth, reproduction, creativity, vibrancy, activity, self-motion, courage and confidence, with a lack of life force being constituted by the presence of disease, weakness, decay, barrenness, destruction, lethargy, passivity, submission, insecurity and depression' \[[@CR25]\]. The terms "African communitarianism", "African context" and "traditional African thought" are employed in the general sense where that which we denote as "African" refers to whatever it is that relates to the continent's indigenous cultures, people and heritage. Often it is asked how can one speak broadly of an African context, thought or ethos and so given the diversity within the continent. To answer this question let us imagine for instance there being culture *p* (*p* being one of the indigenous cultures of Africa). Although culture *p* may not be a microcosm of the African's mode of being in the world, it may be said that it shares certain commonalities with other indigenous cultures *mutatis mutandis* to permit reference to our observations in *p* as "African", especially if one considers African cultures forming intersecting lines or partly overlapping circles; where they intersect or overlap we may speak of specific (ethnocultural) universals which one may broadly denote as African. The authors would like to thank the Medical Protection Society for having hosted the annual Ethics Essay Writing Competition for health sciences students at Stellenbosch University for the past 5 years. As a winning entry in the competition in 2013, WG was awarded a prize of R5000 at the MPS Annual Conference 'Ethics for All' hosted at the Cape Town International Convention Centre (CTICC) in December 2013. Authors' contributions {#FPar1} ====================== WG conducted an in-depth literature review on the topic and composed the article in the form of an essay. He subsequently redrafted it into its article form. SK reviewed all drafts of the article, clarified conceptual issues and provided comments from her experience as a paediatrician and ethicist. KM proposed the topic of this paper, edited all drafts and gave guidance in composing the article. Competing interests {#FPar2} =================== The authors declare that they have no competing interests.

Structural and functional properties of proteasomes purified from the human kidney. Proteasomes are 'proteolytic machineries' implicated in many cellular functions, including protein turnover, inflammatory response and immunosurveillance. They exist in various forms sharing the same catalytic core - the 20S proteasome. This core consists of 28 subunits codified by 14 different genes, 3 of which - beta 1, beta 2 and beta 5 - are catalytically active and show peptidyl-glutamyl peptide hydrolyzing (PGPH), trypsin-like and chymo-trypsin-like activities, respectively. Under IFN- delta and TNF- alfa stimuli, the 3 active constitutive subunits are replaced by the corresponding ones - i.e., LMP2, MECL-1, LMP7 - known as inducible subunits, thus resulting in the constitution of the 'immunoproteasome' that is specifically implicated in MHC class I-presented peptide generation. This process is enhanced when the proteasome is associated with the polymeric protein 11S regulator/PA28 made up of 4 alfa and 3 beta subunits. The 20S proteasome was purified from post mortem specimens of human kidney cortex by chromatographic and ultracentrifugation techniques. It was then characterized on the basis of (i) multicatalytic activity evaluated using specific fluorogenic peptides, (ii) electrophoretic mobility on non-denaturating polyacrylamide gels followed by in-gel visualization by fluorogenic peptide overlaying and Coomassie blue staining and (iii) subunit composition as ascertained by SDS-PAGE and 2-dimensional electrophoresis followed by silver staining or Western immunoblotting using specific antibodies against the proteasome subunits. The 20S proteasome was also studied for its association with the 11S regulator by Western immunoblotting using an antibody to the regulator alfa subuniT. T he purified proteasome was shown to have PGPH, trypsin-like and chymotrypsin-like activities. Furthermore, it incorporated the inducible subunits and was associated with the 11S regulator. The features we observed make renal cells susceptible to an over-expression of inflammatory response to immunological challenges.

Fred Claus (PG) 115min FAMILY/COMEDY In his third film with director David Dobkin (Clay Pigeons, The Wedding Crashers) Vince Vaughn trades far too heavily on his familiar wise-guy charms in this cloying Joel The Matrix Silver-produced Christmas offering. Dysfunctional doofus Fred is on a misguided mission to raise public money for a planned casino when he gets sent to prison. On his release he is forced to move in with his accommodating big brother Nick (Paul Giamatti). But Nick’s no ordinary brother, he’s none other than Father Christmas himself, and although his brother’s messing around with the elves in his North Pole workshop sorely tests Santa’s good humour, the importance of fraternal bonding at Christmas eventually shines through. Vaughn’s loudmouth persona is always watchable, but the excessive two hour running time is too much for Fred Claus’ target demographic (tiny kids). Set in the airless gingerbread-village familiar from Jeannot Szwarc’s dismal 1985 Santa Claus, Fred Claus gets regularly bogged down in spurious mythologising about the fat man’s backstory, while the lame satire of corporate shenanigans never sits properly with the broad fraternal feuding at the story’s core. Various real-life misunderstood siblings, including Frank Stallone and Roger Clinton are trotted out to unfunny effect, while Kevin Spacey and Rachel Weisz embarrass themselves as a bespectacled North Pole bureaucrat and a cockney meter maid respectively. Seeing Vaughn and Giamatti labouring with such crude slapstick set-ups is enough to make a Scrooge out of anyone. Bad Santa. Vaughn trades heavily on his wise guy charm as the dysfunctional Fred, in this overlong Christmas offering. Recently released from prison, Fred goes to stay with his big brother Nick (Giamatti) who turns out to be jolly Saint Nick himself. Brotherly feuding ensues until eventually the importance of fraternal bonding…

(Rarity) WAAAAAAAAH PLEASE LET US OUT WERE INNOCENT. I'M TO BEAUTIFUL TO BE LOCKED UP IN PRISON WAAAAAAAAAAH (Applejack) Well ain't this a fine mess you got us into Pinkie Pie (Rainbowdash) Yeah nice one pinkie what the heck were you thinking when you broke the new gold statue of princess Celestia and princess Luna in half. (Pinkie Pie) He-he-he-he sorry everybody I thought it was a giant piece of chocolate shaped like them wrapped in gold foil I couldn't control myself (Applejack and Rainbowdash) WELL NEWS IT WASN'T! AND NOW WERE STUCK IN JAIL BECAUSE OF YOU. (Pinkie Pie) Again sorry I'm sure they'll let us out soon. (Fluttershy) I-I-I H-Hope so. I don't want to be locked up in jail it's to scary and dangerous for us. Also what about my poor angel and all the other animals I take care of. I DON'T WANT TO BE HERE FOREVER WAAAAAAAAAAAAH (Twlight Sparkle) This is going to take some time since princess Luna and Celestia were so mad about the statue. They might make us stay in jail for good. (Rainbowdash) If that happens you better sleep with one eye open pinkie pie. Anything can happen while your in jail. (Pinkie Pie) Gulp :' -(

Even though today is my birthday I spent it like any other day. I had to work & also because I’m really sick , but that didn’t matter to me because i got to spend my day with my little man who unfortunately is also sick & my sisters that surprised me w/ a small cheesecake to blow my candles💕 #thankfulforanotheryearoflife#tweentyfour#decemberbaby#foe

BERLIN (Reuters) - Chancellor Angela Merkel’s Bavarian allies, who are pressing her to toughen up immigration policy, should remember their Christian roots and show a sense of responsibility toward the poor and weak, the head of the Catholic Church in Germany said. FILE PHOTO: German Chancellor Angela Merkel arrives for the second day of a NATO summit in Brussels, Belgium, July 12, 2018. Tatyana Zenkovich/Pool via REUTERS Horst Seehofer, leader of the Bavarian Christian Social Union (CSU), pushed Merkel’s coalition government to the brink of collapse earlier this month by demanding that she do more to restrict the number of migrants entering Germany. In a rare intervention into politics, Cardinal Reinhard Marx, chairman of the German Bishops’ Conference, said it was the wrong approach to drift to the right simply because that was the spirit of the times. Asked about the CSU’s policy stance, Marx told weekly newspaper Die Zeit: “A party that has chosen the C in the name has an obligation, in the spirit of Christian social teaching, especially in its attitude toward the poor and the weak.” “Being a nationalist and a Catholic, that can’t be,” added Marx. Half of Bavarians are Catholic and they form the backbone of support for the CSU, which has been alarmed by the rise of the anti-immigration Alternative for Germany (AfD) party and is worried about losing votes in a regional election in October. Bavaria was on the frontline of the 2015 migrant crisis when people fleeing war and poverty in the Middle East, Africa and central Asia arrived in Germany, fuelling support for the AfD. Merkel and CSU chairman Horst Seehofer settled their row over migration earlier this month with an agreement that he said would stem illegal immigration. The CSU is sister party to Merkel’s Christian Democratic Union (CDU). Under the deal, migrants who have already applied for asylum in other European Union countries will be held in transit centers on the border while Germany negotiates bilateral deals for their return. Seehofer, who is also federal interior minister, is trying to keep the migration issue alive with fresh initiatives to show concerned Bavarian voters he is being pro-active. On Wednesday, he secured cabinet approval for a draft law declaring Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia and Georgia safe countries of origin. If passed, the law will cut the chances of those countries’ citizens being granted asylum to virtually zero, allowing authorities to speed up the processing of asylum applicants from those states and deport them if they are rejected. In regional initiative, Bavarian state police started patrolling the region’s border with Austria on Wednesday. “These mobile controls, these flexible controls, are a clear signal that one can’t be sure anymore if certain routes are safe,” said Bavarian Premier Markus Soeder, of the CSU.

Opposition MPs in Kosovo disrupted the first parliamentary session of the year on Friday with what has become their commonplace method of protest -- releasing tear gas in the chamber. Angry about a government deal with Serbia and demanding snap elections, the united opposition has almost paralysed parliamentary proceedings since October with their tear gas protests. "The people have turned their backs on the regime and the government must resign and respond to the people's will," Visar Ymeri, head of the Self-Determination party, told MPs before the session began and the first gas canister was opened. The session was suspended after deputies began to flee during a hurried vote -- despite calls from the parliamentary speaker, also donning a gas mask, for them to continue with proceedings. Two attempts to restart the session failed as they came up against more tear gas and 18 MPs were banned from the chamber, four of them forcibly removed by police. Proceedings resumed mid-afternoon without the banned MPs, seven of whom were arrested. The opposition is against a deal with Belgrade, backed by the European Union, to create an association giving greater powers to Kosovo's Serb minority. It fears the plan will deepen Kosovo's ethnic divisions and increase the influence of Serbia, which does not recognise Kosovo's sovereignty. The opposition also opposes a border demarcation agreement with neighbouring Montenegro. Protesters who have taken to the streets in recent months further accuse the authorities of widespread corruption, lagging development and a disregard for Muslim-majority Kosovo's 1.8 million people. - 'Ugly behaviour' - Several hundred opposition supporters gathered on Friday outside the parliamentary building in Pristina, sealed off by special riot police units, and chanted: "Down with the government". "The only solution we accept now is elections, free elections," Self-Determination activist Yll Hoxha told the crowd. The protesters, who later dispersed, also spoke against Foreign Minister and Deputy Prime Minister Hashim Thaci becoming president this year, a post for which he is currently the frontrunner. Thaci himself described the chaotic scenes inside as "a continuation of the primitive and ugly behaviour" of the opposition. US Ambassador to Kosovo Greg Delawie said the protesting deputies were "depriving the citizens of Kosovo of the right to live peacefully in an independent, democratic country and I deplore that". Friday marked the seventh tear gas protest by MPs, who have also thrown eggs, fired pepper spray and blown whistles in parliament in recent months. Ramush Haradinaj, leader of the Alliance for the Future of Kosovo opposition party, resigned later in the day, saying tear gas had been "the only path forward" against the "extreme irresponsibility" of those in power. Thousands of protesters marched peacefully through Pristina on Wednesday, the eighth anniversary of Kosovo's independence from Serbia, calling for the government's resignation and new elections. Kosovo's pro-independence ethnic Albanian rebels fought a war against Serb forces in the late 1990s, which ended after a NATO bombing campaign against Serbia. The deal between Pristina and Belgrade was reached during EU-mediated talks to "normalise" relations.

Effective flow performances and dialysis doses delivered with permanent catheters: a 24-month comparative study of permanent catheters versus arterio-venous vascular accesses. Permanent venous catheters have emerged as a long-term vascular access option for renal replacement therapy in end-stage renal disease patients. The design and venous location of catheter devices bear intrinsic flow limitations that may negatively affect the adequacy of dialysis and the patient outcome. There is limited data comparing the long-term dialysis adequacy delivered with permanent catheters vs arterio-venous vascular accesses (AVA). To explore this problem, we conducted a prospective 24-month trial comparing the flow performances and dialysis dose (Kt/Vdp) deliveries of both access options in a group of 42 haemodialysis patients during two study phases. During the first 12 months the patients completed a treatment period by means of permanent dual silicone catheters (DualKT). Then they were transferred to an AVA (40 native arterio-venous fistulas and two PTFE grafts) and monitored for an additional 12-month period. Assessments of flow adequacy and dialysis quantification were performed monthly. Dialysis adequacy was achieved in all cases. No patient had to be transferred prematurely to the AVA because of catheter failure. Three catheters had to be replaced due to bacteraemia in three patients. The mean effective blood flow rates achieved were 316+/-3.5 ml/min and 340+/-3.3 ml/min with DualKT and AVA, respectively, for a pre-set machine blood flow of 348+/-2.2 ml/min. Recirculation rates evaluated with the 'slow blood flow' method were 8.6+/-0.6 and 12.1+/-0.8% for DualKT and AVA using mean values of the solute markers urea and creatinine. Due to the possibility of a comparison veno-venous vs arterio-venous blood circulation, a corrected arterio-venous access recirculation could be derived from the difference between the two, which was around 3%. The blood flow resistance of the DualKT was slightly higher than with AVA as indicated by venous pressure differences. Kt/Vdp delivered was 1.37+/-0.02 and 1.45+/-0.02 with DualKT and AVA access respectively. The loss of dialysis efficacy using catheters was estimated at 6%. However, in all cases Kt/Vdp values remained above the recommended values (Kt/Vdp > or = 1.2). Protein nutritional state, as well as conventional clinical and biochemical markers of dialysis adequacy, remained in the optimal range. Permanent venous catheters provide adequate haemodialysis on a long-term basis. Flow performances and dialysis doses are slightly reduced (5-6%) when compared with AVA. Regular assessment of dialysis performance is strongly recommended to assure dialysis adequacy. Lengthening dialysis time may represent a simple and efficient tool to compensate for reduced flow performances with catheter use.

A family epidemiological model: a practice and research concept for family medicine. Drawing on knowledge from various behavioral science disciplines and epidemiology, a conceptual model for use in practice, education, and research in family medicine has been developed. This model uses three overlapping circles of a Venn diagram to represent the host (family system), the environmental, and the agent (stressor) systems. The central overlapping area of the three circles is the "resultant adjustment" of all the multiple interacting variables, and reflects the current state of the family. This concept has been designated the Family Epidemiological Model and is an interactive, multisystem, multivariate model. Some of the educational and practical implications of its comprehensive and exhaustive approach are discussed.

You are here AWEA Wind Project Siting Seminar January 29, 2014 1:00PM EST to January 30, 2014 10:00PM EST New Orleans, Louisiana The AWEA Wind Project Siting Seminar takes an in-depth look at the latest siting challenges and identify opportunities to reduce risks associated with the siting and operation of wind farms to avoid costly project hurdles, delays, and operational restrictions. If you are new to the field or a seasoned developer, this seminar gives you the tools to successfully navigate the critical siting process.

Australia will push for more business, student and work visas for its citizens in the UK, as part of a new trade deal after Brexit. On Friday, Foreign Minister Julie Bishop said this was "obviously" something that could be part of the free trade agreement that the countries have agreed to negotiate after the UK leaves the European Union. "Being able to live, work or spend time, study in each other's countries is something to which we would aspire," she said. "Should we be in the position to conclude a free trade agreement after Brexit then obviously this can be the subject of a free trade agreement. It's something that we were able to achieve with the United States.

Monday, April 6, 2015 Not Bad For a Monday Russell Westbrook gave the car he won as the NBA All-Star Game Most Valuable Player to a single mom working to finish high school. On this day in 1320, Scottish signatories to the Declaration of Arbroath told Pope John XXII that Edward I of England could take his weak beer, bangers and mash and whatever other atrocity his nation was wont to put on the table and go stuff them.

Oshkosh Airport Products H-Series™ Display and New Technology Demonstrations Set for 2019 NEC/AAAE International Aviation Snow Symposium to be held at the Buffalo Niagara Convention Center in Buffalo, New York on April 27 – May 1. OSHKOSH, WIS. (April 24, 2019) – Oshkosh Airport Products, LLC, an Oshkosh Corporation (NYSE: OSK) Company, announced today that it will be present at the NEC/AAAE International Aviation Snow Symposium on April 27 - May 1, 2019. An event focused exclusively on airfield snow removal and operations, Oshkosh Airport Products will have three snow trucks on display from the new, fourth-generation Oshkosh® H-Series™ including the dual engine blower, dual engine broom, and multi-purpose vehicle. The latest generation of H-Series products feature a robust, enhanced Oshkosh chassis – the longstanding leader for visibility, adaptivity, comfort, and safety. Additionally, design improvements have been made to a range of innovative attachments that deliver optimal performance. H-Series™ Dual Engine Blower: The exclusive Oshkosh high-speed blower allows for the incredible removal of 5,000 tons of snow per hour from a broader and deeper cab. Snow can be cast up to 200 feet depending on conditions. The 4-cycle blower engine, clean running Scania® DC16, and V8 with 550 horsepower at 1,800 RPM seamlessly integrate into a variety of equipment features. H-Series™ Dual Engine XF Broom: The H-Series XF front-mounted broom enables fast, smart and more reliable snow removal. Exclusive features like the available weight transfer system keep the weight on the front axle for improved broom performance and chassis control. H-Series™ Multi-Purpose: This is a multi-purpose vehicle with a front-mounted broom and powerful twin air blowers to perform a myriad of snow removal tasks simultaneously. “The snow trucks we chose to feature this year are designed to exceed performance standards and address the critical accessibility needs of airports around the globe,” says Sam Lowe, Marketing Manager for Oshkosh Airport Products. “And as a direct response to voice of customer feedback, we are excited to showcase three innovative vehicles and the proprietary, advanced technologies that only further enhance the H-Series adaptability, comfort, and safety.” In addition to the trucks on display, attendees will have the opportunity to experience Oshkosh Airport Products’ proprietary vehicle technologies and advanced operator control electronic systems - all available for demonstration and hands-on interaction. No regen on Oshkosh snow products: Scania’s DC13 and DC16 are our quietest and most responsive powertrains to date. Without diesel particulate filters (DPFs) and active regeneration they deliver greater up-time without forced downtime while reducing operating costs and complexity. Increased parts commonality: Engineered to feature more than 80% component commonality across the entire H-Series vehicle family (e.g. common radiator, fan, and fan clutch for all blowers, brooms, and plows both drive and auxiliary engines) for greater simplification and serviceability. Coordinated ARFF and snow powertrains from Scania offer greater commonality across airport vehicle fleets.

日本マイクロソフトは、Microsoft HoloLensを活用した協業プロジェクト「HoloStruction（ホロストラクション）」において、小柳建設と連携。建設業における計画、工事、検査の効率化、アフターメンテナンスのトレーサビリティを可視化するコンセプトモデルを開発した。今後、継続的な開発により実用化につなげる。 小柳建設は、新潟県三条市に本社を置く1945年創業の建設会社。河川などの底面を浚い土砂などを取り去る浚渫（しゅんせつ）や、土木事業、建築事業などで実績があり、埋蔵文化財調査支援事業なども行っている。 浚渫においては、独自の3Dガイダンスシステム「GCS900 バックホウ浚渫」を活用。浚渫の計画データと、バックホウ（ショベルが操縦者側向きに取り付けられた油圧ショベル）のリアルタイム三次元座標データをもとにしたガイダンスを使って作業を行っているほか、建設現場における測量作業などにドローンを活用するなど、IT活用にも先進的だ。 業務の透明性向上、検査資料の管理、リモート作業に活用 今回、日本マイクロソフトと連携して開発するのは、「業務トレーサビリティ向上の推進」、「BIM/CIMデータの活用試行」、「新しいコミュニケーションアイデアの試行」の3つのコンセプトモデルだ。コンセプト開発においては、新潟市に拠点を置くティーケーネットサービスが協力した。 「業務トレーサビリティ向上の推進」では、計画、工事、検査、アフターメンテナンスのすべての業務を表現するツールとしてHoloLensを活用。業務のトレーサビリティを確保する仕組みを開発することで、建設事業者としての事業や業務の透明性を図る狙いがある。これにより、国土交通省が推進するi-Construction（建築現場のIT活用）の後押しにもつながるとみている。 「BIM/CIMデータの活用試行」では、設計図を3Dで可視化し、検査に必要にデータや文書も同時に格納。必要なときにHoloLensですぐに表示できるようにした。建設現場における工事の検査における検査員不足や負担増を解消できるとしており、BIM/CIMデータを活用した新たな検査基準の検討や、検査文書の作成負担軽減などに取り組む。 「新しいコミュニケーションアイデアの試行」においては、HoloLensを活用することで、物理的な場所にとらわれない現場の確認作業や、遠隔地の人との視界の共有などを実現。3Dグラフィックにより、HoloLensに映し出される図面や現場視界を共有する機能のほか、実物大のスケールでその場にいるかのような映像体験の実現、建設重機や作業員の配置を計画段階からシミュレーションする機能の開発を行う。 建設現場のなかには物理的に行き来が難しい場所や危険な場所もあり、そうした場所の確認作業などにも利用できるという。 さらに、小柳建設では、Microsoft AzureやOffice 365、Dynamics 365をはじめとするマイクロソフトのクラウドサービスを併用し、建設業におけるすべての事業、業務、行動のデジタル化に取り組む。また、日本マイクロソフトは、HoloLensの拡充シナリオの支援のほか、研究、開発などの技術面から支援する。 HoloLensで業界のイメージを変えていく 日本マイクロソフトの平野拓也社長は、「小柳建設は、発売前からHoloLensに高い関心を持っており、開発プログラムを締結した。建設現場における社員の働き方改革、近未来コミュニケーションの実践、業務の透明性確保、建設関連業務のデジタル化の4点で、小柳建設のデジタルトランスフォーメーションを支援する。日本マイクロソフトのコンサルティングサービスチームのみならず、米国本社とも連動したプロジェクトであり、今後も、米国本社と密に連携しながら、支援を行っていく」とした。 小柳建設の小柳卓蔵社長は、「少子高齢化により、建設業界の人材不足が課題になっている。また、きつい、きたない、危険という3Kの職場であり、古い業態のままというマイナスイメージもある。そして、データの改ざん、耐震偽装の事件により、不透明な業界であるとのレッテルが貼られている」と業界の課題を説明。次代の担い手がいないという建設業界の課題を解決するために、「HoloLensを活用できると直感的に感じた」と述べた。 「HoloLensの活用により、透明性、安全性、生産性を高めることを目指し、課題解決と業界にイノベーションを起こしたいと考えている。建設業界を格好いい仕事にし、地域や子供から尊敬される業界にしたいという気持ちを持っている。今回のHoloStructionを通じて、新潟から、日本全体、世界に向けて、そうした想いを実現できるのがHoloLens。マイクロソフトと協業、共創を進めていく」（小柳社長）。 また、小柳社長が実際にHoloLensを使ってみた感想として、「まさに現場にテレポーテーションしたような感覚に陥る。いつでも、どこでも、現場の状況を確認でき、経営者や現場代理人にとっても即決できる」と期待を示した。 HoloLensは、Windows 10を搭載した世界初の自己完結型ホログラフィックコンピュータだ。日本では1月に、開発者、法人向けに提供を開始した。すでに日本航空（JAL）が、パイロットや整備士のトレーニングにHoloLensを活用する協業プロジェクトに取り組んだ実績がある。今回の小柳建設の事例は、米マイクロソフトとの連携によるプロジェクトではJALに続いて2社目となる。地方に拠点を置く企業が先進的なデバイスを活用した点でも、注目すべき事例だ。 日本マイクロソフトの平野社長は、HoloLensの国内市場での動向について、「開発者が連日のように勉強会を開催し、また多くの企業がビジネス利用の検討を開始している。想像を超える反響と盛り上がりをみせており、日本の関心や購入実績は、世界的に見ても高い」と述べた。

RedditのCEO、スティーブ・ハフマンはドナルド・トランプ支持派がサイト上でハフマンについて書いたコメントを密かに書き直していたことを認めた。 ハフマンはredditでも最大級のフォーラム、「次期大統領（President-elect）」のスレッド上に残されたハフマンに関するコメントを書き直していた。ただしメッセージそのものを削除したわけではなかった。しかしこのことでRedditはユーザー・コミュニティーと協調していないという懸念を復活させることになった。 2005年にアレクシス・オハニアンと共同でredditを始めたハフマンは、「イェス、“fuck u/spez”を書き直した。コメントの“spez”を“r/the_donald mods”と直し〔てドナルド・トランプ支持派のスレッドのモデレーターにリダイレクト〕した」と書いている。 この問題は#pizzagate事件に関連している。 これはワシントンを本拠とするピザ・チェーンが児童売買のネットワークの中心で、ヒラリー・クリントンと選対委員長のジョン・ポデスタが運営者だったというフェイク・ニュースだ。もちろんこのストーリーは捏造だがソーシャルメディアでは注目を集め、New York Timesが記事を書くほどだった。 それほど話題になれば当然だが、この噂はRedditにも投稿された。しかしredditではPizzagate関連のスレッドを特定の個人に関する情報であり利用約款違反だとして次々に閉鎖した。 ハフマンはredditの共同創業者だが、2010年に旅行サイトのHipmunkを立ち上げるためにredditを去った。しかし昨年 エレン・パオの失脚でCEOに復帰していた。ハフマンの主張によれば、コメントを書き換えたのはスレッドの閉鎖に伴ってハフマンに対する暴言が書き込まれたことに対処したのだという。 コメントを編集したことを公けに認めた文章でハフマンは謝罪はしていないが、印象はそれに近い。 「ユーザーとは良好な関係を保っていきたいが、ペドファイルと罵られ続ければ頭に来る。CEOとしてこういうことはすべきでなかったかもしれない。ともかく全部修復した。コミュニティー・チームにはひどく怒られてしまった。もうこういうことはしないと約束する」とハフマンは書いている。 ハフマンは別のユーザーのコメントへの返事に「トロルに少しばかりトロルし返してやったのだが」 と 書いている。 昨年エレン・パオがredditを去った事情も不透明だった。 これにはスレッドの閉鎖やユーザーに人気があったコミュニティー・マネージャー、ビクトリア・テイラーの解雇という問題も関連していた。エレン・パオに反対するユーザーの一部は人種差別的、性差別的投稿をするまでになっていた。 パオ事件は過去のものかもしれないが、ハフマンの率直なメッセージ書き直しの自認は再び多くのユーザーの注目を集めている。現経営陣に不満なユーザーははどんな理由であれ密かに投稿を書き直すのはサイトの信頼性を破壊するものだと感じるかもしれない。 画像： Robert Galbraith/REUTERS 〔日本版〕エレン・パオは有力ベンチャーキャピタル、KPCBの元パートナーだったがredditのCEOに就任後、KPCBをセクハラと性差別的昇進の妨害などで訴え、敗訴している。 [原文へ] （翻訳：滑川海彦@Facebook Google+）

Photographic cameras have been in widespread use for quite some time. Basically, such a camera operates by exposing a portion of a light sensitive media, i.e. a frame of film, for a pre-defined period of time to scene illumination. The light is focused on the frame through a lens that has an aperture of a given, often variable, size. A shutter, situated behind the lens and in front of the film, opens for a selected period of time in order to permit the light to transit therethrough, illuminate and expose the film. As a result of being properly exposed and subsequently developed, the film undergoes a photochemical process, on a two-dimensional basis throughout the frame, that locally varies the optical transmissivity of each portion of the frame in proportion to the amount of illumination that reaches that portion of the frame from a corresponding portion of the scene, thereby producing, depending upon whether reversal or negative film is used, either a two-dimensional positive or negative optical image of the scene. As such, tonal variations that appeared in the scene are captured in the frame of the film. Photographic prints are often made from negatives, while transparencies (commonly referred to as "slides") are made from positives. Though this overall process, which relies on the use of silver halide as a photosensitive reagent in film, has basically remained unchanged over many years, this process is highly non-linear and subject to a great many variables which significantly complicate its use. In particular, exposure (E) is defined, under a standardized definition, as being a product of the illuminance (I) multiplied by the time (t) during which the film is exposed to this illumination. In this regard, see specifically ANSI (American National Standards Institute) standard PH 3.49-1971 "American National Standard for General Purpose Photographic Exposure Meters" (re-affirmed in its entirety with no modifications in 1987 as ANSI standard PH 3.49-1987) [hereinafter referred to as ANSI standard 3.49-1987], and also ANSI standard PH 2.7-1986 "American National Standard for Photography--Photographic Exposure Guide" and specifically page 13 thereof. In a camera, the combination of two settings, namely lens aperture (size of the lens opening) and shutter speed (time during which the shutter remains open), primarily defines a particular exposure. Unfortunately, lens aperture and shutter speed define more than just an amount of exposure, these settings also dramatically affect picture (hereinafter including both prints and transparencies) quality and must be judiciously chosen in each photographic situation; otherwise, a picture (also referred to hereinafter as an image) having inferior quality will result. To illustrate the variability among photographic parameters and the difficulties in choosing appropriate lens aperture and shutter speed settings, consider for the moment a particular scenario that often occurs and presents significant challenges to a photographer: photographing a scene in relatively low light conditions with sufficient depth-of-field to cover a desired subject. In dealing with a low light situation, a photographer, particularly an amateur, might, at first, open the lens aperture to its maximum value in order to pass as much light as possible therethrough to the film. A suitable shutter speed would then be chosen based on scene luminance, typically using an indication provided by an internal light meter located in the camera. Unfortunately, such an approach might fail. Specifically, while, the lens aperture size specifies the amount of light that instantaneously strikes the film, this size also defines the so-called depth-of-field in the resulting photographed image, i.e. a range of minimum to maximum camera-to-subject distances in which objects located therein will be perceived in the image as being sharp and in-focus. As the aperture size of a given lens increases, i.e. the lens is opened and its so-called "f" number decreases, which ordinarily occurs in low light conditions, the depth-of-field produced by that lens correspondingly decreases. Accordingly, with certain subject thicknesses, the depth-of-field that results from a maximum lens aperture exposure may be too restricted to fully cover the entire subject. Thus, portions of the subject located at camera-to-subject distances that are outside the range specified by the depth-of-field for the given lens aperture, i.e. too close to or too far from the camera, will appear out-of-focus in the resulting photographed image. Therefore, in order to provide an appropriate depth-of-field to cover the entire subject, a smaller lens aperture than the maximum available size must be used along with a slower shutter speed to generate a sufficient exposure. Unfortunately, a photographer is often unable to steadily hold a hand-held camera for times typically in excess of, for example, 1/50th of a second for a 50 mm lens. Hence, as the shutter remains open for increasingly longer periods of time, the camera becomes increasingly sensitive to camera shake or subject motion which, when it occurs, blurs and ruins the entire picture. Therefore, to reduce the incidence of noticeable image blur, particularly resulting from camera shake, shutter speeds equal to or slower than of 1/50th second for use with a 50 mm lens should be avoided for use in a hand-held camera. Consequently, other techniques, such as mounting the camera on a tripod or using an auxiliary light source, e.g. a so-called flash unit, or higher speed film, i.e. a more sensitive film, are often required in order to provide acceptable combinations of lens aperture openings and shutter speeds in low light conditions. Unfortunately, a flash unit or a tripod may not be currently available. Also, films that are increasingly sensitive tend to produce pictures that exhibit increasing graininess, thereby adversely impacting the quality of the picture. With this scenario and in the absence of having a flash unit, a tripod or the ability to change film for use in photographing a particular low light scene, the photographer may not be able to select shutter speeds and lens aperture sizes that will produce a picture of optimum quality. Instead, the photographer is forced to accept compromise settings which will likely produce a picture of sub-optimum quality, such as being under-exposed, but, owing to the latitude in the performance of the film, will hopefully still exhibit sufficient quality to still be acceptable to a viewer. To a certain extent, the developing process can compensate (through so-called "forcing") for under-exposure conditions, though the ability to do so and still provide pictures of sufficient quality depends upon the subject matter in the scene and hence can be rather limited. In this regard, see D. M. Zwick, "The Technical Basis of Photographic Speed Determination or What is a Normal Exposure", SMPTE Journal, Vol. 88, No. 8, August 1979, pages 533-537 (hereinafter referred to as the L Zwick publication) and specifically pages 536-537 thereof. In certain extreme situations with worsening exposure conditions than that illustratively described above, the lighting conditions may, for all practical purposes, totally frustrate the ability of even a skilled photographer to produce a picture of merely acceptable quality. In these situations, photography would be essentially impossible. For example, consider the same low-light scenario above but where the photographer desires to use a lens that has a relatively large focal length, e.g. a telephoto lens, to capture a scene. For a given film size, the depth-of-field varies in proportion to the square of the focal length of the lens and hence significantly decreases with increases in focal length. Therefore, the depth-of-field provided by such a lens, for certain lens apertures, may not meet the scene requirements. Large focal length lenses also tend to be bulky, massive and relatively heavy and thus, once mounted to a hand-held camera, are hard to hold steady for even moderate shutter speeds, such as 1/30 or 1/60th of a second. Accordingly, to avoid significant camera shake, the slowest shutter speed at which these lenses can be used, without a tripod, is often quite limited. Moreover, since physical limitations on lens size often prevent a large focal length lens from being constructed with large lens aperture sizes, this forces the use of increasingly long shutter speeds to achieve a proper exposure under low-light conditions and exacerbates the need to use other techniques, such as a tripod, auxiliary light source or a faster speed film, to provide usable lens aperture and shutter speed settings that will provide a proper exposure. In the absence of using a tripod or an auxiliary light source, which--owing to the amplitude fall-off as the inverse square of distance to the subject--becomes ineffective at large subject-to-camera distances, or the ability to change to and/or even the availability of sufficiently fast films that exhibit low graininess during the printing process, low-light photography with large focal length lenses is oftentimes practically impossible. Therefore, as one can now appreciate, even a skilled photographer often experiences difficulties in choosing the proper photographic settings under certain lighting conditions, e.g. lens aperture and shutter settings, selection of lens focal length, use and amount of flash illumination. While certain lighting conditions are so extreme that they simply can not be handled by even a professional photographer, the vast majority of scene lighting conditions fortunately do not fall in this category. Nevertheless, some of these latter conditions often present sufficient difficulties to effectively frustrate the ability of an amateur photographer to take a picture of acceptable quality. In fact, for many inexperienced amateurs, choosing lens aperture size and shutter speed settings amounts to little more than mere guesswork, through which the probability is high that the amateur will select wrong settings and quickly become frustrated. Frustration, if it occurs sufficiently often, leads to dis-satisfaction, which in the context of an amateur photographer often means that that photographer will simply stop taking pictures and turn to other leisure activities which he or she believes to be less trying and more satisfying than photography. Since amateur photographers constitute a major portion of the photographic market, including both equipment and film, their continued satisfaction is essential to the photographic industry. Having recognized this fact, the art has for many years pursued a goal of developing a camera that, over its lifetime, will produce more pictures that exhibit at least an acceptable and preferably higher level of quality than those resulting from cameras heretofore in use while, at the same time, relieving the photographer of the tedium and difficulty associated with choosing the photographic settings appropriate to a current lighting condition. Hence, over the years, considerable activity has occurred in the art to provide cameras that automatically select a lens aperture size and/or shutter speed appropriate for a current scene being photographed. While these attempts have resulted in cameras of increasing sophistication and improved performance, each of these attempts suffers one or more drawbacks which limits its attractiveness. For example, U.S. Pat. No. 3,917,395 (issued to F. T Ogawa on Nov. 4, 1975) describes one approach at providing an automatic camera. Here, a camera relies on using an electronic circuit and associated electro-mechanical drive mechanisms for invoking and controlling each one of a sequence of photographic operations required by the camera to take a picture. Unfortunately, this apparatus appears to require a photographer to manually select an appropriate lens aperture size. With this selection, the circuitry attempts to control shutter speed, determine if a flash is necessary and, if so, and fire the flash unit. Accordingly, while the photographer is advantageously relieved of determining an appropriate shutter speed and whether flash is necessary, improper depth-of-field could readily result in a significant number of pictures, particularly those taken under various low-light conditions, that exhibit unacceptable quality. Another illustrative approach at providing an automatic camera is described in U.S. Pat. No. 4,103,307 (issued to N. Shinoda et al on Jul. 25, 1978 and hereinafter referred to as the '307 Shinoda et al patent). Here, a microcomputer is used within a camera to provide several different modes of automated photography; namely, shutter priority mode (where the photographer manually selects the shutter speed and the camera selects the lens aperture size), aperture priority mode (where the photographer manually selects the lens aperture size and the camera selects the shutter speed), program mode (where the camera selects both the shutter speed and lens aperture size) and manual mode (where the photographer manually selects both the shutter speed and lens aperture size). During camera operation in a non-manual mode, the microcomputer computes the appropriate selection(s) based upon film speed and scene lumination. Unfortunately, since the microcomputer uses scene luminance, but not scene content, in determining exposure settings during program mode and shutter priority modes of operation, the microcomputer can generate a lens aperture size setting that, in many instances, is not likely to provide sufficient depth-of-field for a current scene. Similarly, an amateur photographer who operates the camera in the aperture priority mode may often manually select a lens aperture size that provides insufficient depth-of-field. In the shutter priority mode, the photographer can manually set minimum and maximum lens aperture limits. In this instance, the microcomputer will provide suitable indications in the viewfinder of the camera to alert the photographer when the computed lens aperture size is beyond the set limits, thereby requiring the photographer to manually change the lens aperture size accordingly. However, this need to manually set and/or subsequently manually adjust the exposure settings of the camera places an added burden on the photographer, one which is best avoided in cameras destined for amateur photographers. An additional illustrative approach is described in U.S. Pat. No. 4,309,089 (issued to D. M. Harvey on Jan. 5, 1982, assigned to the present assignee and hereinafter referred to as the '089 patent). Here, the camera contains a microcomputer which uses scene lumination and exposure latitude information of the film to compute a range of acceptable exposure values (EV values). The current exposure value corresponding to the specific lens aperture size and shutter speed at which the camera is presently set is compared to the range. If the comparison reveals that the specific exposure value lies within or outside of the range, then the microcomputer provides an appropriate indication to the photographer to either "validate" the settings for the prevailing scene lumination or inform the photographer to choose other settings to photograph the scene. Unfortunately, the photographer is required to manually choose both the lens aperture size and shutter speed settings and to manually change them, if necessary. This places a significant and undesirable burden on a photographer, which might be best avoided if the camera is destined for the amateur market. While these approaches in the art clearly teach that image quality can be improved by increasing camera sophistication through use of an internal microcomputer for scene measurement, and exposure determination and control, all of these approaches share one significant disadvantage: they all appear to require the photographer to manually intervene in some fashion in order to achieve optimum image quality. This intervention takes the form of either manually providing an initial exposure setting, e.g. a lens aperture size that satisfies depth-of-field requirements, or subsequently making manual corrections, as indicated by the microcomputer, to these settings in order to provide a proper exposure. As such, these prior art approaches appear to universally fail to provide truly automatic control over a camera--control that is necessary to substantially, if not completely, eliminate guesswork by amateur photographers and further heighten overall image quality. Having recognized this failing in the art, U.S. Pat. No. 4,785,323 (issued to C. S. Bell on Nov. 15, 1988, also assigned to the present assignee and hereinafter referred to as the '323 Bell patent) describes automatic exposure control apparatus for use in a camera that through measurement of scene parameters, such as scene lumination and subject-to-camera distance, attempts to satisfy depth-of-field requirements and reduce image blur. In particular, this apparatus first determines various combinations of appropriate lens aperture size and shutter speed settings based upon measured scene lumination. Thereafter, using measured subject-to-camera distance, the apparatus selects one of these combinations that provides the required depth-of-field. As the subject moves farther from the camera, larger lens aperture sizes and increased shutter speeds are selected in an effort to maintain the needed depth-of-field while reducing the likelihood of image blur resulting from either camera shake and/or subject motion. By minimizing image blur, this apparatus can advantageously provide a perceptible increase in overall image sharpness though at the expense, in certain instances, of compromising image exposure. Nevertheless, further improvements in overall image quality can still be made even if image blur is minimized for a given scene. In this regard, it has been well known for some time in the art, especially by professional photographers, that most films, particularly negative print film and to a much lesser extent reversal films, possess some latitude with respect to exposure. In fact, the curve of log exposure (log E) vs. density for each layer of a color negative film generally remains at a minimum value (i.e. no latent image is formed) until a given minimal amount of exposure is reached at which point the curve begins to increase. The curve then linearly increases in density throughout a range of increasing log exposure values until point is reached at which a shoulder exists in the curve. The curve then exhibits a fairly broad plateau at which image density remains constant or slightly increases throughout several values of increasing log exposure. In addition, with certain film types, the graininess exhibited by the layer tends to decrease with increasing exposure, and increasingly sharp images may occur at increasing exposure levels. The ISO (ASA) film speed is defined from the exposure necessary to produce a specific value of image density on each layer of the film. Typically, the lowest log exposure value on this curve that will produce an "excellent" quality image in terms of faithful tone (color) reproduction defines a so-called normal exposure point. The normal exposure point is not a region but rather by a single point on the log exposure vs. density curve for the film. With these definitions in mind, lens aperture and shutter speed settings, that will produce an exposure at the ISO normal exposure point, can then be readily determined by substituting the values for the ISO (ASA) film speed and scene luminance into an ISO standard metering equation and calculating a result. See, specifically, ANSI standard PH 2.27-1988 "American National Standard for Determination of ISO (ASA) Speed of Color Negative Films for Still Photography" and ISO standard 588-1979, with the former ANSI standard adopting the latter ISO standard for determining the film speed; and the ANSI standard 3.49-1987, particularly page 21 thereof for the ISO standard metering equation; as well as the Zwick publication. For ease of reference, the pertinent standards will be referred to hereinafter as the "ISO/ANSI exposure standards" with an exposure defined by these standards being referred to hereinafter as synonymously either an ISO "standard" or "normal" exposure and the normal exposure point being referred to as the ISO normal exposure point. From these definitions and use of the standard metering equation, the ISO normal exposure point occurs at higher density and exposure values on the log exposure vs. density curve than those for the ISO (ASA) speed point. Inasmuch as linear response can still be had at each of several stops of over-exposure from the ISO normal exposure point and yield improved image quality, professional photographers often, depending upon lighting conditions, intentionally over-expose negative film, beyond that specified by its ISO normal exposure point. Unfortunately, those automated cameras that utilize film speed in determining exposure settings, such as that described above in the '323 Bell, the '307 Shinoda et al and the '089 Harvey patents, do not automatically take into account that, for certain films, image quality can actually be improved through intentional over-exposure. Nevertheless, the art has recognized, as disclosed in illustratively U.S. Pat. No. 4,598,986 (issued to K. Shiratori et al on Jul. 8, 1986 and hereinafter referred to as the '986 Shiratori et al patent) the utility of including a manual adjustment into an automated camera that permits a photographer to manually shift the exposure settings in order to intentionally over- or under-exposure a photographed image. The amount of the shift can either be manually set by the photographer or read by the camera from encoded information stored in metallic patterns (the so-called "DX" code) situated on an outside surface of a film canister. Unfortunately, this arrangement relies on the photographer, not the camera, to make the determination of when the film is to be over-exposed. Since many amateurs are simply not familiar with film exposure characteristics and to avoid what they believe to be a risk, here arising from simple ignorance, of ruining a picture, these amateurs, including those using the camera described in the '986 Shiratori et al patent, are not likely to intentionally over-expose a picture even in those situations where, in fact, image quality could be improved by doing so. Consequently, a continuing two-part need still exists in the art; namely, to provide automatic exposure control apparatus for use in a camera that not only further reduces the tedium, difficulty and guesswork associated with using currently available automated cameras to take pictures under a wide variety of different lighting conditions but also provides pictures which have n increased overall level of quality as compared to that provided by these automated cameras. Furthermore, to provide pictures at an increased quality level, a specific need exists in the art for such exposure control apparatus that automatically selects appropriate exposure settings based not only upon scene luminance but also upon scene depth-of-field requirements, avoidance of image blur and, very importantly, exposure latitude and the exposure vs. quality function of the film in use.

/* * Copyright 2017 Red Hat Inc. * * Permission is hereby granted, free of charge, to any person obtaining a * copy of this software and associated documentation files (the "Software"), * to deal in the Software without restriction, including without limitation * the rights to use, copy, modify, merge, publish, distribute, sublicense, * and/or sell copies of the Software, and to permit persons to whom the * Software is furnished to do so, subject to the following conditions: * * The above copyright notice and this permission notice shall be included in * all copies or substantial portions of the Software. * * THE SOFTWARE IS PROVIDED "AS IS", WITHOUT WARRANTY OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR * IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT LIMITED TO THE WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY, * FITNESS FOR A PARTICULAR PURPOSE AND NONINFRINGEMENT. IN NO EVENT SHALL * THE COPYRIGHT HOLDER(S) OR AUTHOR(S) BE LIABLE FOR ANY CLAIM, DAMAGES OR * OTHER LIABILITY, WHETHER IN AN ACTION OF CONTRACT, TORT OR OTHERWISE, * ARISING FROM, OUT OF OR IN CONNECTION WITH THE SOFTWARE OR THE USE OR * OTHER DEALINGS IN THE SOFTWARE. */ #include "nv50.h" #include "head.h" #include "ior.h" #include "rootnv50.h" static const struct nv50_disp_func mcp77_disp = { .intr = nv50_disp_intr, .uevent = &nv50_disp_chan_uevent, .super = nv50_disp_super, .root = &g94_disp_root_oclass, .head.new = nv50_head_new, .dac = { .nr = 3, .new = nv50_dac_new }, .sor = { .nr = 4, .new = mcp77_sor_new }, .pior = { .nr = 3, .new = nv50_pior_new }, }; int mcp77_disp_new(struct nvkm_device *device, int index, struct nvkm_disp **pdisp) { return nv50_disp_new_(&mcp77_disp, device, index, 2, pdisp); }

Monday, May 2, 2011 OBAMA killed OSAMA who will be benefitted .......... Today the whole media was behind OBAMA (the so called hero) and OSAMA(the so called villain) forgetting our own hero the chief minister of arunachal pradesh shri dorji khandu . We were forced to see this story in all the national news channels but why i don't understand, was OSAMA so important for us or is OBAMA so important for us . Both are culprits against HUMANITY in some or the other way. So why to see both of them through different glasses. OSAMA had killed AMERICANS and OBAMA is killing numerous NON-AMERICANS so where is the difference. LIBIYA is the newest victim of america and i feel every other oil producing countries will become victims of america soon or later. Only america will search out for some justified way to do this unjust brutal job. I am very sad today off course not because of OSAMA'S killing but because my countrymen seems to be standing with America because of a unseen threat. Believe only we need a day to stand up its very easy for us to live without america or american products but it will be very worse for them to live without our market and manpower....HATE AMERICA TO LOVE INDIA.....

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#region Copyright Syncfusion Inc. 2001-2020. // Copyright Syncfusion Inc. 2001-2020. All rights reserved. // Use of this code is subject to the terms of our license. // A copy of the current license can be obtained at any time by e-mailing // licensing@syncfusion.com. Any infringement will be prosecuted under // applicable laws. #endregion using System; using Syncfusion.SfDataGrid; using UIKit; using System.Globalization; using CoreGraphics; using System.ComponentModel; namespace SampleBrowser { [Foundation.Preserve(AllMembers = true)] public class Sorting:SampleView { #region Fields SfDataGrid SfGrid; #endregion static bool UserInterfaceIdiomIsPhone { get { return UIDevice.CurrentDevice.UserInterfaceIdiom == UIUserInterfaceIdiom.Phone; } } public Sorting () { this.SfGrid = new SfDataGrid (); this.SfGrid.SelectionMode = SelectionMode.Single; this.SfGrid.AllowSorting = true; this.SfGrid.AllowTriStateSorting = true; this.SfGrid.AutoGeneratingColumn += GridAutoGenerateColumns; this.SfGrid.ItemsSource = new SortViewModel ().Products; this.SfGrid.ShowRowHeader = false; this.SfGrid.HeaderRowHeight = 45; this.SfGrid.RowHeight = 45; if (Utility.IsIPad) this.SfGrid.ColumnSizer = ColumnSizer.Star; this.SfGrid.SortColumnDescriptions.Add (new SortColumnDescription (){ ColumnName ="ProductID",SortDirection = ListSortDirection.Descending }); this.AddSubview (SfGrid); } void GridAutoGenerateColumns (object sender, AutoGeneratingColumnEventArgs e) { if (e.Column.MappingName == "SupplierID") { e.Column.HeaderText = "Supplier ID"; e.Column.TextAlignment = UITextAlignment.Center; } else if (e.Column.MappingName == "ProductID") { e.Column.HeaderText = "Product ID"; e.Column.TextAlignment = UITextAlignment.Center; } else if (e.Column.MappingName == "ProductName") { e.Column.HeaderText = "Product Name"; e.Column.TextMargin = 15; e.Column.TextAlignment = UITextAlignment.Left; } else if (e.Column.MappingName == "QuantityPerUnit") { e.Column.HeaderText = "Quantity Per Unit"; e.Column.TextAlignment = UITextAlignment.Center; } else if (e.Column.MappingName == "UnitPrice") { e.Column.TextAlignment = UITextAlignment.Center; e.Column.Format = "C"; e.Column.CultureInfo = new CultureInfo ("en-US"); e.Column.HeaderText = "Unit Price"; } else if (e.Column.MappingName == "UnitsInStock") { e.Column.TextAlignment = UITextAlignment.Center; e.Column.HeaderText = "Units In Stock"; } } public override void LayoutSubviews () { this.SfGrid.Frame = new CGRect (0, 0, this.Frame.Width, this.Frame.Height); base.LayoutSubviews (); } protected override void Dispose(bool disposing) { if (disposing) { if (SfGrid != null) { SfGrid.AutoGeneratingColumn -= GridAutoGenerateColumns; SfGrid.Dispose(); SfGrid = null; } } base.Dispose(disposing); } } }

And yet, after nine seasons that included three NFC North titles and a Super Bowl appearance, Smith was on the unemployment line Monday, along with six other NFL coaches. A respected leader, Smith was let go with one year on his contract, leaving players crushed by his departure. Smith also left the best roster for anyone to inherit, as well as a spot with one of the NFL's power franchises in a major city with strong ownership. Oh, and he left a quarterback for the new coach to utilize. That's why, of the seven openings that emerged on "Black Monday," the one with the Bears is the most desirable. How do the rest of the spots shake out? Here's my complete list: 1) Chicago Bears Unsurprisingly, general manager Phil Emery said Tuesday that he believed the new coach will work with the majority of the players on the roster. Why wouldn't he? There are Pro Bowl players aplenty on both sides of the ball, with Julius Peppers, cornerbacks Tim Jennings and Charles Tillman and others on defense, and receiver Brandon Marshall on offense. Oh, and don't forget Jay Cutler. Of the seven openings, just two have answers -- not questions -- at quarterback. Having a talented passer like Cutler on the roster makes an already coveted job in one of the league's marquee landing spots all the more attractive. The only issues are on the offensive line, and there's the draft for that. Whoever takes over in Chicago will have the opportunity to win big immediately. 2) San Diego Chargers Jeremiah: Coach, GM predictions After another "Black Monday" full of firings, Daniel Jeremiah predicts who will fill the openings at coach and GM. More ... The #FireNorv movement is finally over in San Diego, replaced by the #HireNorvsreplacementquicklyandeffectively movement (which has not quite caught on with Twitter users). Whoever replaces Turner, who finished 7-9 in his sixth season with the team, will find plenty of reasons to believe they can quickly return to the playoffs. For one, the Chargers have a quarterback. Philip Rivers might have fallen from grace, but the talent has not evaporated. The next quarterback guru will attempt to fix him, and if they succeed, look out. The Chargers need an infusion of offensive-line talent and a boost at some offensive skill spots, but help is available on defense, thanks to members of the front seven like Melvin Ingram and Kendall Reyes. The organization has every right to expect its new coach to make San Diego competitive right away. 3) Philadelphia Eagles Andy Reid exits as Philadelphia's winningest coach ever, though he failed to deliver the ring the city so craves. What he left behind for the next coach is subject to debate and personnel evaluation. The Eagles either have two viable options at quarterback for 2013 -- Michael Vick and Nick Foles -- or they have none. The answer depends on the scheme run by the new coach, as well as his faith that Vick can stay healthy. At the offensive skill spots, receiver DeSean Jackson and running back LeSean McCoy are fascinating weapons. The Eagles have oodles of defensive talent up front, including menacing tackle Fletcher Cox. But how much talent is there on the back end? Either way, the new head man will have the chance to thrive in one of the most football-hungry cities around, in one of the most intense atmospheres. If he's a football nut, he'll love it. One of the negatives? Standing up for a morning-after-the-game news conference while the firing squad known as the Philly media takes aim is not for the faint of heart. You've been warned. 4) Buffalo Bills This is an underrated job and opportunity because, well, people tend to overlook Buffalo. One can imagine why -- the Bills own the league's longest playoff drought. But the new hire would find this job welcoming; ex-coach Chan Gailey said the Bills are the only franchise he's been fired from that he'll still root for. There is a commitment from the city, possibly a new stadium on the way, and boatloads of defensive talent, such as Mario Williams and Jairus Byrd, and offensive weapons like C.J. Spiller. One major question: What happens at quarterback? Ryan Fitzpatrick is unlikely to be considered Buffalo's quarterback of the future. Perhaps the new coach will get to groom the next signal-caller. Also, don't forget this factor: Bills fans, known as the Bills Mafia, are intense. They are dying to wrap their arms around a winner, with the spoils going to whoever brings them one. One would just need to overcome the doom-and-gloom attitude that has long enveloped the Bills. 5) Cleveland Browns The Browns haven't won in years, but perhaps their time as one of the league's most dysfunctional franchises is coming to an end. New owner Jimmy Haslam hopes so, as does CEO Joe Banner. It seems this leadership regime is willing to give the new coach plenty of say; Haslam said publicly that he'll attempt to sign a coach first, then a personnel man to work with him. For coaches who require power, that would be ideal. The Browns have two other strong positives. First, they have a wanting fan base that will embrace the coach who leads them out of the abyss. Second, they have strong and young defensive and offensive lines, which will allow the team to build from the inside out. But Cleveland also needs to rebuild everywhere else, including, perhaps, at quarterback. Is Brandon Weeden the answer or another problem? The team needs help at almost every position. 6) Arizona Cardinals Lombardi: Firings aren't a cure-all All the firings in the NFL could be a waste of time if teams don't learn the right lessons, Michael Lombardi writes. More ... Coach Ken Whisenhunt was the only coach to ever take the Cardinals to the Super Bowl, thanks in part to the re-emergence of Kurt Warner. Since then, Whisenhunt went 28-36 while going through nine other quarterbacks. That's a lot of losing for a team with a history of it. The questions at quarterback abound, outweighing anything else you were wondering about regarding this team. Given that the Cards ended the season with one win in their final 12 games, there are problems everywhere. Of all the current openings, this one appears to come with the worst roster, with maybe two stars in receiver Larry Fitzgerald and cornerback Patrick Peterson. The to-do list for the next coach will be long, and results might not come right away. The person taking over will have to be in it for the long haul. 7) Kansas City Chiefs Before the 2012 season started, some prognosticators saw the Chiefs as the favorites to win the AFC West. So, after a 2-14 finish, it was no surprise that Romeo Crennel was fired. We were all fooled. Even with five Pro Bowl players, the talent on the roster was badly over-estimated; long strings of losses followed. The good news for the new coach is that Kansas City has the No. 1 pick in the 2013 NFL Draft. The bad news is that there is no Andrew Luck or Robert Griffin III out there, and no one is a lock to be selected first. That might make trading the pick for the future difficult. In addition, the new coach would have to consider the power structure. As of now, Scott Pioli is the general manager. But his status could change, maybe even after the coach is hired. Could a coach take the job while facing the prospect of possibly having a boss who didn't hire him? A lot of questions surround a massive rebuilding job in Kansas City. The next person will have to win back a frustrated and cynical fan base, too.

# Table of Contents 1. The Legacy of War 2. Remembering the Past 3. Life is the Treasure 4. A Sense of Place 5. The Original People 6. Shared Blood, Different Futures 7. The Korean Mirror 8. Voices from the Belly 9. Poisoned Waters 10. Green Democracy 11. The Food Connection 12. Teaching for a Future ## Landmarks 1. Cover Voices Beyond the Mainstream David Suzuki Keibo Oiwa Copyright © 1999 Fulcrum Publishing Original copyright © 1996 David Suzuki and Keibo Oiwa All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form by any means, electronic, mechanical photocopying, recording or otherwise, without written permission from the publisher. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Suzuki, David T., 1936— The other Japan : voices beyond the mainstream / David Suzuki, Keibo Oiwa. p. cm. Originally published: The Japan we never knew: a journey of discovery. Toronto, Canada: Stoddart, 1996. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 1-55591-417-9 1. Japan-Description and travel. I. Oiwa, Keibo. II. Title. DS812.S878 1999 952--dc21 Printed in the United States of America 0 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 Cover photographs: The cover is a composite of two photographs by photographer Natalie B. Fobes, copyright © Natalie B. Fobes. The background image is of an Ainu elder at a salmon ceremony in Sapporo, Hokkaido, Japan. The foreground image is of a young Japanese woman, also in Sapporo. Cover design: Elizabeth Watson Interior design: Larisa Hohenboken All photographs taken by the authors, unless otherwise noted. Fulcrum Publishing 4690 Table Mountain Drive, Suite 100 Golden, Colorado 80403 (800) 992-2908 • (303) 277-1623 https://fulcrum.bookstore.ipgbook.com The lives of our respective fathers, Carr Kaoru Suzuki and Toshio Oiwa, were intertwined with the Japan we never knew. As we worked on this book, they spurred on our curiosity about these people called Japanese. They both passed on while we were embarked on this voyage of discovery, leaving us with mysteries and questions to ponder. They live on in our memories and genes, and this book is dedicated to them. Introduction by David Suzuki The year 1995 was a significant anniversary. It had been fifty years since atomic bombs were dropped on Hiroshima and Nagasaki, the Second World War came to an end, and the United Nations was formed in the hopes of ending war for all time. Not surpris­ingly, Japan was the focus of much of the attention and retrospective activity. Over the decades, the image of Japan has gone from one of a rapa­cious military machine through duplicitous, sneaky enemy and van­quished foe, to one of economic superpower. Japan's astounding postwar recovery, from massive destruction and humiliating defeat to a modern industrial society, has impressed friend and foe alike. The country's products, initially dismissed as imitative, cheap, and low quality, now set the standards for others. Japan has manu­factured items that compete directly with those that other countries have excelled in producing—and won. They displaced Swiss watches, pushed German cameras aside, and outmuscled American automobiles, steel, television, and computers. For the West, the Japanese people remain an enigma, which we Westerners conveniently overlay with widely held stereotypes—they show little emotion, they work like ants, they are great at imitation but show little originality, they are obedient and polite, they are homogeneous in race, lan­guage, history, and culture. As with all generalizations, each of these notions contains a kernel of reality that is immediately countered by individual exceptions. Whoever the Japanese are, they arouse emotions in other coun­tries. They are welcomed for their investments and tourist dollars, yet are feared and hated for their actions in the Second World War. Their prod­ucts are admired and desired worldwide, but they are accused of unethi­cal competition and business practices. They lead the world in energy conservation and efficiency, yet are condemned for pillaging the oceans and forests of the world. They are recognized for their economic clout, yet criticized for not taking a position of leadership in global politics. Japan has always aroused a complex multilayered response in me per­sonally. My ancestry is Japanese, so that even as a third-generation Canadian, I will always be identified by a hyphenated description, a Japanese-Canadian. While my physical features reflect my ancestry, the mind behind the face feels itself completely Canadian. So who are these people who look so much like me and my family and yet become com­pletely alien the minute we attempt to communicate? As a peace activist who has long opposed nuclear weapons, I have many times invoked the names Hiroshima and Nagasaki to conjure up all of the horrors of modern warfare. Japan has been a powerful symbol for the peace movement. For the past two decades, Japan has also become a symbol of the terrible ecological costs that accompany explosive eco­nomic growth. While Japan's postwar economic success has allowed it to carve out a major role in the global market and dazzled commentators in the Western world, environmentalists have become increasingly vocal about the country's dreadful ecological record. In 1972 at the Stockholm Conference, the whale became the main symbol for all endangered wildlife, and it has continued as the focus of concern. At the last meeting of the International Whaling Commission in Kyoto in 1994, the strong support for an immense Antarctic Reserve was opposed by Japan, which has been intent on increasing its quota of whales. Euphemistically called "research," Japan's whaling operation continues to supply whale meat for Japanese consumers. Japan has also been attacked for its use of immense drift nets that scythe their way through the oceans, and for logging operations that strip ancient forests from Canada to Malaysia and Siberia to satisfy Japan's insatiable demand. Japan has actively supported World Bank funding for megadams and megaprojects in countries where Japan is anxious to exploit the resources. I first visited Japan in 1968, and it had a huge impact on my life. I gained an insight into how much my identity in Canada was caught up in being physically different. In Japan, surrounded by people who looked just like me, I suddenly felt as if I had disappeared. And I found things that absolutely enthralled me—the food, the exquisite attention to detail and aesthetics, and samurai soap operas on television. I have returned to Japan more than a dozen times since, and because environ­mental concerns have come to dominate my life, my inability to arouse a sense of urgency and need for change among Japanese has increasingly angered and frustrated me. I always seemed to meet a uniform response either of incomprehension or disinterest in my concerns. Japan seemed monolithic, homogeneous, and conformist. At a meeting in Kyoto of North American environmental activists and Japanese media people, I encountered the enormous social pressure that effectively enforces conformity. In one session, the American activist Randy Hayes, of the Rainforest Action Network, got up and announced that he had just got out of jail; he'd been arrested for protesting the logging of trop­ical forests in Hawaii. "My country has a terrible environmental record," he began, "and a lot of us are willing to go to jail in protest. But we also look on Japan as one of the worst nations committing environmental crimes." It was a sensational statement that had the effect of a grenade being lobbed into the audience. One of the journalists on the panel, an eminent Japanese tele­vision host, was extremely angry and dismissed Hayes's remarks as "Japan bashing." That's when I realized that a direct assault is ineffective in that country, because it immediately elicits a response of drawing up the bridge and defending against what is perceived as an attack on all Japanese. The question, then, is how can such a defence be penetrated? Over the years I have met individuals who negate the Japanese stereotype—outspoken, critical, independent, and original. But their rarity only served to emphasize the overwhelming impression of unifor­mity within the population. In 1992 I attended a conference at Meiji Gakuin University in Tokyo held to reflect on the five hundred years since Columbus's arrival in the New World. It was there that I had my first inkling of real grassroots activism in the country. I encountered young students who were receptive, indeed hungry, to hear different per­spectives. I gave a hard-hitting talk, the sort I delivered in North America, and to my surprise, the audience was receptive and enthusiastic. I watched their response to some of the powerful aboriginal leaders from North and Central America and was amazed to see professors stand up and support them. In fact, there was an almost idolatrous following of some of the aboriginal guests. At that meeting, I learned of the aboriginal people of Japan - Ainu, Okinawans, and Uilta. Here was a very differ­ent Japan from any I knew. Travelling to Hokkaido after the conference, I met Ainu people like Mieko Chikkup, Koichi Kaizawa, and Shigeru Kayano, who were not pursuing Japanese assimilation but were determined to hang on to their Ainu identity. When we were taken to the dam being built on their sacred river, the Saru, the pain of the imminent flooding of sacred sites was palpable. And when Koichi took us into a forest to see the largest chestnut trees in Hokkaido only to discover they had been clear-cut, we were all devastated. Here was a group of people through whom we might be able to raise issues in Japan that could no longer be avoided or hidden. It became clear that I had paid far too much attention to those who speak from positions of authority or power in Japan, that beneath those visible layers of position were individuals with radically different perspec­tives and priorities. No one illustrated this hidden Japan better than Keibo Oiwa, the anthropologist who had organized the conference at Meiji Gakuin University and invited me to participate. Like many young Japanese in the 1970s, he had been radicalized by student activism and took part in demonstrations, which led to a stint in jail. He was expelled from university for his radical activity, which could have had enormous repercussions in later life. In 1977 he travelled to North America, where he enrolled at George Washington University; after two years he transferred to McGill University in Montreal. When he completed his degree in philosophy and continued on in anthropology at Cornell University, he wrote a PhD thesis on Jews in Montreal. Keibo has an insatiable curiosity about people and is attracted to the unusual, the eccentrics, the individualists; he is fascinated by minority cultures—Jews in Montreal, African-Americans in Harlem. It is ironic, then, that all his life he had assumed he was Japanese, only to discover as an adult that his father was Korean. It opened a window into his father's life that he continued to explore while he did research for this book. During the trip he had organized to Hokkaido in 1992, he issued a challenge. He told me there was a very different Japan from the popular image portrayed by the media. What I had to do, he said, was come to Japan and meet with grassroots activists in the areas of peace, human rights, and the environment. The challenge struck a responsive chord in me because, in my ecological activism in Canada, my attention has been increasingly focused on grassroots groups, where the real transformation must and is taking place. The environmental philosopher Thomas Berry has suggested that acting on the slogan "Think globally, act locally'' tends to disempower by the immensity of the challenge. Instead Berry believes we must "think and act locally" to have any hope of having an effect globally. I took Keibo up on his challenge and discovered people as radi­cal as any I have encountered in North America. I found a country with a diverse history and culture, people critical of Japan's war record and oth­ers searching for alternatives to the sterile consumption-driven values of global economics. This was an uplifting discovery for me. Everywhere in Japan I have looked, I have found people working for profound change at the level of local communities. As a North American, I am working for similar goals that are rooted to a place. What I learned in Japan has been a treasure trove of experience that has much to teach us. One of the most startling lessons of twentieth-century biology has been the discovery that diversity—genetic, species, and cultural—is a critical part of long-term resilience and survival. In a time of rapid envi­ronmental and social change, it is this diversity that provides the possibil­ity of combinations that allow adaptation to the new conditions. We have learned from painful experience that monocultures, the attempt to create populations of one or a few species of highly selected genetic stocks, are vulnerable to new pests, disease, or environmental upset. The astonishing diversity of culture and language our species has always had is rapidly diminishing this century under the twin assaults of global telecommunications and economics. From the forests of Papua New Guinea to the Kalahari Desert to the crowded streets of Shanghai and Rio, we can recognize the same singers and Hollywood actors and brand names on running shoes, soft drinks, and radios. Humanity is becoming monocultured as societies and their surroundings undergo explosive changes. But biologists know that this time of cataclysmic transformation is the very moment diversity is most important. We hope that the fascinating people you will meet in this book will provide insights and ideas that will expand, rather than shrink, your horizons. Part One War and Peace The Legacy of War "The most striking feature of these records of that terrible summer is the silence of the citizens following the bombing... It was a cruel and complete silence, worse than any other, like a moan that cannot be voiced." 1994 Nobel Laureate Kenzaburo Oe, in Hiroshima Notes Travelling throughout Japan today, one sees no physical scars of war. But the Second World War will soon come up in conversation, for it is a touchstone, the ultimate reference point against which to measure today's events. For those who lived through it, the psy­chic and social scars are deep. The year 1995 marked the fiftieth anniversary of VE-Day, the end of the war in Europe, the atomic bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, VJ­-Day, the end of the war, and the establishment of the United Nations. For North Americans born since the war, those events have little relevance. But the Japanese, even the younger generation, are still coming to grips with Japan's role in the war and the humiliation of defeat. The debate still continues as to whether Hiroshima and Nagasaki were the cost of a speedy end to war or symbols of war gone too far. Japan has come to be viewed by some as a victim of war, the only country ever to experience a nuclear weapon deliberately used on civilians. Yet a retro­spective on Hiroshima planned for 1995 by the Smithsonian Institution received such a storm of objection from veterans' groups that the exhibi­tion was gutted of its focus. Opinion seems to be split between anger at Japanese atrocities committed during the war and outrage at the bomb's introduction, which brought a new dimension to warfare. What has caused such powerful revulsion for atomic weapons? It can't simply be the number of people killed. After all, more people were killed by the fire-bombing of Tokyo than by the atomic bombs. It can't be the manner of death. Instant incineration may be more merciful than the often protracted agonizing deaths from "conventional" weapons. Is it that radiation-induced mutations are passed on to innocent generations of the future? Yet this abili­ty of nuclear weapons to imprint the future is shared by chemical weapons, such as mustard gases, which are strongly mutagenic. Perhaps part of the reason nuclear weapons seem so terrifying is that they marshall the powers of the queen of all sciences—theoretical physics—to unleash the very energy of matter itself. Henceforth, no area in science has been beyond potential military application, and the connection between scientific research and weapons of destruction has remained tighter than ever. Henceforth, Dr. Strangelove is now as popu­lar an image of scientists as Albert Einstein. The fundamental explanation of nuclear weapons' exceptional horror may have been provided by Stephen Jay Lifton, Yale's famous psychiatrist. In the weeks following the bomb, Lifton recounts, a rumour spread through Hiroshima that nothing would ever again grow in the city. People were aghast; while we all understand that each of us will die, we are assured by our knowledge that nature persists. When it seemed that nature itself was ended, people felt that this was the ultimate horror. Only when new plants sprouted did people feel hope again. Now we know that nature can withstand those bombs, but in the years that followed the Second World War, hydrogen bombs and a massive proliferation of weapons created a very real spectre of the end of nature itself. A consequence of Hiroshima and Nagasaki was the birth of a strong antinuclear movement in Japan. Paradoxically, fifty years later, Japan has a vigorous nuclear energy industry and is accepting radioactive wastes from other countries for reprocessing. The Japanese understand war's true horrors, and they share a commonality of experience with all other victims of war. But as a defeated nation and as a victim of the most terri­fying weapons, they also are in a unique position. Even half a century later, the Second World War is still close to the surface of their conscious­ness. And for those who bore a disproportionate share of the costs, the war continues. • The drive from Tokyo to neighbouring Saitama prefecture (a prefecture is a political area, like a large county) was long and hot, although our driver was skilled at navigating the frighteningly narrow roads and avoiding the traffic jams that are almost constant on most Japanese roads. Our destination was the home and museum of two important Japanese artists, lri and Toshi Maruki, although lri, then in his nineties, did not feel up to seeing us. When we got out of the car, it was as if we had entered another world, an oasis surrounded by trees. On our left was the museum, on the right was the Marukis' home, and before us was the Iruma River, which glistened in the midday sun. As we admired our surroundings, one of Toshi's assistants greeted us. We followed her through a traditional Japanese gate into a garden with stone pathways, and then to an old house that had been converted into Toshi's studio. The interior was large and open, all the dividing walls having been taken out. Sitting on a tatami (straw mat) in the middle of the room, Toshi Maruki was sur­rounded by papers, canvases, desks, and different tools of her craft. We had seen photos of her murals depicting the horrors of war, and we expected Toshi Maruki to be intense, tough even, with little time for pleasantries. But the person sitting before us was the picture of softness and grace, and her manner was gentle and inviting. She asked us to sit on the tatami in front of her. When we asked about her experiences in the war, she answered quietly: The papers said it was a new type of bomb. Up until the atomic bomb, the papers always said Japan was winning. When we read about the new bomb, I sensed it was pretty serious because the language had changed. The first atomic bomb was exploded over Hiroshima on August 6, 1945. Three days later, Toshi's husband, Iri, went to the devastated city to search for his parents. He eventually found them living in a makeshift shelter. They had lost everything. Iri sent a letter to Toshi, via a friend who was leaving the city, asking her to join him. She had no idea what to expect, since the Japanese media had been extremely circumspect about the effects of this dreadful new weapon. In Hiroshima, she found people hunkered down in pitiful holes covered with tin scrounged from the debris. There was no food. The annihilation had been complete. Maruki paused in her story. Because there was no furniture in the studio, everything was scattered around on the floor. She reached for some dried flowers and put them beside a small doll that sat upright on a miniature chair. Not far from her stood a half-finished painting. "I've finished with the big pieces," she said, "and am now painting small pictures like flowers and dolls. I'm doing very different pictures now." Satisfied with the placement of the flowers beside the doll she continued her story. The war was over, but there was no food. Everyone had left. You couldn't tell one field from another. I went looking for food and found a pumpkin. One side was soft and the other hard. I picked it and washed it. I found rice that had been hidden in a barrel. So I cooked the pumpkin and mixed it with rice. I was very hungry, so I took a mouthful and thought it was sour, but decided to swallow it anyway. Then I had a couple more mouthfuls. Immediately, I got a pain in my stomach and had to rush out with diarrhea. The second time, I began to bleed. I was very sick and lost a lot of weight. I had no energy and thought I was going to die. So, while ill, I began to paint the Hiroshima experience. Sick with radiation poisoning, Maruki moved with her husband to Tokyo, where she continued to languish. She thought she was going to die and wanted to paint what she had seen of Hiroshima as a last testa­ment. Looking at her smooth skin and pink cheeks, we could not imag­ine that she had been so sick. She was one of the lucky ones who miraculously recovered, as if spared to carry out her mission. A few months later, we moved to Katase. I had a mirror and modelled for my own pictures. I began drawing Hiroshima. I'd draw on a piece of paper about the size of a tatami mat. One day I hung the picture on the wall and went to bed. In the middle of the night, I got up to go to the bathroom, and on the way back, a breeze caused the picture to move. It frightened me. With that fear, the sight of Hiroshima came back to me, and I felt this fear had to be shared with others. I called the first piece Ghost, and I exhibited it in a group showing. At first I was advised not to use the words "atomic bomb." So the title was changed to August 6. People came from all over. And that was the beginning of a lifelong commitment for both Marukis. Their murals of the war were exhibited throughout Japan. Another turning point came when she took the Hiroshima panels for a showing in the United States. There, a professor at California Institute of Technology scolded Maruki. He said the Japanese used the bomb as an excuse for the terrible things they had been responsible for, including the infamous Rape of Nanking. Stung by that critique, Toshi and Iri extended their murals beyond Hiroshima and the bomb. Their passion never flagged, but their vision changed from latent nationalism to a question­ing of the very nature of the human heart. This resulted in the broadening of subject matter from Japanese Hiroshima victims (Ghosts; Fire; Water) to Korean and American Hiroshima victims (Crows; Death of American Prisoners of War), then to all Second World War victims (The Battle of Okinawa; Auschwitz), followed by all victims of man's inhumanity to man (Minamata; Sanrizuka) and finally to hell. "There are many kinds of people," she said. "I hope there still are a lot who reject wars. I'm worried there might be another war." We asked her if it wasn't human nature to wage war. Not every human being has this nature to fight. I hope this memory will be somehow kept to teach us. It's been half a century since the atomic bomb. I think human beings are about to forget it. Those who have experienced it can never forget; it's too painful even today. But we are dying, and the next generation who have heard about it are getting old too. The third generation from us see Hiroshima as ancient history. I'm afraid they'll repeat the same thing again. Now we were eager to cross the courtyard to the museum and see the murals for ourselves. As we walked, Maruki's description of the bomb's aftermath rang in our ears: People lost their feet or their hands. Their skin was burned and coming off. So they covered themselves with Mercurochrome and were red. When that ran out, they put on a white salve. Their eyelids and lips were like raw meat. Their eyes were all swollen and they couldn't see. They were called ghosts. Their eyes closed, their hands held out from the body, their clothes burned off and only rags left. They couldn't lower their hands because it hurt too much, so they held them out from the body. They walked in a line for two or three kilometres to where twisted houses were still standing. In the outskirts, people were afraid of the victims because they looked like ghosts. They closed the shutters and wouldn't come out to help. So the victims walked farther and farther until they lost strength and collapsed. After the bomb, winds swept dust and ash into the sky. Then black rain fell. If we were wearing white shirts, they turned black. The museum where Iri and Toshi Maruki housed their murals was large. There were four galleries containing three or four murals each: two rooms of Toshi's solo work; a room of charming, cheerful primitive art painted by Iri's mother (the Marukis taught her to paint when she was seventy-five); and a room displaying personal items they had collected or were given during their travels. There were also relics—burnt bamboo, petrified wood—of Hiroshima. It was an intensely personal museum. One of the contradictions of art is that there is a dignity in the portrayal of horrifying scenes. Using Chinese black and white ink, large wall-size murals show victims with burns, yet they are not grotesque but dignified. The Marukis' depiction of the madness of war and of our ability to be inhumane to one another shows us how complex and twisted the nature of war really is. The murals play no favourites. There are many victims: the Americans, the Japanese, the Koreans, the Okinawans. The images demand that the viewer reflect on the way we treat one another; the mute mouths scream at us to avoid such horrors forever. The Marukis believe the duty of the artist is to face human darkness and act as conduits of past pain so that others, especially the young, will understand these horrors and not repeat them. After drawing so many hells, I began to place women with their babies in the pictures, hoping that they might have a power to save. I drew many mothers holding children, and I also drew a woman giving a helping hand to a man. Watching me draw, Iri said, "Things don't work that conveniently." I thought he might be right. So I drew devils trying to tempt women and interfering with what they were trying to accomplish. At the end of our visit Maruki presented us with a large picture book of her murals. The last page was blank. Maruki made a space in front of her, and dipping a brush into a pot of Chinese ink, she drew a picture of a peace dove. In the belly of the dove lay a mother and child. As we left Maruki's studio, a couple of young women were being let in. One of them was a Korean artist who was painting a series about "comfort women" (the thousands of women who were forced by the Japanese to serve as sex slaves). Her face glowed as she was introduced to Maruki. Like the Korean artist, we felt fortunate to have met Maruki. She is someone whose memory will live on in her stirring paintings. • Far away, on the other end of Japan in Okinawa, a younger generation still lives with the reverberations of the war and the American occupation that followed. The origin of the Okinawans is unclear. The islands where the Okinawans live are closer to Taiwan than to the main island of Japan. The original inhabitants could have come from Taiwan and islands farther south. In medieval times, Ryuku, as Okinawa was called, was a kingdom that thrived as the crossroads for trade between China and Japan. Eventually it evolved its own unique culture, a blend of indigenous cus­toms with those of their trading partners. It was in the golden age of its history and culture that Columbus "discovered" America. The Ryuku Kingdom existed as an independent nation until it was annexed by Japan in 1879 and became Okinawa prefecture. The people were always treated by Japanese as second-class citizens, sort of "country cousins." They were kept in low status socially, economically, and educationally. Use of the Okinawan language and the teaching of Okinawan history were forbidden. The Japanese instituted the use of the word Okinawa, instead of Ryuku, the name the people called themselves. By the time the Second World War began, many Okinawans considered themselves Japanese and were proud to pledge allegiance to the emperor. They were moved by the raising of the flag and sang the national anthem. In the final phase of the war, Okinawa was the entry point for American soldiers into Japan. For the Japanese imperial command, the islands represented the last line of defence. Soldiers and civilians alike were expected to fight to the death. Author and former American soldier Harold Rickard translated Shoko Ahagon's book, The Island Where People Live, and described the relentless attack on Okinawa: Aerial bombardment of Okinawa by U.S. forces began in 1944. The landings on the beaches began on Easter morning April 1, 1945. The cruel struggle continued until General Ushijima's suicide and the surrender of Okinawa on June 23 ... The southern one-third of Okinawa was completely destroyed. ... Almost one-third (62,000) of the civilian people died of wounds, starvation and disease. Many of them were elderly persons, mothers and children. Okinawans had been placed in the most dangerous battle positions by the Japanese officers. Many had been executed as "spies" because the Japanese military leaders did not trust their loyalty. Food and shelter in natural caves and tombs were taken from Okinawan civilians by Japanese soldiers, exposing them to death or wounds. Many Okinawan civilians committed mass suicide because Japanese propaganda had convinced them that American soldiers would torture, rape and kill them. High school girls pressed into service as nurses were not allowed to come out of a large cave, which served as a Japanese field hospital, to surrender to the U.S. soldiers. Most of them died by the U.S. infantry's flame throwers which filled the cave with fire and death. Small children were separated from their families. Many people took refuge in the forests and mountains of northern Okinawa. Japan's strategy of deliberately using Okinawa as a sacrificial border where the Americans would be stopped was successful in the sense that American soldiers never landed on the main islands of Japan. But the suf­fering of Okinawan civilians was beyond imagining. The toll on all sides was horrendous, but the numbers tell who suffered most: 12,520 American soldiers were killed in Okinawa, compared with 244,136 Japanese soldiers and Okinawan civilians. For more than two decades after 1945, Okinawa was occupied by the American military. It was a critical part of American hegemony in Asia, a gateway to China, Russia, and the Middle East. Like the Philippines, Okinawan bases were the distribution points of personnel and equipment. Today 75 percent of all the American military bases in Japan are located in Okinawa, which in area makes up only 0.6 percent of Japan. Twenty percent of the main island of Okinawa is used for bases, taking much of its prime agricultural land, which was confiscated from protesting farmers. Since Okinawa reverted to Japan in 1972, 15 percent of the base area has been returned, but in the meantime there have been 115 aircraft accidents, including 34 crashes, as well as 129 forest fires caused by artillery practice. Not surprisingly, there has been opposition to the American presence, but Americans have injected massive amounts of money into Okinawa's chronically underemployed and poor communities. Since the end of the Vietnam War, many Okinawans have adapted to the presence of the Americans, so much so that a sizable group actively works to encourage them to stay. Nevertheless, the Okinawans have long-held simmering resentments, and "incidents" with the military have kept the resentments alive. We came to Okinawa city to meet Shoichi Chibana, a grocer and unlikely rebel. On October 26, 1987, he was in the stands of the softball field in Yomitan village, his hometown. He slipped off his shoes and looked across the stadium to where Masaru Hirose, president of the Japan Softball Association, was sitting in a place of honour. The stands were packed for the National Games, which were being played in Yomitan village for the first time. There, on top of the ten-metre wall enclosing the stadium, was the Hinomaru, the Japanese flag with its red circle on a white background. Masaru Hirose had forced Yomitan village to raise the Hinomaru at the competition. If they had refused to raise it, Hirose threatened to change the venue. That would have been disastrous; the stadium was brand-new, built especially for the games. Everybody, including the mayor who was a friend of Chibana's, knew that Hirose's threats were to be taken seriously. There was nothing they could do but raise the flag. To make matters worse, the day before, Hirose had been scheduled to visit the Chibichiri cave, where many Okinawans had died in the name of Japan. Chibana and many of his fellow citizens were enraged. Chibana felt it was his responsibility to stop the man who was forcing the Hinomaru on the people of Yomitan from entering the caves. When Hirose tried to enter the caves, Chibana blocked his way. Yoneya Fumi, an old woman who had lost five family members in the caves during the last days of the war, heard what Chibana had done and said, "That is good." It was then that Chibana realized that for the sake of the dead and the living, someone would have to do something about the raising of the flag. Villagers had already protested against the Hinomaru and the proposed singing of the Japanese anthem, "Kimigayo" (The Emperor's Reign Forever). High school band members refused to play the anthem. One girl dumped her school's Hinomaru in a ditch. Yet no matter what they tried to do, the flag and anthem remained a scheduled part of the events. Chibana spent that night talking to his wife about his plan. She was due to have a baby in the next few days but gave him her support nonetheless. As he looked up at the Japanese flag, his heart pounded in anger that it had been raised here in Okinawa and in fear at the consequences of what he was about to do. He hurriedly scaled the wall, tugged on the ropes and brought the flag down. Awkwardly, he tried to set it on fire. When the flames finally caught, he raised the burning cloth for the stunned audience to see. Then he climbed back down and wondered what to do next. An old woman handed him his shoes while another shouted, "You must flee!" He ran out of the stadium. He could almost hear the president of the Japan Softball Association, Masaru Hirose, yelling for the police. A friend pulled up next to Chibana in his car, congratulated him and asked if he had a getaway vehicle. Chibana said that he hadn't really expected to get away, but that he was hungry. So his friend gave him a lift to the Kadena McDonald's where he had a hamburger. Finally he called a lawyer and turned himself in. In a country in which behaviour is tightly circumscribed by social approbation, Shoichi Chibana's act of flag-burning put him in the pages of history. It also put him in jail. While he was in prison, his wife gave birth to their child. Despite the seriousness of Chibana's actions, we laughed when he told us the story. He met us in Birdy's Bar, his favourite watering hole, which also happens to be the preferred drinking establishment of the Green Berets from the nearby American base. The Green Berets were in Somalia fighting at the time, and the talk in the bar was that eighteen of them had died two weeks earlier on a botched raid at Aideed. Chibana's good looks and easygoing, charming manner belie his reputation as a radical and fanatic. But, as he told us, he had never expected to become a leader: I was born in 1948. The Americans were nice to me and gave me candy. I liked Americans. When I was a young boy, many Okinawan girls in our area were called "honey" or "only." I didn't know until I was older that these terms meant prostitute and mistress. It was then I realized our powerlessness. We made a tiny fraction of what American GIs made. They could buy anything they wanted. That's why I worked for Okinawan reversion to Japan, hoping we'd be better off. Even after centuries of Japanese occupation, Okinawans knew they were different linguistically and culturally. Tokyo was a long way from Naha, and the local people chafed at being treated like second-class citizens. Nevertheless, two decades of occupation by the American military was perceived as worse than belonging to Japan. And so, when given the opportunity, Okinawans voted to revert to control by Japan. Chibana continued: I was pro-reversion. I waved the Japanese flag at rallies. Under the Americans, we didn't have basic human rights. We couldn't elect our own government, arrest American criminals, make our own laws. We were mad. American perpetrators of everything from traffic accidents to rape were tried by American military court and set free. We were frustrated and humiliated. The U.S. dollar was strong: it was $1 to ¥360. After graduating from high school, I worked at a steel mill. I was paid $50 a month. The chairman of the local government got $300. A low-level U.S. soldier got $200. An officer, $300 to $500. There were also many Vietnam War soldiers on R and R who had a good chance of dying in the very near future. So, of course, these men spent their money freely and mostly on women. There was public prostitution. Americans could hire a "wife," a woman whom they would put in a cage [an apartment] and give $50-$100 a month. Chibana stopped talking as the waitress put down another round of drinks. Then he resumed: Just because I was in the student movement doesn't make me special. Six hundred out of eight hundred students at the Ryukyu University would go to demonstrations. It was a time when the future of the island was being decided. That was the Okinawa of my youth. We were eager to escape all this by being incorporated into the Japanese Constitution. We thought it was beautiful, a real Peace Constitution. In the central part of Okinawa's main island, an atmosphere of war still hangs over the area because of the ubiquitous presence of the American military—stores selling used army equipment, shop signs with flags painted on the front and the words "American­ Owned" or "Welcome Americans," old dirty cars instantly recognizable as foreign-owned, military jets and huge helicopters roaring overhead continuously. Chibana motioned to the walls where lacquered posters of Cary Grant, Greta Garbo, and Humphrey Bogart smiled down at the Okinawan patrons. On the wall above the cash register hung the infamous picture of a doped-up Elvis shaking hands with Nixon. On the other side of that was a sign that read, "Welcome Military Personnel." It's not that I'm anti-American; it's their presence on our land. The Japanese Defence Force is the same to me. Actually, I'd rather have American soldiers than the Japanese Defence Force because of what Japanese soldiers did to us fifty years ago. I'm more afraid of the Japanese than I am of the Americans. I know many people here feel the same way. For many Okinawans, Japan's unique constitution, with its Peace clause, offers a model to the world, a renunciation of war forever. Imposed on a country humiliated by defeat, this remarkable document says: The Japanese people forever renounce war as a sovereign right of the nation and the threat or use of force as a means of settling international disputes. In order to accomplish the aim of the preceding paragraph, land, sea and air forces, as well as other war potential, will never be maintained. The right of belligerency of the state will not be recognized. Under the terms of the Japanese surrender and its new Peace Constitution, Japan could no longer have a standing army. But an escape from this stricture was the creation of the National Police Reserve, rationalized as a kind of internal national police force like the FBI or RCMP. In 1954 the National Police Reserve was converted into land, air, and maritime forces, known as Jieitai (Self-Defence Force), whose existence allegedly does not violate the Peace clause in the constitution. In terms of ground troops, ships, and planes, Japan's military strength now ranks sixth in the world. To Okinawans who remember the Japanese Imperial Army, which had cruelly used civilians as an integral part of the defence against the American invasion, the Self-Defence Force simply stirs up all those bad memories and loathing. Chibana leaned across the table as if telling us a secret: In 1973 after the reversion, a Japanese naval member of the Defence Force walked through town in his uniform. He was attacked and beaten up. It's the presence of any kind of military personnel that we resent. I am ambivalent about what I want. I don't speak about separation from Japan. Apart from our table, there was only one other person in the bar, an Okinawan who was busy chatting up the bartender. Chibana smiled at us and turned to the man. ''Are you Japanese?" he asked. The man, perplexed and slightly annoyed at being distracted from his conversation, answered tersely, "Yes," and then turned his back to us. Chibana leaned back into our conversation. There are three types of Okinawans. One type answers, "Yes, I'm Japanese." Another answers, "No, I'm Ryuku." The third group says, ''I'm both, but Okinawan first." I belong to the third group. If you consider the islands as Japanese, you will notice many Okinawan things. If you consider them Okinawan, you will notice many Japanese things. It's a strange place. Even more so after reversion. I'd love to say I am Okinawan but I'm in the Japanese economic structure. I carry a Japanese passport. I can't ignore that, but I'm not willing to accept it. Chibana explained that this sense of ambiguity is shared by the people of his community and the other ordinary people of Okinawa. That assures him that he is with them, even though his actions, such as burning the Japanese flag, sometimes look extreme. For me, the Hinomaru is not the national flag. Officially it's not the national flag. It's just the flag of the military during the war. Germany and Italy changed their flags. I didn't think burning the flag was such a big deal, but the response was shocking. It was so big. East Timorese, Puerto Ricans, American Indians all came to meet me for inspiration. I always answer, "Please don't consider me a representative of Okinawan dissent." I didn't expect the response from right-wingers either. They tried to burn my store. I couldn't imagine that. But there was also unexpected support. In the past five years everything has surprised me. Sixty-five lawyers from as far away as Osaka and Tokyo have volunteered to defend me. I don't even know most of their names. As we gathered up our belongings to leave Birdy's bar, Chibana had one final thing to say on the subject: I am still explaining why I burned the flag. People think I am a crazy radical. But when they talk to me, they realize I am just a normal person. In the context of Japan, the act looks crazy, but in the context of the community, it was not so strange. If the customers at my supermarket thought I was crazy, they could go elsewhere. They didn't stop coming. Many felt my action was extreme, but they understood why I did it. I feel I am supported. I am very happy with this support. I'm just an ordinary guy who wants to be with my pretty wife and my friends and my kids and socialize. The next day Chibana offered to show us the Chibichiri cave. That morning we left the Deigo Hotel in Okinawa city and drove past the Kadena base, the largest U.S. air base in Asia. Occupying forty-eight per­cent of Yomitan, it casts a wide shadow across the area. Once outside the city, our route took us along the island's edge, past rocky shores and lines of rectangular shapes in the water that revealed extensive aquaculture. Eventually we reached Yomitan village, Chibana's home. At the entrance of the village hall was a big sign declaring "nuclear­-free village" and on the stone wall facing the street was a large mural. Article 9 of the Japanese Constitution was written on the mural. At the time of reversion, Yomitan had 32,000 people, which qualified it to be classified as a town. In Japan and other countries all over the world, people prefer to have their communities in cities rather than towns and in towns rather than villages. People who live in villages are disdained, con­sidered hayseeds. The people of Yomitan deliberately chose to remain a village, a decision that is shocking in Japan, which worships the trend to bigger as better. Tokushin Yamauchi, the mayor of Yomitan and a good friend of Chibana's, says, "The Earth is a sphere, so wherever you live is the centre. Whether you live in Hiroshima or Yomitan, you are at the centre of the world." This is a strong statement about relativism, denying the hierarchical view and affirming diversity. There are different things on the Earth, there can continue to be, and there should be. In the hierarchical worldview, you are required to identify yourself according to its order. Refusing to be included in the hierarchical order, Chibana shows he is a member of his community; that is where his identity lies. In Yomitan stands the ruin of a sixteenth-century castle, and we met Chibana there, arriving at the same time as three busloads of teenage girls from a Christian school in Hiroshima, there as part of their peace studies. In the light of day, Chibana, with his perpetual smile, actually looked younger. He was dressed in a purple sweatshirt, blue jeans, running shoes, and a cloth cap. Standing on a wall at the top of a hill, he greeted the girls in the Okinawan dialect. In response to their shock, he explained: I spoke in my language to remind you that there are other languages than Japanese and to emphasize the need to respect other cultures. I want to talk to you about a tragic period when differences were denied and hated. In April 1945, 350,000 U.S. soldiers landed here to invade Okinawa. The fighting continued to September 1, even after the war had been officially ended on August 15. The landing here was intended to cut Okinawa into north and south parts. Before landing, the navy bombarded the shore. We estimate there were four bursts for every 3.3 square metres! We call it the Hurricane of Iron. After Chibana finished his lecture, he took us down a narrow flight of stairs to the Chibichiri-gama (cave). A creek murmured in the underbrush. Before the war, this was a popular picnic spot. After the war, it was used mostly as a garbage dump. Next to the low, dark cave entrance was a two-tiered sculpture, a plaster statue made to commemorate the eighty-four people who died in the cave. Most of the main figures have been defaced by right-wingers in retaliation for Chibana's "heinous act." The vandalism shocked the villagers and the relatives of the dead, who said it was like a "second death." After much discussion, it was decided to leave the damaged sculpture to remind people of what had happened. Immediately inside the cave mouth were garlands of colourful origami (folded paper) cranes, symbols of peace left by visitors. Written on one of the walls beside the cranes was a short poem: "Please tell future generations of the sadness of war." On the other side was a small, candlelit altar where people paused and prayed before entering the main body of the cave. For decades after the war, no one in the village had talked about what had happened in the caves. Then Tetsuro Shimojima, a nonfiction writer and artist from mainland Japan, started to investigate and he enlisted Chibana's help. When they first entered the cave after years of silence, they could hear the crunch of human bones underfoot. After Shimojima left, Chibana interviewed survivors and decided to act as caretaker and guide people through the cave. Up to 20,000 people visit the cave every year. Chibana told us and the other visitors what happened. On April 1, 1945, the first day of the battle of Okinawa, 140 people from Yomitan village hid in Chibichiri-gama. American troops sent a message saying those who surrendered would not be harmed. But the Okinawans had been taught in their Japanese-run schools that surrender, especially to the barbaric Americans, was an unimaginable, shameful act. They believed that once captured they were as good as dead. They had no will to live. As the terrified people tried to decide what to do, two veterans of war in Asia urged everyone to commit suicide. When the two old men ventured to the mouth of the cave, they were shot by the Americans. As they were dragged back, mortally wounded, the rest of the refugees knew a barbaric fate awaited them if they were taken alive. Chibana told us to turn off our flashlights. Instantly we were plunged into total darkness. All we heard was breathing and Chibana talking quietly. In the dark of the cave, a very pretty teenage girl begged her mother to kill her. She resisted, but her daughter's frantic pleas finally overcame her maternal instincts and she complied by slitting her daughter's throat. The killing had begun. Parents killed their children, then themselves; a nurse injected her family with poison and then others who begged for it until she ran out. The remaining survivors decided to block the cave entrance with their futons and set fire to them, but the flames were smothered by three women who had just given birth and were desperate that their newborn babies should live. The next day, another attempt was made to start a fire. As they lit the flame, the Okinawans screamed, "Long Live the Emperor." Dying was not easy and some people didn't die in spite of their wounds. In all, eighty-four of the 140 died, including forty-seven children. Some think the inhabitants of Chibichiri-gama were lucky because for them the war ended in two days. Inside the cave, the ceiling and walls are charred from the flames of the burning futons and bodies. The floor has been worn smooth by the feet of visitors except near the spot where most of the people died. Here the cave has been preserved the way it was when it was first discovered. There are charred bits of false teeth, buttons from student uniforms, a scythe (probably the one used by the mother to slit her daughter's throat), a fragment of a comb, and, of course, human bones. It is an exceptionally disturbing place. Chibana finished his speech. Those children did not take part in the decision, so I say it was not just a mass suicide but a mass murder. Why would mothers go against their every instinct and kill their own children? They preferred to kill the creatures they loved the best rather than let them be captured by the enemy. That's what they were taught. Their humanity was transformed by their education. Another cave, Shimuku-gama, was closer to the shore near a huge naval antenna called the Elephant Cage. There, 140 villagers hid out, but they all surrendered and none were killed. Why was there such a difference in the way people behaved at Chibichiri? Chibana thinks it is because in Shimuku there were two men who had lived and worked in Hawaii and knew Americans. They spoke some English and they negotiated a surrender. In Chibichiri, there were two ex-soldiers, who perhaps thought the Americans would be as cruel as the Japanese had been in Asia. The human mind is an amazing thing. There is nothing extraordinary about the physical makeup of the Chibichiri cave, nothing in the geophysical features that distinguish it from any other cave on the island. Yet, knowing its history, we make it special. We do that with other things as well. An object that once belonged to someone special or was used on a special occasion is physically no different from any other of its kind, but because of what it was witness to, we instil great value on it. Coming out of the Chibichiri cave, we were reminded of Shelley's famous inscription on the shattered statue of a past king: "My name is Ozymandias, king of kings. Look on my works, ye Mighty, and despair! Nothing beside remains." Fifty years after the Hurricane of Iron, there are no scars of war visible on the land, but psychic scars are seared into the hearts and souls of survivors. Chibana is a modern-day shaman whose role is to remember the past. Like the Jews who say, "To remember is the root of redemption but to forget leads to holocaust," Chibana has taken on the responsibility to speak for the dead. Although he is busy with his life and businesses, the community has tacitly assigned him the role of caretaker. Collectively and through him, they remember the past. Far from perpetuating the popular image of Japan as victim, two unlikely people, Toshi Maruki and Shoichi Chibana, have taken the significance of the Second World War to a deeper level. Atomic warfare is only another example of the human capacity to inflict brutality and hor­ror on one's fellow human beings. As Toshi Maruki showed us, if Hiroshima and Nagasaki are to have long-lasting symbolism, they must represent all war and cruelty. Chibana's actions reminded us of the often unthinking violence that occupying forces inflict upon indigenous peoples everywhere. As East Timorese (Indonesia), Penan (Malaysia), aborigines (Australia), and Amerindians of North and South America know, there remains much to redress. Remembering the Past "There are two ways to deal with your pain over the loss of a beloved. One is by remembering and the other is by forgetting." Saying of the Lakota people Countries and groups deal with the psychological scars of war in different ways. In North America, Japanese-Americans and Japanese-Canadians from the West Coast, who were uprooted and relocated to camps during the war, later struggled to become invisible and do well materially. As a group they are quite successful today. The generation that had experienced the evacuation from the West Coast and incarceration between 1942 and 1945 didn't talk about it much; they were too busy trying to be Americans or Canadians and affirming their worth. During the campaign to gain redress for the wartime persecution, sansei and yonsei, third- and fourth-generation Americans and Canadians of Japanese descent, most of them born after the war's end, saw the relo­cation as the definitive event that defines what Japanese-Canadians and Japanese-Americans are today. The uprooting has been romanticized in the lore of their identity. Fifty years is a long time in the life of an individual, but it's a mere flash in history. In Canada, the defeat of the French by the English on the Plains of Abraham more than two hundred years ago is still deeply embedded in the Quebecois psyche, and its ramifications fuel the current Canadian agony over the future of Quebec. In the United States, a recent PBS series on the Civil War rekindled the collective memory of the great trauma that occurred more than a century ago. The problems of Northern Ireland, the Palestinian question, the inhumanity of Bosnia, all these are merely current manifestations of historical events. Fifty years is but a moment. While war remains omnipresent in Japan, one is struck by the Japanese syndrome of forgetfulness. War is everywhere, yet war is nowhere. Everybody remembers the war, but everybody has forgotten it. It seems that two forces in the society contradict each other, with the prevailing force being the ability to forget. For Jews with a long collective memory of ghettos, pogroms, and the Holocaust, there is a powerful will to remember. On the cover of the series of booklets put out by the National Archives of the Canadian Jewish Congress is a quote from Baal Shem Tov: Forgetfulness leads to Holocaust; Remembering is the root of redemption. In contrast to the way the Jewish community treasures its memories and survivors of the Holocaust, those who lived through Hiroshima and their families are often targets of discrimination in Japan. People avoid them and the subject as if they might catch their disease. And Japanese society often supports the attitude that victims are to be blamed. Many Korean hibakusha (bomb victims), who had been forcibly taken as labour to Hiroshima before the bomb, were excluded from pensions or compensations for which Japanese victims were eligible. But perhaps most importantly, most people seem to have chosen not to speak of the atomic bombs, obediently following demands of American censors. The Japanese government has a long record of editing textbooks to exclude the wartime Japanese history and its role as an aggressor. As the fiftieth anniversary of the end of the Second World War approached, Japanese politicians faced the task of presenting a resolution to mark the occasion. Prime Minister Tomiichi Murayama, of the Social Democratic Party, proposed to "acknowledge the nation's militaristic past so Japan can become an 'honourable' country." But the process of drafting the statement stalled when the three parties that made up the coalition government couldn't agree on the wording. Late on Friday evening, June 9, 1995, the resolution was finally passed despite the absence of Shinshinto, the largest opposition party. The ruling coalition rejected last-minute amendments suggested by the Shinshinto party, and in protest, the party's 171 members boycotted the plenary session in the Lower House. The Japanese Communist party attended the session but voted against the draft, declaring its contents too ambiguous. The resolution says: On the occasion of the fiftieth year since the end of the World War, this chamber of the Diet offers its sincere condolences to the war dead and to all other victims of the war throughout the world. We look back at the various instances of colonial rule and acts of aggression in modern history in the world and recognize both that we carried out such acts and that we brought suffering upon the citizens of other nations, especially in Asia, and express deep regret. This chamber, under the ideals of eternal peace enunciated in the Constitution, hereby expresses its determination to open a future of peaceful coexistence for humankind by joining hands with other countries of the world. We affirm the above.1 The angry response of Asian countries to Japan's reluctance to acknowledge its militaristic past underlines their deep suspicion that the country hasn't changed and bears no remorse. The number of cabinet members who, by denying Japanese atrocity or aggression, have raised the ire of other countries demonstrates the depth of historic revisionism in Japanese society. As the only country ever to experience the deliberate explosion of a nuclear weapon in war, Japan has been a symbol for the peace movement. The memorials in Hiroshima and Nagasaki are powerful incentives to forswear nuclear war altogether. It is therefore ironic that Japan has become one of the leading users of nuclear power. To be sure, Japan's energy-hungry industry makes demands that cannot be fulfilled by the country's own energy resources. Japan is therefore extremely vulnerable to the vicissitudes of economic, political, and social volatility in other countries and regions. Hence, the high percentage of nuclear power plants in spite of strong grassroots opposition to their presence in local regions. The power of the central government is obvious in the way the nuclear industry has been promoted and forced into communities that have opposed it. Against considerable global approbation, Japan has welcomed the shipment of highly radioactive nuclear wastes for reprocessing into high­grade plutonium, the major fuel for nuclear weapons. To counteract the objection to Japan's nuclear involvement, the government paid for a pro­motional film made by the Power Reactor and Nuclear Fuel Development Corporation. In the film, Pluto Boy, a cartoon character, tells children that plutonium is a safe friend of human beings. Pluto Boy introduces himself in an innocent, baby voice: "I am not a monster. Please look carefully at the real me. I really hate war. I love working for peace."2 Pluto Boy then drinks water that has been contaminated with pluto­nium to show that it is harmless. This scene caused an international uproar. U.S. Secretary of Energy Hazel O'Leary sent a letter of protest to the president of the nuclear agency: Pluto Boy downplays the dangers of plutonium by asserting that even a child could drink water containing plutonium without harm. This approach to an important public-health concern is misleading.3 There are other reasons for concern about Japan's use of nuclear power. Japan is a mountainous series of islands with its population densely packed into limited habitable spaces. But as part of the geologically unstable "ring of fire," the islands are constantly subject to earthquakes. A Kobe-size tremor near a nuclear plant could prove disastrous. Another safety factor that can't be ignored is the risk of accidents. Also, there is no such thing as a foolproof technology for shipping and processing highly radioactive materials. No technology, including airplanes, computers, or cars, can ever be free of accident. What's more, nuclear technology to generate power cannot be separated from weapons. The release of energy by atomic fission can be harnessed for peaceful or military purposes. There is no clear line that separates the two fates. In most countries, radioactive material flows freely between the energy and military sectors. As recent history involving Israel, South Africa, and India indicates, once sold, radioactive material gets lost, exploited in unexpected ways, or used illicitly, all of which are beyond control. Nuclear weapons represent the undeniable link between dangers of nuclear power and modern warfare. The vast majority of scientists around the world carry out work for military agencies whose research budgets far exceed those for health, transportation, communication, and education combined. Modern weapons from napalm to Agent Orange, neutron bombs, Star Wars, Patriot missiles, and weapons that target specific ethnic groups were not dreamed up and created by military minds. It was scientists who conceived them. War itself is always a massive experiment, a test of new weapons and theories whose consequences can be measured only after tests are performed. Once the atomic bomb had been created and tested by some of the greatest minds in physics, many just couldn't wait to see it used under the "real" conditions of war. Edward Teller, the so-called father of the hydrogen bomb, has often stated that he hadn't wanted to have the bomb dropped over Hiroshima. Instead, he had recommended that it be exploded high in the sky so that Japan could see that a new weapon had indeed been invented. He believed Japan would then have surrendered. Most historians agree the second bomb over Nagasaki was superfluous—the Japanese had seen what happened to Hiroshima. But the fact that the Nagasaki bomb was based on a different mechanism supports the notion it was dropped as an experiment. As a victim, Japan ought to be sensitive to deep issues raised by nuclear technology and warfare. • We went to the lobby of a very grand hotel in the centre of Tokyo to meet with Katsuichi Honda, a famous journalist, and talk about such issues. A slim, modest man, unlike the swashbuckling figure one might expect, he wore a sloppy wig, not as an affectation, but as a disguise to hide his identity from right-wing militarists who act violently towards individuals like him. It was raining hard outside, and Honda's umbrella spread water across the floor. In such a luxurious place, the three of us, in our casual clothes, looked like misfits. Honda is an extremely busy man, yet when he was talking to us, he was relaxed, soft-spoken, pensive. He gave us the impression that he didn't have anywhere better to be. Honda is a rarity in Japan, someone who sees his own society and culture with remarkable clarity. What makes him even more exceptional is that, in a country where conformity and social equanimity are all­important, he doesn't flinch from delivering his blunt and often harsh critiques. Honda sees the military mentality as pervasive in Japan's unquestioning conformity and in its battles against Ainu (Japan's indigenous people), Koreans, Okinawans, and even nature itself. What kind of a man is Honda? What made him such a severe critic of his own society? How has Honda established a journalistic reputation based on questioning some of the most deeply held assumptions of Japanese people? When they travel, most Japanese stay together in groups—Honda describes them as tight schools of medaka fish—yet he earned his reputation by undertaking adventures most Japanese would never think of experiencing alone. His audacious articles and his questioning of common assumptions and beliefs have made him a bête noire of right-wingers. His books have been bestsellers and he is well known and widely admired. A 1987 survey of Japanese college students revealed that Honda was the author they were most interested in reading. Honda was born in 1932, in a small village in the mountains of Nagano in the central part of Japan. It was his childhood that has shaped his outlook. He told us: In those days the rivers were full of fish and animals. Life was abundant. The rivers were all destroyed by the mid 1960s. I loved nature. My boyhood dream was to become a biologist. Later I got involved in mountain climbing, but at first I did it mainly to be closer to nature. As a college student, Honda joined a mountaineering club and went to the Himalayas twice. Although his first love was mountaineering, he couldn't make a living as a climber. Since he also liked writing, he chose journalism and began work for the Asahi Shinbun, one of Japan's largest newspapers. In 1959, he was assigned to visit Hokkaido, the country's northernmost large island, for three years. Like most Japanese, he wasn't aware of the problems of the Ainu, the indigenous people of Japan, although he did know that there was enormous prejudice towards them. Later, long before it was chic to do so, Honda became a champion of Ainu people and culture. His big break, professionally, happened when thirteen Japanese climbers died in a mountain-climbing accident. Honda hired a helicopter to drop him near the accident. As an experienced climber, he was able to reach the accident site before any other reporters and give an on­location report. It was a major scoop and his reports electrified the pub­lic. As recognition of his initiative, Honda was given the freedom to cover whatever he liked. Honda travelled to exotic remote places and somehow tapped a Japanese vicarious enjoyment of such areas. In 1963 he lived with the Inuit on Canada's Melville Peninsula for three months; Japanese readers were riveted by his reports. Then, over a six-month period, he made a number of trips to Irian Jaya, the Indonesian part of the island of New Guinea, to live for a month with the native highlanders who were then considered Stone Age people; again, a big hit with Japanese readers. Honda told us: I went to Arabia and lived with the Bedouins. Then the Vietnam War heated up. By 1966 I had done northern Canada, New Guinea, and Arabia. I had formed my own ideas about what journalism is. So I decided, instead of going to exotic areas, I should look at the biggest problem facing us—Vietnam. Honda's reporting from Vietnam rode the wave of anti-Vietnam War sentiment in Japan. He saw the war as one in a long line of invasions by the United States. Up to 500,000 American soldiers were already in Vietnam. I noticed that photographers went to the front, but journalists didn't. So I decided to visit villages at the front lines and see how the people lived. I witnessed Americans committing atrocities on villagers and I reported it. [My reports] created a sensation. In postwar Japan, a victorious United States had imposed the constitution, which stood as the ideal of a democracy defending freedom and opposing discrimination. But what Honda saw in Vietnam didn't fit his image of Americans, and he began to seriously question what the U.S. really represented. His reports from the battlefields reflected his skepticism. Wishing to know more about Americans, he went to the United States, where he learned that Japanese had acted in similarly barbarous ways during the Second World War. In 1971 Honda visited places in China where Japanese soldiers had committed atrocities during the Fifteen-Year War. What did Japan do to China between 1931 and 1945? It was nothing but aggression and invasion. However, the mass media never used these words, referring instead to "war," as if both sides were to be equally blamed for the conflict. The Fifteen-Year War was a classical case of colonial invasion by Japan.4 According to Honda, five main components make up an "invasion": murder; physical violence such as pillage, arson, and destruction; rape; enslavement; and economic exploitation. Graphically and without softening his words, he bluntly defined Japan's attack on China as an invasion. At that time little was known publicly of the Nanjing Massacre (Rape of Nanking), which was perpetrated by the Japanese Army against the Chinese of Nanjing in 1937, The Imperial Army started an intensive attack on Nanjing on December 10, 1937, and killed at least 200,000 people over the next six weeks. Honda said the atrocities were not the result of a sudden killing frenzy but began from the moment the Japanese troops landed. To people accustomed to politeness and government propaganda, his descriptions were shocking. One was a report of an incident on November 22, 1937, when about one hundred soldiers entered a village of twelve households and forty-nine people. Thirty-eight were caught and the horror began. There were two young women: one, a seventeen-year-old; the other, a pregnant woman. The two were separated from the other prisoners, and many Japanese soldiers raped them. The women who were raped were dragged to the garden as other soldiers were setting houses on fire. Soldiers thrust a bamboo stick in the seventeen-year-old's vagina; she died as swords pierced her. The pregnant woman was also disembowelled as soldiers gouged the embryo from her body.5 Honda went on to document men being locked in houses that were then set on fire so they burned alive. A two-year-old began to cry in fear and he was torn from his mother and thrown into a burning hut. Most of the remaining prisoners were forced to jump into a ditch where they were shot. Honda's description was based on an interview with a Chinese man who miraculously survived the terrible incident. He also found a Japanese man named Tanaka who had been one of the soldiers who herded Chinese villagers into a river and began shooting them. Honda reported how Tanaka was haunted by the image of prisoners trying to escape the bullets by climbing on top of each other in a gigantic human column. The order was to kill every Chinese to avoid international coverage and condemnation. But not all died. A fifty-seven-year-old survivor of Nanjing who was seven at the time gave Honda intimate details. He described how the Japanese soldiers, upon entering his home, shot his father and a neighbour. The boy fled to the bedroom and hid under a blanket. He heard his grandfather being shot, then the blanket was pulled aside and he witnessed a scene from hell: There were many soldiers standing there. My grandmother came to protect us; she was immediately shot. I could see the white brain spurting out of my grandmother's head. I fainted so I didn't see what happened afterward. After some time, I regained consciousness as my four-year-old sister was crying. It was still bright outside. She was crying under a blanket... On the same bed, one of my sisters [thirteen years old at the time] lay dead. Her lower parts were naked and both legs were thrown on the floor. In front of the bed was the corpse of my grandmother. Near the door was my grandfather's corpse.6 But if these stories merely corroborate the brutality and inhumanity of war, Honda does not excuse the Japanese. The fundamental difference between Japan and others is the ways in which the Japanese take responsibility for the atrocities... The problem is not in the past, but rather in the present. Twenty years after the war's end, most Japanese still do not know what the Japanese did in China... There is nothing to be gained from apologizing for past militarism. A true apology is to prevent the rise of militarism today.7 Based on his wide travel outside Japan, Honda suggested that, in spite of Japan's attempt to portray itself as a victim of atomic weaponry, the rest of Asia has not accepted this image. All over Asia, in places like Nanjing, Singapore, Corregidor (the Philippines), Chungjing (China), and Panmunjom (Korea), people remember Japanese brutality. Pointing out that Japan also violated international law by using chemical weapons in China, Honda hammered at the fact that his country has never pursued war criminals on its own initiative. Japan's failure to face up to its guilt is a theme Honda has returned to again and again in his writing: On the fortieth anniversary of the German surrender, West German President von Weizsacker made a memorable speech about the need to remember and recognize past war responsibility and guilt. What did the Japanese prime minister do on the fortieth anniversary of the war's end? Nakasone publicly worshipped at the Yasukuni Shrine—the shrine that honours war dead, and in particular, war criminals—an action that earlier prime ministers had avoided. This is like going to the grave sites of important Nazi leaders in Germany... However, the Japanese government's actions were predictable for those who understand the Japanese behavioural pattern. In Japan, a Class A war criminal, Kishi Nobosuke, became prime minister; a major war criminal like Kodama Yoshio becomes a key figure in the Lockheed scandal [in which the American warplane manufacturer gave multi-million-dollar bribes to Japanese politicians], and no one pursues the Emperor's war guilt. The Japanese people are irresponsible. Hence, it is to be expected and consistent that Prime Minister Nakasone should honour war criminals. Postwar conservative regimes have not changed at all; in this sense ... the Japanese have been ruled by a single-party dictatorship since the Meiji Period.8 There was very little difference ten years later at the fiftieth anniversary, although what Honda called "a single-party dictatorship" began to collapse in 1994. In the heated debate over the Fiftieth Anniversary resolution by the parliament, the opposition group expressed an anxiety that many Japanese have felt: Do those of us who were born after the war have to keep accepting the burden of guilt? What are we responsible for? To these questions, Honda answered: Our generation has no obligation to apologize to the people for the Japanese invasion. However, we must recognize Japanese war guilt. We must not let the prewar symbol of militarism re-emerge or let the prime minister revive Yasukuni Shrine as a public institution. As long as we let these things go on, we become responsible, and pass on our crime to our children's generation.9 During the period Honda was most intensely engaged in activities in Vietnam, he also investigated a new kind of war—against the destruction of the environment. In 1973 he wrote movingly about his childhood memories and how his village had changed in the intervening years. When his father died, Honda took a leave from the newspaper and returned to his village in Nagano prefecture to help his mother and sister. One of his happy childhood memories was of catching tadpoles, which he would put in the pond in his backyard. Tadpoles represented the peace and serenity of the village. So Honda walked to the swamp where he had netted tadpoles. Instead of a swamp, he found rice paddies. Nonetheless, that alone should not have prevented me from finding tadpoles. As in the past, water still flows and tadpoles can live in a rice paddy. But pesticides have wreaked havoc—I could not find a single tadpole. Except for eels, all the fish that used to be so plentiful have disappeared. From my childhood memory and play, I know very well which type of fish live in which part of the small river. Therefore, it didn't take me long to realize that there were no tadpoles in all the swamp. Without my parents, my village is a lonely place. If the rivers were still filled with shrimp and tadpoles, if the fireflies still flew into the house, if the frogs still cried all night long, our village would still encompass the images and smell of my parents. Such a place would evoke my home. But our beautiful and verdant village has become silent because of the terrible poisoning of our mountains and farms. With my parents' death, nature has also died. Not sadness but anger dwells within.IO What Honda saw in Japan was in striking contrast to what he had observed in war-torn North Vietnam two years after his mother's death. Walking through the villages, he observed paddies and rivers full of shrimp and small fish. The farmers were using fertilizers that didn't kill other forms of life. As I was looking at the small fish in the paddies, I wondered who was being destroyed. North Vietnam is daily being bombed and destroyed. However, the country that is being more fundamentally destroyed is Japan. My village can be seen in North Vietnamese villages. With the plan for the renovation of the Japanese archipelago, what will happen to our nature and environment? In my hometown, new highway construction is in progress. People even discuss a new high-speed railway system. I wonder if the villagers will really find happiness in all this.11 In 1989, he wrote passionately to his fellow Japanese in words that should be heeded in North America: People who grew up in the countryside should go back and observe the mountains and rivers of your youth. People who grew up near the ocean, observe your favourite beach. People who grew up in a city, revisit a rural area you visited several years ago. You will then understand the continuing destruction of our environment. Yet the present is better than the future... I visited the Shiga Highlands near my hometown recently. The mountains have become bald from all the ski slopes. Even the last bastion of nature, the national park, is threatened with "development." Tourist companies, including Seibu, are lined up with development plans. Furthermore, construction is paid for with public money as corporations negotiate favourable financial arrangements. My hometown is being invaded.12 What is the meaning of progress in this seemingly prosperous country? Honda asked angrily. The forestry department was cutting down old-growth forest in national parks, and the Ministry of the Environment supported plans to destroy the last remaining coral reef to build an airport in Okinawa, while what was called the "resort plan" was supposed to turn twenty percent of Japanese land into golf courses and other types of leisure development. As early as 1974, Honda wrote an article entitled "Development as Invasion": So far, no one has bought up the atmosphere. Yet it is possible to enclose a particular area and claim all the air within. This is no longer a matter of fantasy; that is precisely what is happening to water and land.13 By using the term "invasion," he deliberately superimposed what was happening in postwar Japan on the wartime Japan. Some argue that the Japanese value nature, but I have my doubts... The people who live on the land are, sadly, devoid of any desire to be grateful for, and prevent the destruction of, nature. There are only 20,000 people in bird-watching societies, but over 300,000 people have licences to shoot these birds. Japan is populated by some of the most spiritually impoverished people in the world.14 Since retiring from the Asahi newspaper, Honda has worked as the publisher and editor-in-chief of a new weekly magazine called Kinyobi (Friday), which offers a forum for critical and investigative journalism largely lacking in mainstream media. His outspoken opinions have led to threats of physical violence from right-wingers. Several years ago, the Kansai branch of the Asahi newspaper was attacked and one person was killed. One of the right-wing organizers said, "If someone had to be killed, why wasn't it Honda?" Ever since, Honda has disguised himself whenever he appears on television or attends public events. Yet Honda seems to be everywhere—at a remote Ainu village giving the eulogy at an elder's funeral, or in Okinawa lecturing on ethnicity—and all the while, his books keep on coming. Whenever he is asked to attend a rally, concert, or conference, he seldom refuses. In 1990, Hitoshi Motojima, the mayor of Nagasaki, publicly affirmed Emperor Hirohito's war responsibility. Shortly afterwards he was shot in the back at point-blank range by an assassin. The mayor survived and Honda raged: The barbaric murder attempt serves to let the whole world know of the irrationality, the lack of ethics, and the pre-modern state of consciousness of the Japanese who have not changed at all since the Second World War. It can be said that the assassin played an extremely unpatriotic role.15 Honda has repeatedly argued that true patriots are those who risk their lives by criticizing the wrongdoing of their country. He told us that he wanted to write a book called "What You Should Not Learn from Japan" for people outside the country. "To expose shameful aspects of our society, that's my patriotism," he said quietly. The key concept of such a book would be "medaka society'' (medaka are small fish that have been a favourite research animal for Japanese scientists). In our interview, he explained it as follows: I call Japan a medaka society, where thousands of little fish are in one school all going in the same direction. There is no leader, no common logic. They just watch what their neighbour does. If he turns, they all turn. Neither theory nor logic nor ethics underlies or informs Japanese behaviour. Quite simply, a Japanese looks around and does what others are doing; that is the principle of action. That's why Japanese have trouble with theory, logic, and ethics; they cannot argue or debate. Particularity, idiosyncrasy and individuality are hated and discouraged. That and Japanese environmental problems are closely related. In a 1991 article he redefined the term and applied it to his analysis of ijime (student bullies), a major sociological problem facing Japanese society in recent years. The medaka society is a product of the Ministry of Education. It is, of course, easy to administer a society of medaka. In order to create a medaka society, the Ministry of Education defines education as regurgitation. The Ministry of Education decides what is good to think, while denigrating individual opinion. Individuality is punished, and no one is encouraged to think on one's own. And things are getting worse... Recently the problem of ijime—students bullying other students—has become serious in elementary and junior high schools. The root of ijime is that some students are harassed and beaten up for being different from the majority... anyone who is different becomes the target.16 Earlier, in 1986, Honda berated Japanese for their unthinking conformity. A reporter from National Public Radio in Washington, D.C., described Japanese behaviour in the following way: once a problem is solved, the Japanese immediately start running in the same direction. In general, Japanese behaviour is based on the principle of emulating the majority. This is one of the causes of the Japanese soldiers' atrocious behaviour during the Second World War. When other soldiers were engaged in a massacre, no individual would dare stop it. On the contrary, everybody simply participated in the inhumane act.17 We asked Honda what is peculiar about the Japanese political structure. He replied: Tetsu no sankakukei— the iron triangle—refers to bureaucrats, corporations, and politicians. I'd add to that the mass media. Individuals or groups that do something different feel strong pressure. There is an inertia that resists change. If we had had a national referendum on the Nagara River issue, we would have won. [He was referring to one of the two remaining wild rivers in Japan, which developers wanted to tame with dams and concrete walls to prevent flooding. Environmentalists and fishermen fought against it, and the opponents grew into a major grassroots environmental movement. They lost, but the experience signalled the potential power of grassroots action. Soon after the development was completed, negative effects on fishing were detected.] But there is no system like that and no grassroots movement to create such a system. We have nothing equivalent to a citizenry formed by autonomous individuals. In Japanese history, there is not one example of a grassroots movement changing the power structure. The medaka society has a long history. We commented that Americans and Europeans have destroyed nature too. Isn't the problem more a consequence of modern life rather than a specifically Japanese problem? we asked. Yes, but in the West, there was always resistance. Look at Japanese rivers. They're all straight and enclosed in concrete. In Europe there is a movement to remove the concrete. There are many examples of Europeans moving against environmental destruction. We suggested that urbanization and the global economy have disconnected us from the factors that once stabilized communities and gave a sense of place. Honda replied: Being separated from nature, we are now experiencing some strange things. Many kids exhibit strange behaviour. They are locking themselves in their rooms and refusing to come out for years. They are killing their parents. There are lots of examples like that in my article "Revenge of the Children." When we study it closely, aberrant children all have something in common—total alienation from nature. As we wrapped up our conversation, we asked Honda where he finds hope. He first said, apologetically, that he was not an optimist but then said: We need a revolution to overthrow the establishment. And it has to come from the grassroots. We will need help from outside. We must create a solidarity with people outside. By being supported and endorsed from outside, people and groups within Japan have a better effect. Nagano, the minister of justice who said the Nanjing massacre didn't happen, would have got away with it, but there was a massive protest from China and Korea. So he got fired. In his humble way, Honda expressed a hope that he'll play a role in the grassroots revolution. "Opinions are not enough," he said. "We need facts to support our struggle. That's where our work as journalists would be expected to play an important role." We asked whether he was encouraged by the fact that he had a lot of readers. "Yes, I am, but it's still far from enough to cause change in the whole structure." • There are others who have actively criticized and opposed the military activity of Japan and its complicity in such activity with other countries. A remarkable thinker and critic is Shunsuke Tsurumi, the author and editor of numerous books and a former professor at a number of universities. Tsurumi, one of Japan's leading intellectuals and activists, began his life as a rebel early on. He was born in Tokyo in 1922 and, as a child, watched his father, Yusuke, a major liberal political force, become powerless in the face of increasing Japanese militarism. As Japan entered the period of the Fifteen-Year War, Tsurumi spent most of his youth hiding behind books, cutting class, and getting into trouble. By the time he was fifteen, Tsurumi had been kicked out of many schools and was becoming a serious embarrassment to his father. Tsurumi was sent to live in the United States. Miraculously, once he left Japan, Tsurumi became a wonder student. He quickly mastered English and, at sixteen, gained admittance to the philosophy department of Harvard. One day not long after Japan had launched the war against the United States, police came to Tsurumi's apartment and asked, "Are you an anarchist?" Tsurumi replied, "I can't say no to that question." He was promptly jailed and scheduled for deportation along with other prisoners of war. While in jail, Tsurumi completed his thesis and graduated from Harvard. Since his deportation, he has chosen never to re-enter the United States. Upon his return to Japan, Tsurumi served in the navy in Indonesia. After the war ended, he organized a group of brilliant thinkers, including his Princeton-educated sister, Kazuko, and put out a magazine called Shiso no Kagaku (Science of Thoughts), which celebrated its fiftieth anniversary in the spring of 1996. Tsurumi is more than just an armchair intellectual. He has been an active organizer for decades. He was a major force behind the "Peace in Vietnam" sit-ins and demonstrations during the Vietnam War. He says with a smile that during that period he spent more time sitting on the road than on a chair. He has also always been active in Korean issues. In the 1980s Tsurumi and some friends published from his house a maga­zine called Koreans to force the government to get rid of detention centres designed for illegal aliens and used exclusively for non-Westerners. We met him in Kyoto, where he has lived since the 1960s. Like Honda, Tsurumi sees the continuation of the prewar mentality into contemporary society of Japan, and he views the past with some regrets. During the war, like most Japanese he was helplessly swept up in the tide. After the defeat, the Allied occupation forces imposed progressive social reforms that the Japanese could not have accomplished. Tsurumi's great regret is that the Japanese couldn't institute the reforms on their own. Japanese had a great opportunity to con­template the meanings of war and peace and determine their future, but in their haste to build a new life, something important was missed. He told us: When the constitution was proposed to the people, Japan lay in ruins. That was the landscape that surrounded the Japanese and the Americans from the occupation force. And the ruins were not only in Tokyo, Yokohama, Nagoya, and Osaka, but also in Okinawa, Hiroshima, and Nagasaki. It didn't end there. It was all over in China, Philippines, Burma, and other places. Many Japanese failed to face the ruins that existed beyond their limited world. Both Japanese and Americans failed to see the ruins in Okinawa and the ruins in Hiroshima and Nagasaki. Tsurumi reminded us that we must see the imposition of the consti­tution in its context, set in a landscape devastated by the war. We need to see that wartime landscape in order to see our future. The prevailing view in contemporary Japan is that the ruins are in the remote past. By looking at the future and acknowledging the potential ruins that wait there, we can see more clearly the path that we are walking today. The constitution seemed to hold out the promise of a new beginning in a devastated country. In this fact, Tsurumi sees hope for the Japanese. "If we wish, we now may be able to understand the meaning of our experience better than the Americans of fifty years ago and even better than the Americans of today." • While Tsurumi has been able to reflect on Japanese from within the country, others have been kept on the margins of society. They can therefore see with the objectivity of outsiders. Still others, such as Honda, have acquired a perspective from having travelled extensively in other parts of the world. Another top Japanese journalist, Hiroshi Ishi, specializes in environmental topics and has visited every continent on the planet and more than seventy countries. While on sabbatical from the Asahi Shinbun newspaper to work with the David Suzuki Foundation in Vancouver, he described in his typical straightforward style the militaristic nature of Japanese society and its ultimate impact on the environment. To support his viewpoint, Ishi pointed out that Japanese boys go to school in military-like uniforms and short haircuts. Japan is a military society based on war. Every ten to twenty years the country experienced a major war. After the Second World War, the Americans prohibited arms or the means to war. But Japan didn't lose the military mentality. Instead, it was transferred one hundred percent to the economy. Today Japanese media refer constantly to the trade war. Japan's business community invades countries and wins by destroying industry. For example, Japan destroyed the textile industry in England, watches in Switzerland, cameras in Germany, high tech and automobiles in America. Japan's workers are like soldiers. That explains why they can tolerate the terrible conditions they live and work under. It is a state of war. Often the company provides the workers with homes that are analogous to barracks. The soldiers travel, uncomplaining, in jam-packed subways to reach the battlefront where the officers (bosses) tell them what to do. When the battle is finished at the end of the day, then the men confirm their solidarity and fraternity at the bar. Finally, late at night, they return to the barracks where all they do is sleep. This is a country in which war dominates the psyche. Ishi also applied his notion of militarism to Japan's economy and finances. Japanese companies are often not interested in profit as much as they are in market share. By capturing the market, the war is won. The salaryman [corporate executive] is often referred to as a corporate warrior. Karoshi, the sudden death of an apparently healthy person, has been recognized to be the result of overwork. This is the equivalent of death in the battlefield. Tanshin funin is service performed for a company abroad or in a remote part of Japan: often the worker is sent alone to spend long periods away from home and family. It is a disruptive service in the name of the company. The wartime frame of mind has been preserved and applied to the postwar nation building, Ishi believes. During a war, the industrial machines increase their production capacity to pour out weapons and material of war. Once the war ends, the industry is overproducing and must seek a market for its products. One way is to embark on another war, and for the West, that was the Cold War. But the Cold War didn't use the products. What could be done is to create new markets, for example, with Third World dictatorships, and embark on hostilities [Korea, Vietnam]. Another way is to diversify, produce modified products, and create a market by encouraging overconsumption. The Japanese are a perfect population for that—overproducers, overconsumers, throwaway. Even the destruction of urban centres in Japan during the war worked as an advantage, because the country could rebuild from scratch and build the most modern, efficient factories. Ishi's invocation of "battlefields" and "warriors" provides another way to view the activities of major industries in the global economy. But the economic miracle of postwar Japan has impressed the international community, many of whom would like to emulate the country's record. Yet even as a culture of militarism may underlie the business agenda, Japan's leaders have actively promoted an image of their country as a victim of atomic warfare, while denying their country's record of aggression and atrocity. But as such thinkers as Tsurumi and Honda point out, until Japan faces up to and renounces its past, the country cannot take a place as an equal among the community of nations. Life is the Treasure "When we saw the atrocities of broken heads, hands and feet torn off, intestines scattered about, innocent children slaughtered, and the spectacle of mountains of dead bodies more than the eye could take in, we thought that neither God nor Buddha was in this world, but only the Devil." Shoko Ahagon In war, it is often said that "might is right" and "to the victors go the spoils," implying that right and wrong are irrelevant. However, many see the Second World War as the last great battle between the forces of evil and virtue, or fascism and democracy, which the good guys won. Half a century later, when the raw passions of hatred and pain have faded, the line between good and evil is not so clear. Films may romanticize acts of heroism, compassion, and generosity that undoubtedly do occur during battle. But in war we are all losers. Even the conqueror must gain his victory by acts of brutality and murder. For the survivors of the Hurricane of Iron, the devastating bombardment and invasion of Okinawa as the war drew to a close, the end of war did not end the suffering and grief. Buildings and villages were flattened, the land torn apart, and friends and relatives left dead or wounded. "Peace" meant a continued struggle for survival and turned out to be merely a prelude to a second invasion of American troops. For Shoko Ahagon, the American occupation and confiscation of farmers' lands was a galvanizing call to action and led him to question deeply the consequences of war. He became a leader in the call for an end to American occupation, which he believes will "rehumanize" all of us. He is an inspiring beacon of peace, a farmer and peace advocate many regard as the Okinawan Gandhi. • To meet him, we travelled by bus two hours north from Naha, the capital of Okinawa, then took a thirty-minute ferry ride to Iejima, a small island of 5,000 people with a large U.S. military base. From the ferry we could see Gusukuyama, a hill of 172 metres, looming out of the centre of the flat island. It had once had a beautiful shape, reminiscent of Mount Fuji. During the war, however, American shells destroyed a cave within it, and today, Gusukuyama's silhouette reveals jagged gouges, its lovely symmetry cruelly disfigured by that relentless bombardment. It is a constant reminder of the ravages of war. We were met at the dock by Ahagon's two assistants: Hiroko Yamashiro, a cheerful woman of thirty, and her aunt, Etsuko Jahana, a woman in her mid-fifties who uses crutches to walk. "Did you come all the way from Japan today?" Jahana asked us. At first the question startled us with its implication that Japan was a foreign country. When we asked Jahana to tell us about Ahagon and his Wabiai no Sato (Village of Forgiveness and Peace) complex, she explained that it was from there he wrote, taught, and demonstrated the power and value of peace, education, and dialogue. Originally planned as a place for the elderly and disabled to live and learn, the complex was part of Ahagon's overall plan to build a school for farmers on his land in the Maja district of the island, which is now occupied by the American base. Shoko Ahagon was born in 1903 in Okinawa, just across the bay from Iejima. He was one in a large farming family of seven brothers and sisters. Because he was physically the weakest, he chose not to become a farmer. At eighteen he decided to become an elementary-school teacher and left home bound for Tokyo. But while in Osaka he read of the great Tokyo earthquake, which had recently occurred, and decided instead to go overseas. He spent five years working in Cuba and five years in Peru. In Cuba he found a land completely controlled by landlords. It became clear that if he stayed there, he would be a slave all his life. So he went to Peru and worked for a barber, thinking that a barber is an honest profession. He was saving money to go home when his close friend got sick and said he wanted to die in Okinawa. Ahagon gave him the money he had saved. He slowly worked his way back. Panama, Mexico, San Francisco, then home to Japan. Since he had studied the Bible extensively, Ahagon decided to become a minister. He went to see an internationally known minister in Tokyo who advised him to go back to Okinawa and be a farmer. Undeterred, Ahagon went to Kyoto to visit Tenko Nishida, who had a well-known spiritual retreat. But he also advised Ahagon to go back to his farm roots. "I am physically weak," Ahagon replied. "I have no experience, no talent, no land. Could I still farm?" Professor Nishida told him those things were not important. If he went back and worked hard, all those things would be provided. So he married the daughter of a man who owned a big farm. She was knowledgeable about farming, and with her help, they farmed and raised their son, who, they hoped, would also be a farmer. Ahagon wanted to build a school for farmers. Because farmers knew little about politics and the world in general, he felt it necessary to bring them out from under the control of ignorance and oppression. He want­ed the farmers to have pride in themselves. He wanted his son to help him establish the school and to go out into the world to spread his message. Then the war began. We asked Jahana how she came to work with Ahagon. I was sick in bed for eighteen years after the war. I had been living with my grandfather, and then he died. Without him, I didn't think I would be able to survive. I was completely paralysed. I couldn't move and socially I was very isolated. Nowadays you can see handicapped people everywhere, but it was different then. I was ashamed to be seen. I was extremely shy. One day Ahagon said, 'Whether you are rich or poor, beautiful or handicapped, we all end up the same white bones, so there is no reason to be shy or ashamed.' He took very good care of me. Just after the war, many people who were suffering would go and talk to him. Many people were saved by him, especially war orphans. I was handicapped by the war, so I decided to dedicate my whole life to the cause of peace. I have been working here thirty years. We pulled up to Wabiai no Sato, and Jahana took us first to the small museum. On the outside wall, facing the courtyard, were the following inscriptions in Japanese: "Those who take up the sword shall perish by the sword"; "Countries that have bases will be ruined by bases"; and "Nations that have nuclear arms will be ruined by nuclear arms." On a plaque over the entrance was "Life Is a Treasure," written in English. Jahana explained: Peace means to respect the lives of human beings. In this house you will see the remains of a war that destroyed human lives like insects. Also the prayers and wishes of people who seek the value of life and who don't make the mistake of treating life lightly. The one-room museum was divided into three by two tables that ran nearly its whole length. On the tables was Ahagon's personal collection of war relics. Deprivation and desperation were mutely apparent in articles made by survivors after the war: shoes made from tires, a crude sanshin (an Okinawan three-stringed instrument) cobbled together from tin cans and pots from ammunition shells. Next to a display of clothes made from army sandbags and flour sacks was a sign that read, "Those who want weapons should first wear these clothes." There was an astounding col­lection of shells, grenades, parachutes, uniforms, pictures, and a wide array of memorabilia we might have been tempted to write off as junk. For Ahagon, the display was a demonstration of a kind of insanity and a plea for peace. On the walls were banners of support, photos, and written material. One was a set of guidelines entitled, "How to Talk to American Military." It read: 1. You should sit when speaking and keep your hands empty. 2. Short tempers, lies, and slurs are not allowed. Please remember that as a human being, a farmer is superior to a soldier (we grow and they destroy). Talk with reason as if speaking to a small child. 3. Remember that our problem is the result of a war that was caused by Japan. We, too, are responsible. Remembering all of the above, refrain from doing things that cause unhappiness to American people. Jahana took us to meet Ahagon. Topped by short white hair, almost like a monk's cut, Ahagon's weathered face was handsome and full of dignity. A man with a formidable presence, he was seated on the floor in front of a low table in the middle of a tatami room. On the table were a magnifying glass, a newspaper, a scrap of paper with our names written on it, and an article by David that Keibo had edited. Ahagon had read the article and said he was very excited about discussing some issues with us. He had a very keen interest in Canada, he told us, because its stability doesn't seem to depend on a militaristic power. He remarked humbly that he hoped to learn from us. Ahagon treated our interview almost like a ritual. As we talked, Jahana and Yamashiro served us tea, took notes, translated, and helped interpret when Ahagon had trouble understanding our questions. Soon the conversation turned to the war, and Ahagon recounted his experiences at the end of the war. For many, defeat was unbearable and they chose death. For the living, war's end meant psychic devastation. As schoolchildren, the Japanese had been fed several beliefs: national wealth and military strength; to die on the tatami [at home] is to die a dog's death; if you die on the battlefield for the emperor, you will be enshrined in the Yasukuni Shrine and become a God. Ahagon explained: The emperor was considered a living god. He was supposed to love all his subjects as he loved his own children. I was taught to believe that. The lower god under him was the schoolteacher. We used to say, "You can't even approach his shadow." No one ever imagined that the schoolteacher could be wrong, especially about the emperor. Until the end of the war we still believed it. The Japanese as a whole believed it. Japan was the divine nation that must conquer the world. Unless we did that, the world would be unhappy. To us, it was a holy war to make the whole earth happy. The British and Americans were seen as less-than-human barbarians to be attacked and killed. "Japan started the war," Ahagon said. "For the peace of the world, soldiers could make themselves into bullets and kamikaze [divine wind] would protect them." He lifted an old newspaper from his small desk. "This says, 'We go [to war] because we love peace.' How could human beings be so stupid? Could Japanese be the only ones?" Ahagon stopped and turned to Yamashiro to make sure she'd been taking notes. For Ahagon this meeting was all about learning and he wanted to be able to refer back to it later on. He believed the solutions had to come from education, communication, and lots of dialogue. Modern minds may easily dismiss this ritualistic, old-fashioned man, but he truly believed in the individual meeting. Sitting in the centre of his world, the complex he had built around himself, he believed he was talking to the whole world. "At the beginning of the war," he said now, "Japan seemed to be doing pretty well, but in 1944 we realized Japan was losing." He put down the newspaper and held up a well-worn book. This is a book about the atrocity committed by the Japanese Imperial Army occupying Nanjing in 1937. It was an orgy of violence. One person could torture and kill hundreds of people. They got pleasure from it. I realized that human beings could be lower than devils. This was the reality of the divine army, the army of gods. If the soldiers of the emperor are this bad, what could you expect from the Americans, the devil-soldiers? Not only murder and rape but worse. One month before the Americans landed, Okinawa was surrounded by warships. There were more than 500,000 American soldiers ready to invade. "Can you imagine?" Ahagon laughs. ''At that moment, everyone, all of us, no exception, was insane." To the consternation of the farmers, the Japanese government had expropriated land on lejima before the war began. A large air base was built on the fertile soil. To the amazement and disgust of the Iejimans, the base was then ordered destroyed before the American invasion. The farmers couldn't believe the waste. On April 16, 1945, lejima was the first place the Americans came ashore on Japanese soil, and the battle was quickly over five days later. The Iejimans suspect that the Japanese military knew the battle would be lost and destroyed the base to keep it from falling into American hands. Yet the islanders had been forced to resist to the death, and they suffered terribly as a result. When Ahagon emerged from the caves, he told us, he found his island flattened, without a standing tree and only one building, badly damaged, which is preserved as a memorial today, like the one in Hiroshima. When we saw the atrocities of broken heads, hands and feet torn off, intestines scattered about, innocent children slaughtered, and the spectacle of mountains of dead bodies more than the eye could take in, we thought that neither God nor Buddha were in this world, but only the Devil. On this tiny island, 4,300 people died during the invasion: 800 American soldiers, 1,500 Japanese soldiers. Two thousand civilians were killed and many more wounded. Children, women, and men; husbands, wives, and grandparents—gone in one paroxysm of madness. We had been hiding in the caves. The caves were infested with fleas and lice, and finally we had to leave. When we came out, we saw 4,000 dead bodies. We few survivors became POWs, and the entire population of Iejima was shipped by the Americans to Kerama Island. At that moment I didn't know whether it was better to be dead or alive. On Kerama we saw bones of suicide victims everywhere. Family members had killed other family members. Those who received bullets from the military to kill themselves rather than be captured by the Americans were the happiest because they knew what to do. Other people didn't know how to kill themselves. In 1947, lejima farmers were granted permission to return to the island. A dismal scene greeted their arrival—nothing green, no houses, just mounds of rubble. The only roads led to U.S. military installations. The returnees began to clear some land and gather the bones of the dead, which had been stacked in piles like cordwood. Ahagon went into a deep depression after the war. He and his wife slept under tin sheets leaned against a wall. Finally, desperate for a better place to live and to get Ahagon out of his depression, his wife went to the village and asked the villagers for a house. They came and built them a beautiful home. It was the return of the community spirit that helped lift Ahagon out of his depression: Once before the war, a man accidentally burned down his house. When that happened, people in the village came, brought their own tools and food, and rebuilt a house that was even better than the one that was burned. In the old days, land was owned communally. Every nine years, the village would come together and assess how well the land was used and what new needs had developed, and distribute the land accordingly. By 1950 funds had begun to trickle in to support construction of houses. When the Americans came, that spirit of cooperation united us. But then money came to the landlords, and there was an ideological debate between communists and socialists, which split us up. I refused to let the land be rented to the military. I thought there was none worse than those who made war. When Japan lost the war, we thought it was good. If Japan had won, there would be war again. We thought because America won the war, there would never be war again. We wished for nothing more than an end to war. We thought that if we could work peacefully under the sun, we would be satisfied. And we believed in America and cooperated with the American military. Ahagon stopped speaking, his eyes filled with an incredulous look at his own naïveté. In 1951, Harold Rickard, whom we mentioned earlier as the translator of Ahagon's book, The Island Where People Live, landed on Okinawa as a member of the U.S. military and found the evidence of war still omnipresent. In his introduction to the book, he wrote: When we landed, we found an island which still showed the terrible scars of the incredibly bloody battle between Japanese and American forces six years before. Japan did not fight the Battle of Okinawa to defend the Okinawan people, but used Okinawa for its last-ditch stand in defense of the Japanese mainland. Okinawa became an "island of sacrifice."1 Fewer than ten years after the end of the Second World War, and only a few years after the people had finally succeeded in rebuilding their simple homes and farms, the U.S. military came ashore at Iejima to take the land of the farmers at gunpoint. The entire island had been placed within the "red line" of the U.S. military's master plan. The purpose was to construct an air-to-ground missile practice range for the U.S. Air Force. This second invasion came as a shock to the farmers who had worked so hard to recover their fields and regain a measure of stability and domicile on their home island. Ahagon describes the sense of duplicity and betrayal. When the Americans came to Iejima in 1953, they said they were conducting an investigation. The people therefore cooperated with the authorities. At the end of it, the Americans said the people would be paid for their help and asked them to put their seals on paper. It was a trick. They had signed their approval to evacuate the land. It was only the next year that they realized what they had done when the Americans demanded that they move off the land. Only four households were officially asked to move, but the authorities guaranteed everyone would be safe, that there would be compensation. No one would lose their livelihood. The farmers held a meeting and demanded that none of the land be taken and refused to hand over their farms. The next year—on March 11, 1955, at early dawn—more than three hundred armed soldiers invaded the island. It was like the war all over again! The company captain for the Americans read the following notice and handed it over to the mayor: The Army of the United States of America is a peaceful and friendly corps. If the citizens peacefully accept being evacuated, you have much to gain. Should your citizens protest moving peacefully, you will lose much, and bring great damage upon yourselves, causing much unnecessary suffering. Ahagon went on: Then there was a lot written about receiving aid. He said that if we moved, trucks would haul our garbage, they would give us land for our houses, and farm fields would be given to us. He said, "You will receive some other person's fields." Although he spoke of giving us other farmland, there was no other farmland. It was as though he was saying, "If you people of Tokyo move, we will give you Osaka." How absurd! The Captain continued, "Because this island was captured from the Japanese Army by the blood of American soldiers, you have no authority whatsoever over it. You must evacuate whether you agree or not!" Ahagon protested against this shocking chain of events, but to no avail. He and two other men were arrested and jailed. They inflicted violence upon us farmers who placed our hands together in entreaty. They tied us up with rough straw rope and even wrapped us in blankets—threw us like pigs inside chain-link fences, and after accusing us of the three crimes of agitation, violence, and public disturbance, set fire to thirteen houses. Then they demolished our buildings with bulldozers and drove us out, put up wire fence around our fields and used them as a practice range for mock nuclear bombs. Of course, we concluded with grief and sorrow, "The Americans are devils!" The occupation was carried out in the brutal way of the conqueror. Pleas to leave some structures, to have consideration for the sick and elderly, were ignored as the soldiers went about their jobs with ferocious efficiency. As Ahagon was taking part in a sit-in protest in front of the Government of Ryuku (GRI) building in Naha, soldiers set fire to his house. When his neighbour pleaded with them to wait until Ahagon returned, they stopped setting fire to the roof and instead brought in a bulldozer and levelled his home. Yamashiro Ume, a fifty-nine-year-old war widow who had single-handedly brought up her fifteen-year-old son and four younger children, cried out, "Isn't there one sympathetic American soldier?" They entered her house, shouting, "Mama-san, give us a match! Mama-san, give us a match!" and went around hunting for matches. Seeing Ume-san crying out in confusion, "Stop it! Stop it!", they set fire to the house and cheered as the flames engulfed her home. In this way, one after another, our thirteen homes were destroyed by the bulldozers and fire. The sit-in continued until April 13 when it was forcibly broken up. At that time we, the farmers, decided that even if the Americans were devils, we would act as human beings. We knew that the problem being caused by the American military then had originally been caused by Japan's attack on Pearl Harbor. We decided that we could not do anything that might cause a second war. We pondered how we could make a peaceful world. To study that and to secure the return of our land, we, the farmers, erected, near the missile practice range, a Solidarity Hall where we reflected on peace and war and studied many designs of history and society from ancient times. We investigated the way of peace taught by Confucius in his "Constitutional State under Peaceful Heaven"; Buddha's "Life of No Killing"; and Christ's teaching, "They that take up the sword will perish by the sword." Ahagon and his fellow farmers also looked into opposing notions such as that of Alexander the Great, whose credo was: "The nation is glorified by armaments." They also studied Napoleon, who stated confi­dently, "In this world, nothing is impossible." They considered the history of Japan and Okinawa's civil wars; they looked into Hitler's suicide and General Tojo's execution by hanging. Ahagon has come to understand that war is dehumanizing, trans­forming otherwise rational men into devils. One can never push out all devils; when one leaves, others come in. The challenge is to change devils back into human beings. Ahagon's recipe for change struck us as charming, simple, and unique. With his mixture of naïveté and electrifying insight, he reminded us of the child who could see that the emperor was wearing no clothes. He believes in trying to show his opponents the benefits of change as a way of luring them towards ultimately improving everyone's condition. For example, he points out to right-wingers devoted to the emperor that, should a nuclear bomb drop, the emperor would be killed as well. If they want to protect the emperor, they should therefore fight for disarmament. Ahagon also told us of his concerns about how life has changed on the island. "When we were children," he began, "frugality was what we were taught. Now it's consumption. There is no care for things. So the human mind is diminishing. We've got to regain the mind." Education, he said, has lost its direction, and this must be corrected, or society will lose its sense of direction. He went on: To be honest, for us ignorant farmers, it is difficult to know the contents of what is being taught today. I have a suspicion that education is getting worse and worse every year. Look at the intellectuals and scholars. They are so specialized they don't know anything outside their own field. In order to be a human being, we have to study everything related to being a human being. Children have to study to get diplomas, but there's a more important thing. They have to study to be a human being. Instead, schools teach gambling, winning and losing, beating and defeating. Those who win are good. By grading and competition and selection, we are teaching gambling in the schools. I wonder what kind of education is being given to our children. I think that in order to wage a nuclear war, it is necessary to create human beings who are so cold-blooded that they could use nuclear weapons. After all, education is managed and run by those who make weapons. Finally we came back to a recognition of the powerful influence of economics and the way materialism and money seem to have overridden past values. Once the war was over, the rule was "Consumption is a virtue." Now our priorities are "Eat, drink and be merry." Now we realize that in wartime, when people said, "If you die for the emperor, you will become a god," it was actually to make the capitalists rich. Now we say, "Eat, play, throw away," and the capitalists profit. "Follow the latest craze! Use up things and throw them away quickly! Consumption is a virtue!" Once again, we are being deceived. The prewar and postwar rules really haven't changed. Although Ahagon prized dialogues and meetings like ours, we could see he was getting tired. The grim look on his face told us that it wasn't easy dredging up painful memories of the past. Also we could see from the look of concern on Jahana's face that it was time to take a little break. We excused ourselves and went for a walk on the beach. Yamashiro told us that the waters just off the beach are famous for coral, but that since commercial flower farming came to the island, the coral is dying. When it rains, the topsoil washes into the ocean, killing the coral. There is a deep sense of isolation on the island, which matches Ahagon's. He is an old man completely convinced of his mission, and although his supporters, who once numbered in the thousands, have dwindled to a few hundred, his hope never seems to lag. Each meeting is crucial to him because he believes that each person he meets adds to an accumulation that is taking him towards his goal. As far as the media are concerned, he is nothing but an eccentric old man. Nevertheless he has continued to chip away, and his message is beginning to be heard. People have come from around the world to hear him and they have taken his message home. Like Socrates, he believes in old-fashioned dialogue and that the exchange of ideas can change the world. We walked back into the central courtyard of Ahagon's complex and were surprised to see hundreds of small shoes outside the big hall where people stay and Ahagon gives lectures. We poked our heads into the hall and saw that it was filled with schoolchildren; up to three groups visit each day. Ahagon was sitting in a chair at the front of the room, and instead of teaching by invoking terrible images of war, he tried to relate the insanity of conflict to their daily lives. He began by saying, "I am just an old farmer who can talk only from personal experience. There will be mistakes and contradictions. I hope this will be the beginning of a respectful exchange and learning." He then told children that playground bullying is a type of war, and from there he built towards a deeper understanding of the nature of conflict. Ahagon's humility and respect riveted the children, who listened attentively. There was no difference between the tone he used with us and the one he used with these children. He was as polite, respectful, and straightforward with them as with any adult. "I am sitting here to learn from you," he continued. "And what I say to you might sound like old-fashioned, meaningless talk, but I hope that even in that there is something you can learn." As he talked, two hundred young eyes were riveted on him. With us at the back of the room was one of their schoolteachers, and as he listened he shook his head. "At school we have a hard time keeping the kids quiet, yet look at them today—not a sound." The major characteristic of Ahagon's philosophy is his belief in non­violence and in dialogues that benefit both sides. In a country in which keeping face is so important, this attribute of seeing legitimacy in both sides is a crucial point. Without it, an adversary is left to fight without options. Ahagon told the children: When I was sixteen, I got sick. To cure the problem, I was sent to a hot spring in Kyushu. There, a Christian neighbour introduced me to the church and I became a Christian. When I came back, I lived as a Christian. Even during the war I prayed to God. I believed that after I died, I would go to heaven. When I came out of the cave, I saw mountains of dead bodies. Houses and trees were burnt. I realized there was no God or Buddha in this world. If there were, why would this happen to innocent children? I believed that only politics could solve the problem. I went to Tokyo and visited the American Embassy and in vain tried to meet Prime Minister Sato. Instead, I met his representative. We argued and I realized arguments, slurs, and bad words weren't the way to make peace. Instead of harming the opponent, one must try to enlighten him and bring him towards change that way. I also want to speak to the Japanese people and politicians. You sacrificed war criminals and a lot of people who were killed. But now you've forgotten and are arming with the help of the U.S. This is a mistake. Look at what we have—a constitution that says we gave up arms and the right to fight. We should not just keep it but spread it. The security treaty between U.S. and Japan is more dangerous than the treaty between Japan and Germany. It can ruin both Japan and the U.S. We must get rid of it. We can create a neutral nation. Ahagon went back to religion, not the organization or the words but the spirit of Jesus Christ, Buddha, and Confucius. He discovered that the only hope was for love and compassion. He began to study and teach young people from his experiences and humbling insights. When Ahagon spoke of the past, we didn't feel any sense of attachment or nostalgia; his words were not clouded by overloaded personal feelings, but his stories shed a clear light on positive issues. At the age of ninety, he still looks towards the future, yet throughout the conversation it was clear that what he did was firmly based on the tradition of a communal way of living. Ahagon was always an environmentally conscious farmer. He sees an essential link between war, destruction of human lives, and destruction of the environment. People whose humanity is lacking are the ones who take up weapons. The best way to create inhuman people is to destroy the nature that surrounds them. Modern warfare is becoming such that we cannot distinguish between destruction of humans and destruction of nature. One just has to look at the Gulf War and the huge destruction of the environment. Look at the nuclear bomb-testing sites in the U.S. deserts and Pacific islands, which continue to contaminate the atmosphere. As Ahagon himself admitted, it's very hard to destroy Satan or to make everyone godly. The challenge is to control the human impulse to be selfish. We need to create a sense of a higher self, what people get from family and in traditional communities. One's sense of comfort, wellbeing, and meaning comes from belonging to family and community. Community becomes an extension of that self. As we said goodbye, three youngsters from Kyoto arrived. Jahana ushered them in as Ahagon endlessly and tirelessly repeated his message that war is a form of madness and inhumanity that destroys those who wage it. Jahana, who adored Ahagon for having saved her from her bedridden existence, pulled out a pair of tattered gloves that have been repaired over and over with different-coloured threads. Ahagon explained that we needed books more than anything else because they contained seeds of knowledge vital to human beings. He therefore repaired his gloves to symbolize that the money saved could be spent on education. The next day, Jahana took us on a guided tour of the island. We drove by sugarcane fields and commercial flowerbeds. There were relics of the war everywhere: a monument to Ernie Pyle, the humanist war correspondent; a cave where more than a hundred islanders committed suicide during the battle; a cliff overlooking a rocky shore off which islanders had thrown themselves to escape the fighting; and, of course, the U.S. bases. Through the U.S. Marines' fence we could see the land Ahagon still hoped to use as a school. We saw the Japanese and American flags flying proudly and a big sign that said Keep Out. Jahana pointed out the area that went down to the ocean and told us that it belonged to Ahagon. He still talked of the day he'd get that land back and open his school for farmers. Halfway down a stunningly beautiful cliff we saw one of the few fresh-water sources on the island. It was being used by the military to water their runways in the summer heat. Islanders were forced to have their water piped in from the main island. We visited the Sacred Cave in which a thousand people were said to have hidden. Jahana's father fought for six years in China. When he returned to Iejima, he saw the military buildup and knew there would be a war. He forced the people of his village to move to the main island, where they survived. On the other side of the island, the villagers believed they would be protected by the Japanese soldiers. Everyone trained with bamboo spears. During the invasion, they fled to caves and were all killed. Jahana could hardly speak when she recalled what lejima was like when they returned two and a half years later. Amidst the devastation, they couldn't even tell where homes or land had been. The last place she took us was Ahasha-gama, where 150 people, including her uncle, died. As Jahana drove us back to the ferry, she told us that the Americans had already returned fifty percent of the land, and she was confident that they would soon return the rest. Ahagon, Jahana, and Yamashiro tireless­ly work and plan for that day. And in the twilight of his life, Ahagon's unswerving opposition to the dehumanization of war remains an inspiration to the world. Part Two Japan's Diversity A Sense of Place "Women were coming out of a sacred place, utaki, wearing a wreath of leaves around their heads. They came down to a sacred rock, formed a circle and sang divine songs for many hours. No one was watching. Tanigawa and I were in a hut down the road and watched through a crack in the door. I was shocked. My image of a festival was not like this. At that point I realized there was something profound here, a key to understanding questions of what is life, who am I, what is Okinawa." Yasuo Higa Kindai, or modernity, is a belief that what is new is best. The converse is that what is old is not as good. The remarkable "success" of modern science is seen as proof of the benefits of modernity. People have become so intoxicated by the brute muscle power of science and technology and their contribution to global economics that we sel­dom ponder weaknesses or limits of science and technology. Scientists themselves often forget what makes science such a powerful way of knowing and how it differs from other ways. Traditional bodies of knowledge, often called worldviews, embody the sum total of knowledge, observations, history, and speculations of a people. In a worldview everything is interconnected—the past, present, and future, the stars, forests, animals, and people. Science provides a radically different kind of knowledge. Scientists focus on parts of nature, attempt to isolate and control the pieces, and thereby gain powerful insights into that fragment of the world. Because scientists seek discoveries that are universal, independent of time and space, the knowledge they gain is fundamentally disconnected from the context that makes the piece they're studying of interest in the first place. As well, our scientific knowledge base is so minuscule we have almost no ability to anticipate the consequences of applying those insights through technology. Thus, while scientific concepts allow us to create powerful technologies based on restricted views, the ramifications extend far beyond the limited scope of what we see through microscopes. Most people in industry, government, medicine, and the military don't yet comprehend this fatal limitation to modern technology. Instead, they continue to trumpet the endless wonders that flow from science. Nowhere is that more obvious than in Japan. Modernists see Japan as a remarkable success story, a success often referred to as a miracle. Japan did indeed make a radical transformation from a rural, traditional society to the leading edge of twentieth­century technological culture. Many people in the developing world look at Japan as a model to emulate. The West has mixed emotions; while admitting a certain admiration for Japanese diligence and excellence, they also feel threatened by Japan's economic clout. Everyone, however, has focused on Japan's technological, industrial, and economic achievements. Few remember that this "progress" was made by real working men and women. Only in recent years has a darker side of this achievement surfaced. The Japanese are now beginning to face the adverse environmental effects, as well as the mental and spiritual void left by years of neglect and abuse. • Among those leading the search for new inspiration to fill this void is the photographer Yasuo Higa. According to him, despite sweeping modernization, some pockets within Japan have been overlooked, including the remote islands of Okinawa. Learning from these remnants of the past, he feels, is becoming more and more crucial to society as a whole. So he has dedicated his life to this pursuit. When we first met Higa in Okinawa city for a late-evening dinner, his warm, lined face seemed laden with wisdom. Higa ordered a plate of wonderful tidbits—slices of pig's ears, fresh mackerel, a pig's foot. (Okinawans have been derogatorily called "pigs" by Japanese because they enjoy eating them.) His initial reserve soon broke down as he warmed to the subject of his obsession, studying and photographing the female shamanistic tradition that lives on in some of the islands of Okinawa. The purpose of our meeting was to discuss the trip we would take together to Miyako Island. Higa had brought a couple of his award­winning photography books to show us. In his black-and-white photos, he tries to convey the whole complexity in portraits of faces. He finds that traditional people reveal themselves in their faces whereas city folk hide behind masks. As so often happened, the minute we began to probe Higa's life, the Second World War loomed as his seminal experience. Yasuo Higa was born in the Philippines, the son of Okinawan immigrants. During the war in the Pacific, the Japanese military forced General MacArthur and his American army out of the Philippines. Higa told us: Since most Filipinos were pro-American, we immigrants who were living among the Filipinos and had been their neighbours and friends suddenly were the enemy. When the Americans returned, as MacArthur had boasted they would, the Japanese soldiers retreated to the mountains. Since we immigrants were now the enemy too, we had to follow the soldiers. The mountains were the main targets of the Americans. It was hell. There were dead bodies everywhere. My father was taken to fight and died. We hid in the tropical jungle. I was the eldest, so I had to take care of my two younger siblings and carry our load. I lost my younger sister. We were barely surviving day by day. I didn't think about who to blame. We were there for months. I was seven years old. Although they weren't even aware that the war was over, out of desperation, Higa and his family came down from the mountains on August 16, 1945. After we surrendered, we were put in a camp. My father's brother's family were there. Within a week they all died from starvation and exhaustion. When we were put in a U.S. military car and Filipinos threw stones at us, I understood that we were hated. In 1946, after spending some time in a camp in mainland Japan, Higa and his remaining family were able to return to Okinawa. He remembered being sprayed from head to foot with DDT by the Americans. After months of detention in camps, his family was finally allowed to return to Koza, his parents' village. Two years later, his mother died from the stresses of the war years, and Higa was raised by his grandmother. Postwar Koza was called the "City of U.S. Bases." Higa watched it mutate from a farming village into a city whose sole purpose seemed to be servicing the American military. We were poor. Everybody was poor, but we were even poorer than the poor. I had to beg my grandmother to let me go to high school. At that time, going to senior high was like going to university. I had good marks. Not being able to go to senior high would be a shame. But I never dreamed of going to college. School was strictly Japanese, and although it was the American era, the teachers were the same ones who had taught Imperial education before the war. They would punish us for using Okinawan; we were always urged to speak Japanese—good, standardized Japanese. But I didn't think much about the Okinawan situation. My college friends did, but I had no way of going to college so I became involved in judo. I was pretty good, and I went to tournaments. In Koza, Americans were everywhere, and so were their racial problems. Center Street was for whites. The area around Higa's high school was for blacks. There were always incidents involving the soldiers: blacks being arrested by military police (MPs) and people fighting. It was unthinkable to have American friends. Our lifestyles were completely different. Our neighbours worked as house maids for low-ranking soldiers. I never felt close. The difference was too great. I tried not to think about it. I absorbed myself in judo. I joined the police force because it meant I could continue my judo. The Americans occupied but did not directly rule Okinawa. They introduced laws and set up the structures, but the local police enforced them. Americans were completely outside the local system, and Okinawan police had no right to arrest or detain them. All they could do was report incidents to the MPs. Higa patrolled the area right in front of the Kadena base. Okinawans and Americans were like oil and water, interacting but never mixing. At night, MPs would come to the police box and patrol alongside us. We walked together but we wouldn't talk. Neither of us spoke the other's language. We didn't like or dislike them. It was a necessity. We had to patrol together. Again, they were so different from us. The power they had compared to the power we had. The money they had compared to the money we had. It was two different worlds. In the 1960s, local workers and students began to stage anti-occupation, pro-reversion demonstrations. A few wanted outright independence, but most simply wanted reversion. There were frequent rallies and demonstrations. Higa said: As a policeman I became the oppressor. I was sent in uniform to demonstrations and ran into my cousins. I got married to a woman who was an elementary schoolteacher. The teachers' union was a strong force in the reversion movement, and my wife got involved in it. I was forced to think about this crazy situation. I was no longer able to pretend it didn't exist. At this time, the Vietnam War was also intensifying. The B-52s that bombed North Vietnam were based across the street from Higa's workplace. From my police station, I could see them going out and coming back. I knew the schedule. One night, I was on duty and I saw a big mushroom cloud. I thought the Kadena ammunition depot that housed nuclear weapons had exploded. I thought it was all over. I thought my family and I would die. Later I learned that it was just a B-52 crashing. After ten years as a policeman, I quit. I realized the time had come to pull myself out of this chaos. My wife was happy that I was quitting. As a detective, he was assigned to the photography detail. "I had seen a lot of pictures from the Vietnam War," he told us. "That made me want to become a photojournalist. I wanted to chronicle Okinawa. I wanted clear pictures, literally, of the chaos." After he left the police force, Higa went to Tokyo for two years to learn photography. His family remained in Okinawa. His wife supported them through her teaching. On his return to Okinawa, Higa opened a coffee shop, then a chain of soba noodle restaurants. The restaurants were quite successful and he still runs them today. His wife was able to retire. "All the while, I kept looking at Okinawa, not through the eyes of a jour­nalist, but through my own eyes. It was just before the reversion, so there were many photojournalists in Okinawa." In 1974, Higa was hired by Ken'ichi Tanigawa, a well-known ethnologist who specialized in Okinawan culture and who was beginning a new magazine. For twenty days Higa travelled with him around remote Okinawan islands. When I was in Miyako, we saw a festival called Uyagan. It was a shock. All the gods and ancestors coming down, late at night, to where people live. The gods, all women, form a circle and sing the songs of gods. I had never seen anything like this. It had never even occurred to me that such a thing could exist. My brain had been a jumble, occupied by the Americans, politics, and history. I couldn't believe this type of thing existed right here in Okinawa. In Okinawa, human bone remnants go back 15,000 to 18,000 years. On Miyako Island, the records go back almost as far. Miyako is the fourth­largest island in Okinawa, after the main islands of Okinawa, lriomote, and lshigaki. Two hundred and fifty kilometres southwest of Naha, it has a population of 60,000 and one city, Hirara. People of the island have a distinctive dialect and physical appearance. It was this island we planned to visit. We wanted to see the world that so enchanted Higa. We spent the night in Hirara, then took the 7:30 a.m. ferry to nearby lrabu Island to see the women's festival, called Hidagan-Nigai, similar to Uyagan. From the boat we could see a group of women sitting in a semicircle in a small park facing the water. Not far away was another group of about sixty women sitting in the parking lot surrounded by stores and houses. They were facing the slip where boats were launched into the sea. The people in this fishing village believed the sea was a god. Women prayed to the god to give them a prosperous life and to protect their family members at sea. Half the parking lot was filled with small trays, all placed neatly in straight lines. The size of the offerings reflected the size of the family's boat. The trays carried rice, two bottles and cups for sake, salt, and dried fish. Some had a pack of cigarettes. The women faced the lines of trays. Most were middle-aged or older. They were dressed in kimonos except for a few who wore western clothes. At the front were two women. One, around fifty years old, wore a white gown over her kimono. Her face struck us with its intensity and exotic beauty. Sitting beside her was a woman known as a leading shaman. Her look was less intense and more relaxed. In front of the women was a pile of sand in which massive amounts of incense burned. Behind the curtain of smoke, a pig's head sat on the ground. The ritual had begun before we arrived with the sacrifice of the pig on the beach. To the left a group of men and women surrounded a huge wok-like pan in which pork was being cooked. Here the men cooked and remained in the background while the women took centre stage. Something bothered us about the setting. The sacred ceremony was taking place in the midst of concrete. On the ground were lines showing cars where to park. There was even a car parked right in front of a sign asking people not to park there for the ceremony. Higa's pictures of this place, taken fifteen years ago, show the women facing a sloped runway to the beach for the boats. Now the beach was not visible. A road and wall had been built between it and the parking lot. Sensing our discomfort, Higa explained that the women deal with the invisible world of spirits, the nonphysical world, and these changes in the material world were of no concern to them. The shaman began to sing a hauntingly slow and beautiful song, a recitation of the gods through the ages. Higa then explained that the woman in the white gown, meditating alone in front of the others, was the leader of the ritual. Every three years, a new leader is chosen. Names are placed on pieces of paper, then mixed up and drawn. The first woman whose name comes up three times is the chosen one. Usually she is shocked and depressed at the news because the job is a demanding one. She attends all rituals and ceremonies of which there may be forty or more a year. She has to perform them carefully and lead a pure life, not leaving the island even to go to a major hospital if she gets sick. She is forbidden to sleep with her husband. Sometimes the woman's marriage does not survive. Later, Higa told us more about the meaning of the rituals. The way of thinking represented by the rituals is indigenous to the island, but the form was imposed by the fifteenth-century rulers of the Ryuku Kingdom. The forms look different in each village, but there is a commonality to all native people. What is common? A belief in souls and eternity. These indigenous communities have a long history, one going back to hunter/gatherers. For centuries they had a relatively high level of material and spiritual life. Then, in the fifteenth century, the Okinawan lords established the Ryuku Kingdom. They imposed a hierarchical and centralized structure with each community integrated into it, but the new system did not affect the people's daily lives or the framework of shima shakai (island society). Shima literally means island and refers to an iso­lated, self-sufficient space. When Satsuma, the powerful clan of southern Japan, took over in the early seventeenth century, it didn't try to change the shima framework either. But finally, in the late nineteenth century, the Meiji Imperial regime imposed its structure over Okinawa through education, religion, and Japanese language and writing. Then the shima structure was affected. Only on remote islands has the premodern way of life survived. Higa explained: For the people to have the premodern elements of the shima society they must know where they are coming from. By knowing the beginning, it is easier to see the path. It is also easier to understand from what point modernization begins, and to know where societies like Japan and the United States stand on that path. Higa understands the dangers of kindai, or modernization. Modernization means ceasing to recognize nature for itself and simply considering what it can do for human beings. Once human beings deny nature the right to exist, the only result can be destruction. While nature is being destroyed, human beings believe that it is an evolution and improvement. The whole Earth is now in danger. We commented on the separation between science and spirituality that has taken place in western thinking. Once nature was seen as intertwined with spirits and as such was felt to be stronger and larger than our existence. Even at the time of Francis Bacon science was inseparable from spirituality. Bacon was a very religious man, and he considered his science as praise for God's creation. But since then, we have severed science from a sense of divinity. We now believe that we can know and control everything. We think that as long as knowledge is tied to spirituality, it is primitive and inferior thinking. Higa responded: Judeo-Christian tradition is monotheistic, and it became universal by removing itself from a particular place. And losing the sense of place was the fate of all the religious traditions that tried to become universal. In the ceremony we saw this morning, the people were dealing with the gods from that place. To me this is the fundamental difference between the modern world and the shima. To Higa, kindai, which results in the loss of the sacred sense of place, is also one of the fundamental problems of North American civilization. When Europeans arrived five hundred years ago, they lacked affection or respect for the land they called the New World, to say nothing of respect for the people who were already there. Since then they have never belonged to the land. The land was seen simply as real estate, as opposed to sacred earth. They bulldozed it for dams while completely ignoring the indigenous people, who said that this was holy ground where their ancestors rested. To this Higa replied: Yes, that's what kindai is. Okinawa is no longer free of modernization. But luckily we still have some clues that point to alternative ways of living. Whereas kindai insists on going in a straight line towards destruction, shima society grows in cycles. Shima society is based on the cycles of all lives. On the other hand, science and technology create a speed and power that are just overwhelming. I have a television set, but I have no idea how it works. I fly in a jet plane, and it is amazing that such a huge thing can fly through the air, but I have no idea how it works. So if we don't understand how the things we use work, how can we see where we are heading? Higa's observations led us to reflect on science and its limits. Scientists attempt to observe objectively, detached emotionally from the object of their interest so that their experiments, observations, and conclusions aren't influenced. But in distancing ourselves from the object of study, we no longer care about it, losing any sense of the sacred or loved. Scientific insights imply an understanding of an object free of influence from its surroundings or period in time. But nothing we know exists in a vacuum free of its surroundings or its history. What scientists acquire can only be called an artifact, an aberrant description of nature that is created by the experimental conditions under which it could be observed. The great danger is that society often assumes such bits and pieces of knowledge provide an explanation of the workings of the entire universe. Or if not that grandiose, experts claim to know enough to "manage" or "control" forest ecosystems, whole populations of fish or mammals, or the quality of soil for agricultural production. It is a flawed belief based on a lack of understanding of what science is. There are other ways of knowing that are every bit as powerful and far more profound than the growing body of scientific information. These other ways have been acquired over thousands of years of observation and thought. The gatherers of this knowledge never separated themselves from what they observed; rather, they were deeply embedded within it. They looked with wonder, awe, and passion, and what they acquired was critical for their very survival. That, of course, is the knowledge base of countless indigenous cultures around the planet, some of which Higa has encountered in Okinawa. Higa took us to a park facing the ocean. We walked carefully down the steep, rocky cliff. At the bottom we came to a cave known as Sen'nin­gama. After walking through a narrow entrance into the darkness, suddenly we came to a large, bright cavern, with a sand floor. Rays of sunshine shot through a small opening and mixed with the mist of the shadows. We climbed a set of steep rocks and looked out through an opening onto the ocean. Higa speculated that this was one of the early dwellings of the island's original inhabitants. The coral lake that surrounds the outer rim of the cave was a productive "garden" where the people gathered seaweed, fish, and shellfish. He believed that in those days the people lived in a matriarchal society in which men remained marginal. It is not possible for us to go back to the original state of being. But at least we can acknowledge the primacy of nature and womanhood. I try to imagine what the human mind was like in its original state. Mind, nature, gods must have all coexisted inseparably. The mind echoing nature. Nature is circular with its birth, growth, aging, death, and birth. And at the centre of this circle, Higa sees women. The centre of shima society was women. We can see the traces of that time in many of the rituals we still have on remote islands. The sacred places, called utaki, are still found all over the islands. To me these are what is left of the sacred forests where women-gods lived. So today men are still forbidden to enter many of the utaki, and the gods who appear in the rituals are women. It is clear that in the ritualistic tradition, the people have believed they are worshipping women and the matrilineal order. Higa suggested that women symbolize darkness, night, moon, chaos. Men are light, sun, day, order. Modernization was an effort to conquer and eliminate darkness by light. But it is from darkness that imagination and creation come. Higa also identified two forces: centripetal and centrifugal. I believe women represent the force that pulls in, whereas men represent the force that tends to push away. Women, with their reproductive cycle, are more self-sufficient, just like the earth itself. So we can also say that they are cyclical, whereas men are linear. In that sense, science is very much masculine in principle. We told Higa about anthropologist Helena Norberg-Hodge's observations over a twenty-year period in Ladakh, a Himalayan kingdom in which people lived rich, full lives in geographic isolation. She said that once a road from India reached the capital city of Leh, young men began to abandon villages for city lights, and the traditional self-sufficiency quickly fell apart. Higa agreed. That is exactly what happened to our shima societies. But to begin with, men were always out fishing while women stayed on the island. It is women who see the men off and pray for their safe return, embracing them on their arrival. And in this process I see something fundamentally natural. It is just like a magnet. Somehow in the traditional world, the balance between the two forces was maintained. But since modernization, we must have lost much of our magnetic power. Those who leave never come back again. But on these remote islands, women are still here, praying towards the ocean, communicating with the gods. That night, Higa showed us videos of a remarkable festival that takes place every twelve years in the Year of the Horse on Kudaka Island. It is an induction into shamanhood of every woman over the age of thirty on the island. Inductees are purified and wear their hair down. Those who are already shamans have their hair tied up in headbands. The men help build two grass huts connected to the outside by a bridge and a walkway. Ashes representing the ancestors are taken from an elder's pot and put into a pot for each inductee. The women dance and repeat everything seven times. The inductees are put into the huts, which represent each village, and stay there for three nights. On the third day, they tie their hair up. Because of this festival, Kudaka Island has been considered a sacred place all over Okinawa. However, there has been such a migration of young people off the island that, in 1990, there wasn't one woman who qualified, and the event was cancelled. When the Okinawan musician and activist Shokichi Kina learned of the cancellation, he felt the tradition should be continued, and decided to hold a concert to encourage the Kudaka people to hold the initiation event anyway. Higa, however, believed it was up to the people of Kudaka. Of course the tradition is dying and people are sad, he said, but in the future, something else may be revived. It will be different, but at least it will be theirs. The future of the festival on Kudaka Island is not clear, like the future of many of the rituals in Okinawa. In 1995 Higa lived on Miyako Island chronicling all the rituals that happen throughout the year. Higa continued with his analysis of the rituals. In many rituals, ancestral spirits that have gathered in the mountains come down through the hills into the valleys. The purpose of the ritual is to express where the villagers are all coming from. The higher up the mountain, the older and more revered the spirits are. The entire landscape is used as a map indicating the history of the shima society from the mythological past. So every ritual is a reconfirmation of where you have been and who you are. David told Higa: Ever since my children were born, I've kept albums for each of them. They are filled with souvenirs, such as the hospital wristband when they were born, their first baby teeth to come out, their first drawings, letters I wrote to them, birthday cards. They are a record of their lives. To me, those albums are priceless, but if I ever tried to sell them, they would be worthless in the marketplace. Higa understood immediately and replied, "Shima people's land is their album. As they move and sing, they are tracing their album. The land is my album." Like so many people in the world, Higa has had his eyes opened to the radically different values and perspectives of indigenous and traditional people. Universally, the key to those perspectives is rootedness to the land, a profound sense of interconnectedness with all animate and inanimate objects around. And in seeing through new eyes, Higa has recognized the destructive consequences and rootlessness of the dominant culture. In Japan, Higa is not alone by any means. • Among those remarkable people was Seishin Asato (1913-1982), respected as one of the forefathers of Japanese environmental philosophy.1 On the main island of Okinawa, Asato waged a battle against environmental destruction of his native land by the American military occupation. This battle was based on an ecological philosophy born out of tradition. He once said: Our struggle has been based on our belief that the ocean and myself are one. We are nurtured by the sea. I heard some people analyse the structure of the Chinese character for ocean and break it down literally into "water mother of humans." To me, this interpretation is so natural. At low tide, we used to go down to the tide pools and collect seaweed, sea urchins, crabs, and all kinds of shellfish. I was brought up like that; when you were hungry, you would go down to the sea. You would go there empty-handed and just stand in the sand. With your heel, you would dig a line into the sand and like that, a bunch of shrimp would come up with shining eyes. Sometimes, there were so many of them I got scared and ran away. Asato tried to convey the way local people relate to their immediate surroundings. There is a local word for ocean: uramutu. I translate it as "the ocean of treasures." Some local people call one area of the bay jingura; that means safe or treasure chest. I remember one old fisherman used to say the ocean is a bank. He would build a house and his bank was the ocean. It never occurred to him that he might borrow from Mitsubishi. To Asato, the crucial place along the sea is the interface between land and water. I see the tideland as the place where energy and life are concentrated in the ecological system. Today, ecology books teach us that the little shrimp that grew up in the tideland will go out to the ocean and their offspring will come back to our tideland; and bigger fish will live on these smaller ones. Thus, nature revives itself and maintains itself. That whole system and our lifestyle based on that system are now all gone because of the Crude Oil Transfer System [a massive development that allows oil supertankers to unload their cargo in a deep-sea port built in the bay]. The artificial road in the ocean cut off the tide current, so Kin Bay is no longer alive. The tide and the current of the sea are like an artery to human beings; what happens if you cut the artery? What happens to the children when you cut the artery of the mother? Of course, the notion of nature as a mother is widespread among aboriginal people in many parts of the world. And as the eminent Rockefeller University scientist René Dubos once wrote: The statement that the earth is our mother is more than a sentimental platitude: we are shaped by the earth. The characteristics of the environment in which we develop condition our biological and mental being and the quality of our life. Even were it only for selfish reasons, therefore, we must maintain variety and harmony in nature.2 • The idea of the ocean as mother has also been the central theme of Japanese writer Michiko Ishimure, who started her writing career with a series of stories chronicling the disastrous history of Minamata, where mercury poisoning caused so much illness (see Chapter 9). Like a painter she has brought out vivid colours on an otherwise bleak landscape. She revealed the eloquent voice of Yuki Sagami, one of the Minamata disease victims, in her book, Paradise in the Sea of Sorrow.3 At times like that I would think of the sea. It was great to be out on the sea. At the end of spring and the beginning of summer, lots of flowers were blooming on the bottom of the sea. No garden planted by man could match the beauty of the sea then .... Even we fishermen who've spent years at sea still notice that unmistakable smell the sea has in early summer. It's a helluva lot different from the stinking water that comes out of the factory, I'll tell you that! The sea flows like a river, too, you know. It sort of oozes along slowly, but it flows just the same. It rolls on along, and all the shellfish, sea anemones, and seaweed move right along with it. Those old pine trees hanging off the cliffs with their branches practically touching the water—why sometimes their roots come right up out of the water, and the cliffs are so windy that their branches take the shape of stair steps that run right back up to the top! And there's nothing more beautiful than the fish! Those sea anemones open right up just like one of those pom-pom chrysanthemums in full bloom. There's one kind of kelp down there that looks just like a snowball plant. Another kind grows thick as a bamboo forest. Just like on land, you can always tell the seasons, spring, summer, winter and fall down there in the sea. I believe there really is a palace at the bottom of the ocean, too, just like they say in the fairy tales. I bet it's beautiful as a dream. I could never get enough of it... the sea. Even the smallest island has a crack in a rock somewhere under the water, from which a spring of pure fresh water gushes forth. When the spring-water and the sea-water meet, you'll always find sea lettuce, that lets you know it's spring. Out of the smells, the smell of sea lettuce warmed by the sun at ebb tide was my favourite. We used to pick this sea lettuce off the rocks and pluck the oyster shells from under it. We'd boil the oyster shells together with the sea lettuce and soy sauce and make it into a soup. Townspeople don't know anything about delicacies like that. We don't feel like spring is really here until we have burned our tongues with this piping hot soup. I want to have two strong legs to stand firmly on the ground. I want to have two strong hands with which I can work. With these hands I want to row my own boat and go gather fresh sea lettuce. It makes me want to cry. I want so much to be out on the sea again... just one more time. We found a deep sense of "rootedness to place" on Iriomote, a remote island in Okinawa. There, Akiko and Kinsei Ishigaki exude pride in where they live (you will meet them again in Chapter 8). On the last night of our stay on the island, they threw us a party at Akiko's weaving workshop. Her looms were lined up on one side. The old windows and doors were open, letting in a cool breeze. The trees and plants around the building, many of which Akiko uses in her weaving, filled the air with a rich scent. We sat on reed mats. Akiko's textiles, hanging from the ceiling, swayed in the breeze. On the table were raw fish, wild vegetables from the hills, raw boar meat, and awamori, a strong local liquor that Kinsei calls medicine for longevity. With his sanshin, a local three-stringed instrument, on his lap, Kinsei sat cross-legged and began to sing folk songs. He started quietly and slowly, and as the music built, Akiko stood up, put on a beautifully woven head­ band, and began to dance. The years fell away and she became young and sensual once again. Takeo Shigeki, our friend and Okinawan specialist who accompanied us, picked up a pair of drumsticks and began to play along. For them, nature and culture are intertwined and inseparable. Kinsei told us with his characteristic confidence: The reason we work to protect culture is that culture is the basis for protection of nature and our livelihood. When culture is gone, everything is gone with it. The festivals are our prayer for a good life. By destroying nature, you can never have a good life. In our tradition, we have all kinds of wisdom that tell us how to receive wealth from nature. Festivals promoted by governments are festivals without gods. When the emperor died, all over Japan events were cancelled. Our biggest festival was scheduled a week after his death and we went ahead and held it. For us, our gods are above the emperor. We have festivals to tell us how to live with mountains and sea and river. The wildcat is the god of the mountain, so we protect and care for them. When we go to sea, we say, "Please give us our share." Even when we cut the trees, we say, "Let us have our share." We never take more than we need. As the evening continued, we were filled with a sense of wholeness. Even the darkness had substance with sounds, textures, and smells. Nothing seemed to be lacking or superfluous. Removed from our daily lives in the city, where we feel constantly driven, never satisfied, and obsessed with our wants and needs, we felt that everything was perfectly balanced. The Original People "Despite the 'assimilation policy' as rendered by the Japanese government, we, the Ainu, have maintained our ethnicity as indigenous people in Japan. We have the right of self determination. We, the Ainu, have our culture, religion and customs which no one can violate. The Ainu have never given up these rights. Thus, the Ainu still firmly possess the rights of culture, religion, language and customs." Utari Association submission to the United Nations, Geneva, August 1987 Many people are surprised to learn that the population dominating Japan today may be the latest in a succession of immigrants to these islands. The origin of the modern Japanese population is still contested, but it's clear others were already there when they arrived. Just as North and South America were occupied by diverse and rich cultures before the arrival of Europeans five centuries ago, the Japanese archipelagos were inhabited by many aboriginal groups when invaders from the continent arrived probably from the Korean peninsula. At that time, more than 1,500 years ago, the powerful state of Yamato (from which the Japanese state evolved) emerged in the western part of Honshu, the main island of Japan, and began to extend its reign to the south and north by conquering and assimilating the aboriginal groups. The people believed to be the ancestors of the Ainu inhabited the northeastern part of Honshu and Hokkaido, the island north of Honshu. Numerous military campaigns and conflicts in the northern part of Honshu against native groups were recorded throughout the ancient and medieval history of Japan. However, flourishing cultures of Ainu in Hokkaido were virtually untouched until well into the fifteenth century when Japanese started to establish a foothold in the southern tip of the island to engage in trade and plundering. There are records of two major armed rebellions by Ainu against Japanese maltreatment in 1456 and 1669. During the Eda Period (1603-1867) under the rule of the Tokugawa Shogunate, exploitation of the Ainu was intensified by the land-lease system, in which Japanese merchants were granted leases and were free to use land and natural resources and enslave the people. Takeshiro Matsuura, explorer and chronicler of the late Eda Period, wrote compassionately about the plight of the Ainu. It is believed that by that time, the Ainu population was decimated by disease brought from Honshu and brutal mistreatment, both of which seriously damaged the fabric of their culture and society. However, it was only after the new Japanese government of Meiji was established in 1868 that the massive migration of Japanese and colonization of Hokkaido started. First the land-lease system was abolished, and the Hokkaido Colonization Commission was established. Under the assimilation policy of the government, use of the Ainu language was forbidden and the culture suppressed by force. In 1873 the central government promulgated the Land Tax Revision Act, according to which Hokkaido was classified as "ownerless land" and assigned to the Imperial household. The Hokkaido Colonization Commission became the Hokkaido Agency in 1886 as the tide of colonists settling into Hokkaido multiplied, pushing the Ainu off the land and forcing them to move into undesirable and mountainous areas. At the turn of the century came the new Former Aborigines Protection Act. It revealed clearly the Japanese attitude towards the Ainu: this aboriginal people had been assimilated and "they no longer exist." After many centuries of conquest and terrible oppression, however, the Ainu do still exist. And they are fighting back against the ongoing invasion of their territory using every possible public arena to demand respect and recognition of their existence and rights to the land. • For Hiroshi Tsurumaki, a Japanese history teacher in Hokkaido, studying local history has always been more than a professional duty. For him, understanding Hokkaido history and the history of native peoples is part of a search for his own identity. And it was through his activities in the local history group that he met a family belonging to the Uilta people, one of the aboriginal inhabitants of Sakhalin Island, directly north of Hokkaido. Meeting them became a turning point in his life. While staying with friends in Akan, we called Tsurumaki to ask him to set up a meeting with Aiko Kitagawa, one of the last-known Uilta in the country. We had met Aiko Kitagawa before, in the fall of 1992, at Tokyo's Meiji Gakuin University. We'd been attending a conference on the implications of the five hundred years since the arrival of Christopher Columbus in the New World. It attracted a large audience of students, academics, human rights activists, and minority groups. On the second day of the meeting, a minor sensation occurred when Kitagawa rose and proclaimed publicly that she was a Uilta. Once wrongly called Orokko, Uilta are one of many native peoples inhabiting the northeastern part of the Asian continent. The Uilta had long overlapped geographically with two other main indigenous peoples—the Ainu and the Nivkh. At first Tsurumaki had difficulty locating her, since at that time of the year she spent days in the mountains, picking vegetables and wild berries. But finally Tsurumaki was able to track her down. To meet Kitagawa and Tsurumaki, we drove to Abashiri, at the northeast end of Japan, facing the sea of Okhotsk. Most Japanese know this city only for the notorious prison it houses. As we pulled in, Tsurumaki came out smiling from the Jakka Dufuni (the House to Store Precious Things), the Uilta documentation centre that overlooks the Abashiri River. He greeted us warmly. Aiko Kitagawa was waiting in the building. As she saw us, she smiled shyly and apologized for being so hard to reach. We asked her whether she found a lot of vegetables and berries in the mountains. As she nodded, Tsurumaki explained that for her just being in the mountains was the important thing. Kitagawa is still surrounded by the spirits of the earth. In the summer months much of her time is spent roaming the mountains. In her daily life she continuously communicates with and praises nature. When she travels to a new place, she makes sure to pray at crossroads and bridges that span rivers. Kitagawa revealed this when she reminisced about the meeting where we had first met. When I attended that event at Meiji Gakuin University, we were going onto campus when we had to drive around a giant ginko tree. Suddenly my legs felt like lead and I couldn't move. When we were returning by the tree, I suddenly got cold and started to shiver. The next day I asked for a cigarette and candy and went up to the tree. I looked around to make sure nobody was watching, because I felt shy. I put the offerings down and said a prayer. I felt better right away. With the help of Tsurumaki, whose Japanese is better than hers, Kitagawa told us about her brother, Gendanu, who was the founder of the Uilta Association and the documentation centre in which we sat. Gendanu (Japanese name is Gentaro Kitagawa) was born in 1922 in south Sakhalin and was adopted by the shaman and community leader Gorgoro Dahinneni (roughly meaning north river, which translates as Kitagawa in Japanese). He lived on a reservation built for the Uilta and Nivkh in 1925. Since the end of the Russo-Japanese War (1904-1905), the southern half of Sakhalin was ruled by Japan. Across the border in the northern half of the island were the Russians. The occupation by Japan meant severe treatment of the indigenous people of the island, especially of the Uilta, whose traditional lifestyle was nomadic, following the reindeer. The Japanese policy of putting them in reservations was devastating. As children, Gendanu and Aiko were put in a school for native children and forced to change their names. They also had to learn Japanese and were prohibited from participating in their Uilta culture. Under the policy of assimilation they received an Imperial education. This extreme discrimination made Gendanu wish to become a full-fledged Japanese, so when the Japanese military came to recruit him as a spy, he accepted the opportunity. In 1945 after the bombing of Hiroshima, Russia knew the United States was in a position to take all of Japan; wanting to grab a share for themselves, they crossed Japanese borders into Manchuria, Sakhalin, and Kuriles. People resisted; some were killed and many were captured. Most of the Japanese soldiers quickly escaped, but Gendanu was seized, tried in a military court, and condemned to a heavy sentence as a Japanese spy. He served nine years and six months of hard labour in Siberia. After his release, he chose to go to Japan. He settled in Abashiri in 1955 and received his Japanese citizenship in 1956. Tsurumaki explained to us what happened then. We applied for compensation and benefits on Gendanu's behalf for his military service and imprisonment, but were turned down because the Japanese said he didn't qualify. To us it was an obvious case of discrimination and injustice. Tsurumaki and others were so outraged by the decision that they organized a movement to redress the wrongs done to Gendanu and his fellow Uilra. Even the Abashiri town council joined the fight. A member of the Diet who was a Communist argued for Gendanu in parliament. And it wasn't just about Gendanu. A lot of minority groups in Japan and overseas were in the same position. "We began to see the dimensions of the problem," Tsurumaki said, "but we concentrated on Gendanu." In the Diet, members of the upper military testified. They said that they had recruited Gendanu during the war and that he had served in intelligence near the border, but the Department of Health and Welfare rejected the application on the grounds that Gendanu wasn't a Japanese citizen. They said that the Japanese couldn't recruit a noncitizen. It was a catch-22 situation. Gendanu had been recruited by someone up in Sakhalin, but because Japan legally couldn't recruit noncitizens, this wasn't recognized as even possible. Tsurumaki went on: So who drafted Gendanu? We found out that it was the Nakano School of Intelligence, which trained spies. They decided dojin [primitives] might be useful because they could tolerate cold, had a good knowledge of geography, and moved very fast. So they were trained as Japanese soldiers. They knew well that young native men would feel it was an honour to be an Imperial soldier and readily join up. Tsurumaki did not give up even after the decision. The government knows we're still here. They also know that although it's a small case, it would open up other cases of Koreans and Taiwanese. Gendanu always said it's not about money, it's about the heart of the government to apologize. The government must express it in some way. The Japanese attitude seems to be to eliminate them, to wait for the problem to disappear. It's a small group, but it survived for thousands of years and it was a wonderful culture. Somehow we've got to help them survive. It's not just for them. I feel it's also for us all. Quietly Kitagawa leaned forward and began to talk. Japan is my home. Sakhalin was my native land. I was born in 1928. When I first went to school, my classmates were Uilta, Nivkh, and children of other groups. The school was set up just for dojin, but I didn't know then that it was racism. Every day we were taught in Japanese and told to become Japanese. In town wherever I went people despised me, calling me orokko [a derogatory term for Uilta]. I thought Mother was responsible for this and hated her for it. I still remember that. When I turned seventeen, I began to work in a tannery and fish cannery under contract to the Japanese military. At the end of the war the Russians came, and young native men who had worked for the Japanese military were arrested and taken to Siberia. Many died there, but some came back years later. In the meantime we women, children, and old people were left behind. At nineteen, I got married to a young man from another native group called Kilin. But six months later he was arrested as a war criminal and sent to Siberia. I realized the war makes innocent people so unhappy. War is terrible. I also realized that the Japanese education was a lie. When I was working for a factory in Poloneisk, I threw myself in the river, but I couldn't end my life. I felt betrayed, and I decided that from then on I would be tough like a devil to survive. In 1952 I married a Korean man. Like many other Koreans in Sakhalin, at fifteen he had been kidnapped and blindfolded by the Japanese and forced to work in the mines. After the war, abandoned by the Japanese and stuck in Sakhalin, he worked for a fishnet factory. Then one day, my first husband came back. My second husband said I should go and talk to him, and if I preferred, I could go back to him. So I went to see my first husband. He said we didn't separate because we fought, it was just the war. And now that I had children, I should stay with my husband and he would go away. So I stayed with my second husband. After I had my third child, we finally received a letter from my brother, Gendanu, telling us he was going to Japan. Our family decided to join him in Japan. That's how we came to Abashiri, my new home. Although the Kitagawa family had been betrayed by the Japanese, they still hoped to receive official recognition of Gendanu's service for Japan. When they settled in Abashiri, the city saw them as an asset and fabricated a tourist attraction called "Fire Festival of Orochon" (orochon is another derogatory word for Uilta). Aiko Kitagawa and her father, Gorgoro, who was on welfare and living in public housing, agreed to par­ticipate in this humiliating show out of a sense of indebtedness. Tsurumaki and his group felt responsible and decided to help Gendanu in his effort to preserve their culture. Before Gendanu died in July 1984, he achieved all three goals he had set for the Uilta Association he formed with the support of Tsurumaki's group. In 1978, a museum was built. In 1981, a group was organized to go back to Sakhalin to visit relatives and friends. And finally, in 1982, a monument was built on Tenzan Mountain overlooking the Sea of Okhotsk to console the souls of Nivkh and Uilta who died in the war. The inscription on the plaque reads: Rest in peace We will not let your death be meaningless Praying for Peace ... May 3, 1982 The Uilta Association Before we left, Kitagawa folded some paper and then cut a detailed traditional pattern free hand and presented it to us as a gift. This form of cutting is the Uilta art of irga. Aiko and her sister are the only two who still practice the various Uilta folk arts. Much of the art in the documentation centre is Aiko's. lrga embroidery on clothing, bags, and shoes, Uilta woodwork, containers made of birch bark and animal skins with arabesque embroidered patterns, are all exhibited alongside traditional tools made by Gendanu. It is believed there are about three hundred Uilta still on Sakhalin, which is now in Russian territory. In Japan, there are probably only a handful of Uilta left. Kitagawa is the only one who admits her heritage publicly. Her sister, who spends much of her time with Aiko, has yet to declare herself a Uilta. Kitagawa's children wish to live as Japanese and be assimilated into Japanese society, although they support their mother's decision to live as a Uilta. Most Japanese have never heard of the Uilta. Those who have heard of Kitagawa assume past injustices have been dealt with and the case is closed. After all, how can one person represent an ethnic group and culture? In a society of more than 120 million people, there would seem to be little reason to worry about such a small group as the Uilta. But Kitagawa feels that when she dies, something immense and irreplaceable will be lost. And we feel that if nothing is done, the Japanese will have missed the opportunity to better understand their past mistakes and to create a more humane society in which diverse cultures can coexist and enrich one another. • At the end of 1992, after the aforementioned conference at Meiji Gakuin University, we went to Hokkaido with four conference participants from the Americas: one Mohawk and two Cree women from Canada and a Mixquito woman from Nicaragua. Accompanied by an NHK (Japan's national network) television crew, we travelled from Sapporo towards the eastern part of Hokkaido. Our trip had two objectives: to visit the Ainu communities scattered around the island and to observe the degree of environmental destruction. We stopped in the village of Nibutani, which is the only place in Hokkaido where the Ainu are a majority. Nibutani is known as the hub of Ainu culture and features an Ainu museum and cultural centre. Koichi Kaizawa and Shigeru Kayano agreed to be our guides. Kaizawa was a farmer and a native of Nibutani. He practiced organic farming, growing rice, potatoes, and various other vegetables on the farm he inherited from his grandmother. Kayano was the best-known Ainu elder in Japan and overseas, and had a vast knowledge of Ainu culture. Born in Nibutani in 1926, Kayano was in his late sixties when we met him and he spoke with the sort of dignity and wisdom that comes from experience and pain. His Ainu identity is his entire existence. Kaizawa told us that Nibutani has a population of about five hundred of which eighty percent are Ainu. The Nibutani Ainu are a part of the Saru Ainu, who make their livelihoods along the Saru River. They are traditionally hunters and gatherers, and salmon is their staple food. In his book, Our Land Was a Forest, Kayano writes about his early years: This Nibutani, where I was raised in material poverty yet with spiritual wealth, is in the town of Biratori, located in the Sam region of Hidaka county, Hokkaido. .... The Saru River flows near here and rice paddies abound. In the past, salmon were plentiful in the river, and in the nearby mountains there were deer and hare. The Ainu had settled long ago in the Sam River region, with its mild climate and rich supply of food, dotting the landscape with their communities. I believe it is to the Saru that Ainu culture can trace its origins, for the kamuy yukar state that the river is the land of Okikurmikamuy. This is the god who taught folk wisdom to the Ainu: how to build houses, fish, raise millet, and so forth.1 Kaizawa, an experienced woodsman, took us to the end of what used to be his property. It had been taken over in the past century by one of the Zaibatsu (a powerful financial group) known as the Mitsui Corporation. As we walked he told us the story of his aging father who had expressed a desire to see a chestnut tree before he died. This area was the northernmost range of chestnut trees. Since his father was very ill, Kaizawa set off to find a chestnut tree he could videotape. He walked a long way into the forest and eventually found one. Kaizawa was happy to be able to fulfill his father's dying wish. As we walked farther, Kaizawa decided to show us the chestnut tree he had videotaped. It was one of the largest in the area and would give us an idea of how big the original trees were before the Mitsui Corporation began logging. It was a tough, long hike over several high hills and through dense bamboo underbrush. We hiked along the spine of hills so steep that we could have plunged over the edge on either side by taking a single step off the trail. Because they don't have such mountainous regions on their land, the two Cree women had a hard time with the terrain. After an hour of heavy slogging, Kaizawa picked up the pace. He excitedly told us the tree was just over the next ridge. But on reaching the top, we discovered the entire valley, from the top of the hill to as far as we could see, had been clear-cut! The chestnut tree was gone. Kaizawa stared in shock and anger, unable to speak. The hillsides were completely shaved of all vegetation. Logging roads had cut a wide ribbon into the earth, and there were large pockmarks where the slash had been raked and burned. Once they used horses to skid the logs out on the frozen ground in winter. Now they needed wide roads so the bulldozers could get in. It was as if a battle had been fought here. We knew that on the steep slopes, once the rainy season started, the topsoil would quickly slide off the hills. While we stood there on the ridge, Kaizawa broke away and walked down into the clear-cut. He spent a good deal of time looking over the land, not speaking. When he returned to the group, there was an awkward moment as we searched for the right words to express our sorrow. He broke the silence by saying, "I'm glad my father died before this happened." Many Canadian environmentalists have accused Japan of logging forests in other countries in a way they would never do with their own forests. The forest near Nibutani proved the critics dead wrong. Big corporations everywhere seem hell-bent on liquidating the forests under the mistaken conceit that they know enough to regrow them and the belief that it is a waste to leave a merchantable tree standing. Koichi Kaizawa was born in Nibutani in 1946. His name—"ko" means "to cultivate"—was given to him by his grandfather who wanted his grandson to be a farmer. Living in a time of forced assimilation, his grandfather believed becoming a farmer and abandoning the traditional lifestyle of hunting and gathering would be the only way for the Ainu to survive and be full-fledged Japanese. Even though the Ainu are a majority in Nibutani, discrimination still exists. "But there were more Ainu, so when there were fights, we could win," Kaizawa told us with a wry smile. But outside Nibutani, his grandfather understood who was more powerful. My grandfather was an assimilationist. He believed that by abandoning his Ainuness he could overcome racism and become Japanese. So he consciously prohibited speaking Ainu at home, refused to observe the customs and ceremonies. My grandmother was not Ainu, but she had been abandoned as a child and adopted by Ainu, so she grew up as an Ainu. It was she who loved the Ainu culture and kept the habits. We were influenced by her. Probably influenced by his father, my father was also an assimilationist and didn't know much about Ainu culture or the language. He believed in being Japanese. He was recruited for the war as a Japanese, but once in the army he realized that discrimination against Ainu was still widespread. In China, he found five ethnic groups coexisting in Manchuria and northeastern China. He saw the harsh way Japanese discriminated against Koreans. He realized the Ainu had to have their own culture. You can't escape from what you are. When he returned from the war, he wasn't the same person he had been before. That was the beginning of the Ainu movement for him. Kaizawa's father, Tadashi Kaizawa, was one of the founders of the Utari Association of Hokkaido; with its 25,000 members it is the largest Ainu organization. He was especially concerned with the welfare of the Ainu people and the recognition of their culture. In 1899 the Former Aborigines Protection Act had simply extinguished the rights of Ainu. Under the guise of protecting the impoverished people, the act was instrumental in further destroying their cultural and economic base and accelerating the process of assimilation. Tadashi Kaizawa played a central role in the movement to push for an Ainu New Law (Counterplan to the Proposal for Legislation Concerning the Ainu People). Kaizawa told us he bitterly remembers the 1972 Winter Olympics in Sapporo when an NHK television announcer said, "It's been one hundred years since Japanese pioneers came to this no-man's land." Koichi snorted. Until a few years ago, Japan was telling the world they didn't have any ethnic minorities. But we have been making progress slowly but surely. I think we have had an impact. Once there is recognition of Ainu, Japan has to recognize other ethnic groups. In August 1987 the Utari Association delivered a paper to the United Nations in Geneva. In it they asked the U.N. to investigate their situation as an indigenous and ethnic minority within Japan, stressing the following three points: 1. Despite the "assimilation policy" as rendered by the Japanese government, we, the Ainu, have maintained our ethnicity as indigenous people in Japan. We have the "right of self-determination." 2. We, the Ainu, have our culture, religion, and customs which no one can violate. The Ainu have never given up these rights. Thus, the Ainu still firmly possess the rights of culture, religion, language, and customs. 3. The Ainu have the right to demand the establishment of a "New Act" which should replace the discriminatory "Hokkaido Former Aborigines Protection Act." Another achievement of Tadashi Kaizawa's was his trip to China to obtain recognition of the existence of the Ainu as an ethnic group within Japan. He managed to get an invitation from the Chinese government for an Ainu delegation. Koichi Kaizawa added, During the eighteen years since the first visit, we have been invited three times, and sixteen Ainu have visited the country. In his will, my father instructed that we go to China and officially thank them on his behalf. I did that this year. What Tadashi Kaizawa, his son, and their fellow Ainu saw on their visits influenced them greatly; in the Chinese system, small ethnic groups have a guaranteed place. The Ainu suddenly had a broader perspective. Like aboriginal people in North America, the Ainu community had a range of views about their relationship with the dominant society. Some would like to separate completely, demanding land and political autono­my over it. At the other end of the spectrum are many who have already assimilated and disappeared into the Japanese mainstream. Kaizawa told us how the visits to China had affected him. When I first went to China sixteen years ago, I had a separatist view and I expressed it. One of the Chinese officials said to me, "I understand you want independence, but after you get it, what happens then? It might cause a third world war. Hokkaido being such a hotspot, the Chinese, the Russians, the Americans won't be silent. So you can imagine what might happen. Do you still want independence?" And I had to say no. The Chinese man said, "Wouldn't you prefer establishing rights and then peacefully coexist with Japan?" Koichi Kaizawa's motivation had always been anger and a desire for a place where the Ainu could be left alone to live their lives and practice their culture. That did not change. He was still angry about the way the Ainu have been treated, but his approach became more moderate and rational. The highest goal would be an autonomous state within Japan. I understand the Japanese cannot accept the idea that we would take all of Hokkaido and that the Japanese would have to leave. Although we say clearly that northern Honshu, Hokkaido, and the Kuriles were once our territory, we do not tell Japanese to go away. We want to avoid unnecessary bloodshed. Taking up arms will just make enemies. We prefer to talk, and that's more appropriate because it's part of Ainu tradition called ukocharanke. Kayano explained to us the meaning of the term ukocharanke: Uko means "mutually" and charanke means "to let words fall"; the compound word ukocharanke thus refers to the Ainu custom of settling differences by arguing exhaustively. It also implies that the Ainu do not solve disputes by violence. Charanke requires the talent to argue with logic and the physical strength to sit in debate for days. Kaizawa continued: I understand the Ainu world is evaporating quickly. We are now witnessing the last generation of Ainu. Their rich cultural background is dying out. In the meantime Japanese scholars have been collecting material about Ainu. When we are ready, we will be able to get it back with the help of the Japanese knowledge of Ainu culture. It's sad but that's the reality. First Ainu must know what being Ainu means. And then we must have the Japanese recognize the Ainu as indigenous people. Nibutani is known for its excellent Ainu Cultural Museum. It was Kayano who collected the Ainu cultural items while working as a forester, and it was he who eventually founded the museum. He took us on a tour of the museum, which was now housed in an impressive modern building. Shigeru Kayano was born in 1926. As a child he learned the Ainu language from his grandmother. After graduating from elementary school, he became a labourer working in the mountains. Only much later, when he realized the importance of the culture he absorbed in his childhood, did he begin to work consciously for the preservation of Ainu culture. Besides founding the museum, he started an Ainu language school in his backyard, which has since spread to a dozen communities in Hokkaido. As an ethnologist he has written dictionaries, collections of mythology, legends and folk tales, and books of essays. Kayano and Koichi Kaizawa's father, Tadashi, were close friends and considered each other partners in the same struggle for the Ainu. Kayano was in charge of cultural matters, and Kaizawa, Sr., was in charge of political matters. The history of the Ainu in Hokkaido echoes the experience of North and South American Indians. Although the Ainu at one time occupied all of Hokkaido, Japan simply took over the mountains as national or corporate property, and the rivers have gone to the Ministry of Construction and Fishery Cooperatives. In the 1960s it was decided to create an industrial park twenty kilometres from Nibutani. The land was confiscated and a huge port built and dredged. But with the oil crisis in the 1970s, the economy began to sputter, and the land has never been developed. Nevertheless, construction has begun on a huge dam on the Saru River. Already the muddy water has interfered with the fish runs. The amount of electricity generated by the dam will be trivial—3,000 kilowatts, enough to light one building. The real function of the dam, it was said, was to provide water for the factories, but now that the building of factories seems remote, the rationale has shifted to the need for water for irrigation and to use the dams for flood control. Clearly there is no valid need for the dam, but construction continues. The construction companies are well connected with the government, and the jobs inject money into the local economy, giving an illusion of prosperity. So it will continue, and another piece of an indigenous culture will disappear as yet another fragment of an ecosystem is modified and biodiversity lost. Kaizawa and Kayano took us all down to the Saru River. There we climbed into two dugout canoes. The water was murky, and on the opposite bank, bulldozers were digging out the soil in preparation for the day the whole area would be underwater. Kayano stood on the stern of the canoe and, with a long pole, pushed us along the river. He was enjoying himself out on the water. In a country renowned for its love of nature, it is strange that even here in Hokkaido most rivers have been "domesticated." They have been straightened and dammed, their banks lined with concrete and rock. One part of the riverbank filled in with concrete is now called Ecological Park by the municipality. In his book, Our Land Was a Forest, Kayano recalled: I cannot begin to imagine how many salmon in the old days swam up the Saru River, then called the Sisirimuka. The kamuy yukar that my grandmother used to sing for me described the salmon as swelling the water surface like a seismic wave as they swam against the current, "the backs of those swimming near the surface being scorched by the sun, and the bellies of those swimming near the bottom of the water nearly scraped off by rocks."2 It wasn't until we were almost at the construction site that Kayano told us that we were going to travel "illegally" under the huge dam. From the bank an official from the construction company watched our two boats through binoculars. In front of us the huge concrete structure of the dam loomed. As the current flowed faster, the boats picked up speed, and together the two canoes shot under the gate neck and neck almost as if we were racing. Kayano's brother pushed his pole against the concrete dam. At his symbolic act of defiance we all cheered. But at the same time we were shocked to see the imposing, monstrous structure already standing on this once idyllic river. We realized with heavy hearts that the struggle Koichi Kaizawa, his father, and Shigeru Kayano have been waging was on the brink of defeat. When his father was alive, Kaizawa was reluctant to get too wrapped up in the struggle. Tadashi had always been extremely busy with little time for the family. As a farmer Kaizawa knew that there was nobody else who could take care of his farm. My father asked me if it was okay to oppose the dam. I told him to go ahead, and promised, after he died, I would take up the cause. When he began to protest, I knew it would take ten to twenty years. But I didn't know my father would pass away so soon. Kayano and Tadashi Kaizawa owned pieces of farmland that were to be flooded by the dam. For both of them the issue was far greater than the fate of their small plots. Out of thirty thousand rivers in Japan only two hadn't been either dammed or modified in some way. To them the fight had an added symbolic significance, because it was also about the survival of the Ainu. For the Saru Ainu who live on the river, destroying the river meant the destruction of their livelihood and culture. Nibutani, as it is described in the legends and mythology, is a sacred Ainu place. From the canoe, Kayano pointed out various sacred sites. At one, we were shocked to see bulldozers moving and destroying the earth. Kaizawa explained: Kayano and I are suing the people who expropriated the land for the dam. Once we started the case, the state decided to join the side of the expropriators. This is good because it puts us in direct discussion with the government. We are forcing the state to listen to us. I now realize that this is what my father was doing. The judge recently ordered the state to give a clearer statement on its position about whether the Ainu are Japan's indigenous people. So it's getting interesting. What we want is a policy statement on the distinction between indigenous and ethnic minorities. Without recognition of us as indigenous people, our culture and history will not be recognized. Recently Koichi Kaizawa's son, Taichi, wore an Ainu outfit to his college graduation, an event that attracted wide coverage in the media. But Kaizawa hopes for the day such things will not be considered news. Kayano gave copies of the newspaper reports on the graduation to his students in language class. They were very impressed and remarked how courageous the boy was. When we talked to Taichi later, he said, "It wasn't courageous. It was normal. But young people now are so conservative. They ask me, 'Why are you causing problems? Why can't you be satisfied with what you have?"' His father said the Japanese in and around Nibutani keep asking the same thing. "We get along. Why are you stirring it up? It's about culture, isn't it? We're helping you protect that." A writer once wrote, "The Roman Empire died out, but its culture thrives." So the same could be for the Ainu. But that would mean the elimination of the Ainu. The culture would be preserved, but the people would be erased. And we refuse that. We asked what Kaizawa thought was the most important challenge facing the Ainu. He replied: I guess it's pride. How to bring that back. The Japanese state has to recognize us. Then they have to write a true history of what happened. By knowing the facts, both Japanese and Ainu will have a different attitude. Racism will decline and mutual respect will thrive. It may take three generations, so if we don't start now, the Ainu will disappear. I think probably every indigenous group is in the same situation. They have been pushed to the limit. But once they recover their pride, they'll take everything back. Just before Tadashi Kaizawa died in early 1992, he wrote an appeal to the president of Mitsui Corporation urging him to return the Ainu forests and mountains that they owned. Tadashi knew that his life was coming to an end. He asked his son to have an Ainu-style funeral for him and asked Kayano to read a farewell prayer in the Ainu language. And so, Koichi Kaizawa organized the first Ainu-style funeral that had taken place in many years. Tadashi's body was surrounded by piles of chrysanthemums. Facing a picture of his dear friend, Kayano asked the Ainu gods for his safe journey to their world. Under Kayano's guidance a traditional marker was carved out of wood and placed at the grave on a hill overlooking the family farm. While still working as a farmer, Kaizawa was also involved on two battlefronts. His fight against the dam continued. He and Kayano had thirteen volunteer lawyers with expertise in different areas who were ready to prove the Ainu are indigenous. He was also involved with the National Trust Movement, through which he hoped to regain the mountains behind his farm. The National Trust, which is headquartered in Osaka, collects supporters and funds to buy back land in small increments until it co-owns a significant area. It had been Kaizawa's father's dream to regain the mountains; Kaizawa's dream is to use them as a stronghold in the resurging Ainu culture, as the Ainu and Japanese friends would demonstrate an ecologically viable way of living by applying the wisdom of the elders. Kaizawa explained: Hundreds of people have listened to me, understood our cause, and now each one of them is giving the message to many others. That's how things get better. It seems to be a slow process. But in fact it is the fastest way. This is the Ainu wisdom of ukocharanke. In August 1993, Kaizawa was the main organizer of the Nibutani Forum, in which he was able to involve not only his Ainu community but the municipality of Biratori, with its Japanese majority. The forum received wide coverage from the national press and was attended by native people from fifteen different countries. Many participants expressed their support for the Ainu's fight against the dam. In the summer of 1994, Kayano became the first Ainu to be elected to the National Assembly. In his first speech to the Diet, Kayano spoke his native Ainu language, which is not officially recognized. As he spoke, an unusual quiet descended over the assembly, and there was a mixture of excitement and embarrassment. Switching his speech to Japanese, he said he was there to sit with them and engage in a fruitful ukocharanke until they came to a mutual acceptance and respect. • After our visit with Kayano and Kaizawa we travelled to the eastern part of Hokkaido, where we were reunited with some Ainu friends: the Takiguchi family of the town of Akan. Facing Lake Akan, the town with its hot springs was a popular resort destination for Japanese tourists from the mainland. At the edge of town there was a section called Ainu Kotan, which means Ainu Village. The village was set up for the Ainu by a wealthy local landlord and is primarily a tourist attraction. The main street goes up a small hill and on either side are stores with colourful facades, selling everything from highly artistic sculptures and crafts to cheap plastic souvenirs. Many salesclerks dress in traditional Ainu costumes and wear embroidered headbands. At the top of the slope is a large thatched hut where groups from the community perform traditional music and dance at regularly scheduled times. The Takiguchis own a small craft store on this street. In a way, the couple is symbolic of the future of the Ainu. Yuriko, an Ainu woman originally from Tokachi, is an artisan practicing traditional embroidery and knitting and is also active in various communal cultural activities. For our arrival, she had collected all kinds of mountain vegetables and filled the table with incredible dishes. In spite of her limp, she bustled about her house to keep us plied with food and drink, her large, friendly eyes promising to break into laughter. Her husband, Masamitsu, a deaf-mute Japanese sculptor, was born in Manchuria. Slim, with a short ponytail, he actively joined in our conversation with a mixture of sounds and sign language that his wife understood and translated for us. For his work on large wood sculptures, Masamitsu rents a house in the countryside of Teshikaga. The Takiguchis let us use it as a base of operations. The hot springs heated the whole house and there was a warm natural bath outside. A good friend of Yuriko's, Kiyono Nagane, an elderly Ainu woman from Ashoro, joined us to tell her story. Her vision was so poor she had to peer at us through very thick glasses, and most of her teeth were gone, but she talked loudly and animatedly. She had all of us roaring with her raucous delivery and sense of humour. She began: I was born in Hokkaido in 1924. Until I was five I lived in the mountains. Then we moved to Obihiro, a city in the southeastern part of Hokkaido. The kids called me Ainu, but I didn't know what they meant. They would harass us for being Ainu. So my father would go to the kids' homes, but that only made things worse. Of course the children learn these things from their parents. I just worked harder until I became like a boss and could order other kids around. When I was twelve or thirteen, I loved dancing and being part of the celebrations. There were lots of occasions—people going to war or getting married. Everyone, old people, young people, huge people, would get up and dance in a circle. They would drink homemade sake. My husband was very handsome, but I didn't like him very much. In fact, I tried to get away from him by taking a job as a maid in Sapporo. He kind of deceived me. I thought that he was a fisherman or something, but he was a hunter. He hunted birds at first. He brought a bird to me to be plucked. I had no idea what to do, so I began to pull one feather out at a time. He came over and asked me what I thought I was doing. He pulled the feathers and they came off so cleanly. He was such a good shot that if he spotted a fox, he would wait till it was joined by a second one and then kill both of them with a single bullet. But mostly my husband, Genjiro, was a bear hunter. He killed 134 bears. He would sell the gall bladder. It was worth as much as gold. It's very bitter. When you hold it up and look through it, it is a clear yellow. Some people add blood to it to increase its weight, but then it becomes brittle and brown and you can tell. We would sell the teeth, the skin. The paws tasted so good, the best meat of all. Bear meat is only good at certain times. My husband and I are both half Ainu. We lived where there were only Ainu. If there was intermarriage, it was because Japanese would come to be with us, not because Ainu would go out and find a Japanese partner. My husband and I didn't speak Ainu, but as we got older, I called him names in Ainu and he answered back in Ainu. I have been writing down the words. My husband knows a lot of the names of animals and hunting language. I never had my children in the hospital. My mother-in-law would come and help. I had my first child when I was twenty-two and I was scared. My mother-in-law was very hard on me. I had the last two babies by myself. I would get an obi [sash] and hook it around my feet so I could pull against it. My eldest daughter was there and I told her to help me. When the baby came out, I couldn't bring myself to look, so I told her to look at it. She fell down in a faint. I told her to go and boil some water, but she said she couldn't move her legs. Even now, she doesn't like babies. My husband said if the children looked like him, they would be beautiful and wouldn't have to worry. If they didn't, then it was my fault. The sun had set. Although it was chilly outside, the hot springs running under the house kept us warm. Yuriko Takiguchi poured more tea and added more dishes to the already overloaded table. As Kiyono Nagane showed no signs of tiring, we asked her what she thinks of the way the Japanese have developed Ainu land. She replied: I think it's contradictory what they say and what they do. I worked for the forestry department, and they taught me about the water cycle. Yet even in national parks, they're cutting trees like mad. They cause landslides. Then they build dams. It's a vicious cycle. They know what effect the dam will have, but they build it. They know the effect of cutting trees, but they still log. Then when the bad effects happen, we're the ones who have to move out. So I'm against the dam at Nibutani, but once it's built, what can we do? The Japanese built dams and destroyed the fishing. They built a munitions depot for the Japan Defense League. I joined the opposition, but they built it. Now they propose a development for the military and I oppose it. But people like it. They think it will bring money into the region, that the soldiers will spend money. But they can buy things cheaply on the base. Even with all the opposition, everything gets built, so it's useless. People are thinking only of money for tomorrow. The forestry department said if they clear an area of trees, then plant new ones, there will be trees again in seventy to eighty years. But I won't be around then. It doesn't make sense. The same people who are cutting are planting. Now we never see a big tree anymore anywhere. When the forest is cut, the animals disappear. We don't know how long it will take for everything to grow back. Foresters claim to have expertise and science. But Nagane made so much more sense. The illusion that modern science and technology can provide all we need to carry on with our destructive ways is dangerous and foolish. The only place where there are big trees left is in the national parks, and they want to cut those too. Wherever I go, I see naked mountains. People speak of the Earth being sick. They mean this. My generation is almost over, but children today ... I don't know how they're going to survive. Walking on asphalt, you don't feel good. It's hot. Urban people with children are surrounded by concrete and now want to get away from the concrete so they can walk on earth. Masamitsu Takiguchi motioned to us that he'd like to say something. We communicated through lipreading, gestures, and sounds he made with his throat. The strangeness of communicating in this way faded quickly as we became used to it. He told us: When we cut trees, I feel bad because it hurts them. That's why I prefer to use driftwood and bogwood for my sculptures. Look at the way we cut the trees. We just cut more and more. We cut the old oak that the owls and other animals need, and they disappear right away. In Washington, Oregon, and British Columbia, spotted owls and marbled murrelets are found only in old-growth forests. When those trees are cut down, the birds disappear. Yet this connection is still disputed. This artist saw with clarity what the "experts" still debate. Masamitsu Takiguchi was born in 1941 in Manchuria, the northeastern part of China, where Japan had set up a puppet regime during the Second World War. Living conditions were very rough there, thanks to the war, and he developed pneumonia when he was three years old, resulting in his loss of hearing and speech. After his family returned to Japan, he entered a school for the deaf and eventually took up crafts, which have become his lifelong passion. When he was twenty-two, he travelled to Hokkaido, where he met Yuriko, fell in love, and eventually married. Since then, eastern Hokkaido has been his home. As a wood carver, he has earned many prizes and given exhibitions in both Hokkaido and Tokyo. He told us: I work only with wood because it has a tamashii [soul]. Each tree has its own personality. I can tell by the texture, hardness, and colour. A tree strives to grow, twists and turns in its struggle. To slice it straight is sad after it tried so hard to grow for many years. If it is crooked there are reasons for it. So each curve is important. When I look at it, I see life and try to imagine why it went like that. When I see the flow of the grain, I could see the wind in it. The series of sculptures I did called "Kaze" [Wind] was inspired by the wind I saw in the tree. I also see a prayer in the tree. The tree has life. The tree is quiet but it is praying quietly. Maybe I am crazy, but I do believe a soul is there. To him, dead wood was not really dead. He demonstrated by carving a piece for us. His work never imposed on nature; rather, it helped nature express herself. One of the most common images in his pieces was a fairy­tale-like woman. Just like the Chinese folk tale in which a baby girl emerges from a bamboo tree, the faces on Takiguchi's figures spring forth from the natural grains and shapes of the weathered driftwood. He would take a large trunk of a dead tree, but would carve only a small section of it. But as he showed us, his conservative strokes returned a beauty and depth to the wood. I live in Hokkaido because I like to be surrounded by trees. But, of course, they're cutting them down here, too. I'm shocked daily when I pass by a place and think, "Oh, they've cut that, too." They cut even small ones for paper. Science and technology are very destructive because they are based on greed. I think the traditional Ainu way is a good one. After the wonderful food and stories told long into the night, and the relaxation of the hot spring-fed ofaro (bath), we left Teshikaga to meet our next interviewee. • It's not just the Japanese who can learn a more balanced relationship with the Earth from Ainu tradition. Many Ainu themselves, having been assimilated (some would say forcibly brainwashed) into Japanese society, are returning to their cultural roots. Like many First Nations people in North America, who were brought up with the negative and often self­fulfilling images in "cowboys and Indians" movies and the popular notion of "drunken Indians" on reserves or skid row but have now returned to their roots, many Ainu are finding strength and purpose in the wisdom of their elders. On our trip to eastern Hokkaido, we stopped in Nemuro, the most eastern city of Japan, to meet such a person. Mieko Chikkup is an embroidery artist and human rights activist whose facial features—a strong aquiline nose and big round eyes—immediately informed us she was not Japanese. Chikkup had travelled from her home in Sapporo to accompany us in our quest to see the shima-fakuro (Blakiston's fish owl), one of the most important Ainu gods and guardian of the kotan (community). We were led into the forest by owl expert Sumio Yamamoto. It was a beautiful evening: snow was on the ground and the sky was clear. The moon shone through the intertwining branches of the trees. After a long walk, Yamamoto signalled to us that he had seen an owl. We approached quietly and slowly. Then suddenly he gestured that there were two. These birds are close to extinction, and we were thrilled to see them. They sat erect and dignified as if proud of their bearing. We stopped and looked through binoculars, then we noticed that Chikkup kept slowly moving closer. When she got very close to the owls, it was almost as if they were having a discussion. We were enthralled by the sight of these beautiful birds, but for Chikkup, it was a spiritual experience, another step in her discovery and connection with the gods and culture of her people. Later Chikkup told us how she became an activist. She was born in Kushiro, a fishing port in Hokkaido with a population of about 200,000. There were Ainu in the city, but no kotan where they were concentrated. Many of the fishermen eked out a living growing kombu, a seaweed prized for flavouring soups. A book called Ethnography of Ainu3 was published, and in it there was a picture of me playing a mouth harp when I was young. There was another picture in the book showing a person's back to show how hairy Ainu were. My picture and one of Mr. Kayano were used without our permission. It was at once clear to me that the attitude in the book was one of contempt, depicting Ainu as a disappearing race. I knew Ainu culture was not officially recognized, but for me it was a real thing. I grew up with proud people. If this book was allowed to pass, I'd have to deny my whole background. I became angry. I thought of my daughter and the younger Ainu. I wondered, "What do they mean by disappearing race when I'm worried about the next generation?" But it was the attitude of the book's producers that angered me the most. They didn't even think about asking our permission, but they would never do that to Japanese people. Since the book was produced by the top intellectuals of Hokkaido, no one felt there was a problem. A Hokkaido historian, Genzo Sarashina, was one of those involved, so I approached him. He said, "Ainu have nothing left. What is the problem?" He was the one who freely gave out pictures. He told me, "I'm a good neighbour of the Ainu," and that I was the first person to object. The Japanese are not a litigious people by nature. There are more lawyers in the city of Toronto than there are in all of Japan. Even when suits occur, judges prefer to have both parties settle out of court, with acknowledgment that there may have been blame on both sides. Chikkup first went to see the publishers of the book, but when her concerns were shrugged off, she decided to take the extraordinary step of suing them. It would change the course of her life. "As the court case started," she told us, "I had to begin studying my own past intensively. I was over thirty when I first read my mother's journals, which I had kept for many years." When Chikkup was a child, her father was a ne'er-do-well, an alcoholic who became violent and beat her mother. Her mother was artistic and loved song, dance, and crafts. Even though she was poor with little formal education, she wrote extensively, recording her feelings in detail in her daily journal. From the journals, I learned that during the war, my father and my mother's brother, Tasuke Yamamoto, who later became a great Ainu leader, were soldiers. They had been told by Japanese that "Ainu, too, are children of the emperor and by going to war, you can prove it." So they joined up only to learn that in the army, Ainu continued to be discriminated against as they always had been. My uncle realized that it was all an assimilationist policy by the government and it made him resist. But my father was different. He succumbed to the prejudice and was beaten by it. He vented his rage on my mother. Her mother died when Mieko Chikkup was eighteen, and it was only years later that the journals revealed her mother's deepest thoughts. "When I was a kid," Chikkup said, "I asked her why she wrote so much. She told me, 'This is for you so you won't forget where your people come from."' Even though Chikkup lived as the Japanese did and went to school with them, she learned traditional embroidery and Ainu culture from her mother. Her uncle Tasuke was a major influence on the way she saw the world. She listened to his conversations with his friends, and she recorded the Ainu stories and legends he dictated. In primary school the chil­dren taunted the Ainu, calling them "dirty," "hairy," "smelly." They used a play on words—A inu, meaning "Ah, a dog." All four of her brothers quit school early, and Chikkup barely made it through junior high. When she was about seventeen, NHK did a program about the Ainu, and she was in it. That's when she met Shigeru Kayano, now the major force of the Ainu people since his election to the National Diet. He was in his mid-thirties. For the first time I found an Ainu man very attractive, not in a physical sense, but he was stately and lively and able to explain about Ainu to Japanese. He had pride and he showed it. He was like my uncle and gave me a sense of pride. After the death of her mother, Chikkup visited her brother, who was working as a carver in the Ainu kotan of Akan. There she met a visiting Japanese student. They fell in love, got married and moved to Tokyo, where he got a job with a big company. Chikkup had one child, a daughter, who was nineteen years old at the time of our interview. When she was married, Chikkup thought nothing of moving to Tokyo and leaving Ainu culture behind. She was young and in love. Only much later did she realize there was an emptiness; she was lonely and missed Hokkaido. She continued the embroidery she had learned from her mother and started to teach it, as well. She stayed involved in Ainu matters in Tokyo through a group of Ainu women who would meet to sing and dance. There were fifteen or sixteen of them, all married to Japanese men; most of them later ended up divorced. Chikkup was only one of two who was still married. Since her husband had a good job and she worked part-time, she was better off financially than most and she had spare time. She therefore became a central figure in the group. If someone got sick or needed help or there was work to do, she could do it. When one member of the group heard about an act of discrimination, she'd try to do something about it. Ethnography of Ainu, which changed Chikkup's life, was published on the one hundredth anniversary of the beginning of colonization of Hokkaido by Japanese. To the Ainu, that marked a devastating period of invasion, humiliation, and oppression, hardly a time to celebrate. The trial in which Chikkup sued the publisher was held in Tokyo, but at one point was moved to Hokkaido. There, Ainu elders and supporters testified in support of Chikkup's suit. The defendants also had their own experts, one of whom actually said that the Ainu were gone, having been successfully assimilated into Japanese society. He also said that their habit of piercing ears was a sign of how barbaric they were. When Chikkup's lawyer asked what that said about all the young Japanese girls who were piercing their ears, the whole courtroom burst out laughing. Chikkup told us: My main objection was the attitude in the book. It was the way "experts" could dig up the bones of our ancestors, take them to the university and measure them, all without any respect for what we felt. I had a hard time deciding what I wanted. I was angry with experts who might say, "I'm sorry," but then kept on doing the same things. Since they put so much value on written things, I demanded a written apology. Money was secondary, so the lawyers set the amount lower. As Chikkup became more involved, she began to meet people from different minority communities. I never imagined my case would become such a major case and cause célèbre for minority groups. At one point my lawyers took me to a meeting. When we got there, there were a lot of people lounging around looking sour and upset. Then I learned they were journalists there to cover the court case, and they were annoyed because I was an hour late. When I sat down, I was intrigued by all the microphones until I realized they were all there to record me! There were all kinds of lights and cameras focused on me. The case and her subsequent victory, a negotiated settlement that included both a sum of money and a written apology, transformed her life. It catapulted her into the public spotlight and further strained her already troubled marriage. As a result of the case, I was invited to a woman's conference in Nairobi. It was my first trip overseas. Since at that time I had been thinking of leaving my husband, it was an important personal trip. It had become clear that my husband didn't support my Ainu interests and activities. He wanted me to limit them to embroidery and stay at home like a traditional wife. But I wanted to do more. I wanted to live as an Ainu. I was becoming very busy and no longer fulfilled the Japanese image of a wife. I wanted to be free. When I told him I was going to leave him, he was surprised and upset. He became violent and threatened me. Even after we separated, he would call and harass me. But since I had been asked by people in Hokkaido to become more involved with them, it was a good time to flee my marriage and get closer to my roots. So I moved to Sapporo. Since then, Chikkup's political activities have been intense, organizing and participating in conferences, travelling extensively to give lectures and writing. But her priority remains Ainu embroidery. When I was a child, it was fun just drawing and making patterns for embroidery. Since I always liked art, at twenty-five I decided to make it my life's work and I quit oil painting. I began to study seriously, read books, went to museums with my daughter. I practiced over and over for five years but then hit a block and just couldn't do any more. One day I was looking at some traditional Ainu work in a glass case when I felt the embroidery begin to talk to me. The message it gave me was, "This practice is not a mechanical thing, it came from nature." I had forgotten nature. The voice was telling me to look with more of a natural frame of mind as a free person. I realized it was true. I had forgotten nature. After that, my lines became freer, more gentle. Of course, I work within traditional patterns, but I use richer colours and variation that corresponds to what we see. Colour is a reflection of nature, although materials are very limited compared to the natural world. It became fun and I began to enjoy the depths of this practice. To me, it's a way to tell our history, a history of racism and persecution; a history as told by women. This tradition was kept going by Ainu women. Each movement of the needle has a prayer. Arabesque and thorn patterns on the sleeves, collar, and hem are a protection against disease. By the needlework women were praying that their beloved would be protected. The power you see in Ainu embroidery comes from women's prayers. Chikkup hadn't thought of the issues she was involved with as women's issues but rather as Ainu issues. Mostly, the minority groups she had met were through her Ainu women's group in Tokyo. On the plane to Nairobi were some Japanese women who were into women's liberation. I couldn't get over how naïve they were. They were interested in only specific issues of concern to middle-class women, issues like the gap in salaries between men and women. They had no idea about whole groups who were suppressed, men and women. When I would say that there was no way aboriginal groups could stand at the same level as the women's liberationists, they would only get angry and retort, "It's not our fault. We didn't know about the Ainu." I gave up. I didn't have time for them. It's not that I'm not interested in women's issues, but I resent the hollowness of words like "solidarity" without an understanding of racism and oppression. When I met Third World women, it was completely different. Although we were severely restricted by language, we could understand each other and talk about the philosophy of nature, which we have in common. The aboriginals of other countries Chikkup met overseas invariably told her about Mother Earth. Each time she was struck by the concept's beauty and strength. It was as if she found a bridge to connect herself back to Ainu Moshir (Ainu term for Hokkaido). We reminded her of the time we had gone out into the bush with Sumio Yamamoto to find a wild owl. She replied: That was the first time I had seen an owl. Until then, the owl was in my uncle Tasuke Xamamoto's world, not mine. I thought I had no experience of living in a community in which the gods watched over us. But seeing that owl, I began to understand that this god is protecting our community. Old stories, yukar, came back to me. Chikkup is an Ainu word meaning bird. She adopted it, while keeping her Japanese first name, Mieko. When I changed my name, I was thinking about kamui chikkup [sacred bird]. I wanted to be a bird, but I didn't have the right to the sacred. Chikkup was part of the songs of lament sung by women who were forcibly moved—"If I had wings like a bird, I'd fly back to my home." Through the generations, women taught their daughters songs that say, "When you grow up and fall in love, you'll wish you are a bird to fly to the man you love." They'd sing this while embroidering. I wanted to share that with aboriginal people overseas. So I went to the Earth Summit in Rio. They welcomed me warmly, but were shocked to meet an aboriginal person from a highly developed country like Japan. I was wearing clothes similar to everyone else, but the South American Indians were wearing body paint and very little clothes as was appropriate for the climate. They looked at me strangely and made me nervous. They seemed to question whether I was an aboriginal person. I felt there was a lot of pressure on me. But thanks to that, I felt more responsible, more determined about being an indigenous person. We asked her how her life has changed since her return to the ways of the Ainu. My thoughts have become deeper since the court case and my travels abroad. Learning from others is learning about myself. In Rio I heard directly from aboriginal people about their philosophy, and my uncle's thoughts began to come back. I can now remember him saying human beings are just one part of nature. Since Rio, all the elements are coming back together. To most visitors from abroad, the Ainu and Uilta would appear to be part of a uniform people, the Japanese. To us (Keibo and David), some of the Ainu do appear physically distinct, but what quickly reveals the vast differences between Ainu and the dominant Yamato people is their conversation. After fourteen hundred years of oppression and racism, the Ainu people and culture still exist, and now there is a growing pride in being Ainu among the young people. To a dominant Japanese society that is hell-bent on consumption and material comfort, the Ainu represent an opportunity to see themselves through very different lenses and perhaps to realize that there are other values related to our connection with the Earth. Shared Blood, Different Futures "I want a society in which we live together but one in which we respect differences." Akehiko Asai We've all heard the saying "Blood is thicker than water," a folkloric recognition that genetic bonds matter. And certainly in Japan, birth or longtime residence in the country, fluency in the language, or acceptance of the culture is not sufficient to ensure citizenship, as Koreans born in Japan can attest. Genetic origin would appear to be the defining factor. If racial similarity is the precondition for full Japanesehood, that might explain the difficulties encountered by Koreans, Chinese, and children of Japanese mothers and American soldiers. But that is contradicted by generations of genetically pure Japanese born in other countries who encounter hostility or prejudice in Japan. These Nikkei (Japanese born in other countries) often have only a limited level of speaking ability in Japanese, and this immense barrier to communication precludes their acceptance by Japanese society. But it's more than just linguistic and cultural. What qualifies a person as Japanese is not just heredity but cultural purity. As an island nation, Japan has been protected from ready invasion, although now, with a global economy, even Japan cannot keep out foreign ideas, money, products, and people. But Japan has a long tradition of concern about "contamination" or "pollution" by foreign ideas and activity. The Japanese company man who is posted abroad with his family for several years finds upon returning to Japan that his children are at a disadvantage compared to other youngsters. They are seen as having been contaminated by their foreign ideas, education, experience, and friends. We travelled to Kawasaki, an industrial city south of Tokyo, to meet Luis Kaneshiro and Ayako Noborikawa, both Japanese-Peruvian Nikkei. As we came through the automatic wicket, we entered a huge concourse filled with people rushing about. Kawasaki is known as the city of the working class and has a high concentration of foreign workers. Kaneshiro and Noborikawa were waiting for us in the crowded concourse. Without exchanging information about our physical features and clothing, we wouldn't have been able to find each other. Kaneshiro is a stocky man with thick glasses and a serious demeanour. Noborikawa seemed nervous and shy. They took us to a South American restaurant called Arco Iris (rainbow), a hangout for Brazilian, Peruvian, and Argentinean Japanese "returnees"—those who have come back to the land of their ancestors. On the walls were pictures from Latin America; the music was South American as was the video station on the TV. The people who filled the restaurant were physically Japanese in appearance, and yet we instantly knew they were somehow different. It took us a minute to realize that the difference lay in their body language. They spoke loudly and with animation accompanied by a lot of laughter and exaggerated gestures. They were Latin Americans! We sat down and chatted with the Nikkei. Initially we encountered some language difficulties since Kaneshiro spoke only Japanese and Spanish, while Noborikawa spoke English, Japanese, and Spanish. But with our mix of languages, everybody was soon interpreting for one another. Eventually Kaneshiro and Noborikawa relaxed, discarding their shy and serious facades. Kaneshiro's grandparents had emigrated from Okinawa to Peru before the Second World War. The prewar Japanese government, with its problems of overpopulation and poverty in farming communities, had encouraged farmers, especially those who were not in a position to inherit a family farm, to emigrate. As a result, Brazil has more than one million Japanese. Peru has 80,000 Japanese families, including that of the president of the country who was a nisei (the name given to the first generation born in the new country). One demographic characteristic of the Japanese-Peruvians was that about half of them are Okinawan descendants. Kaneshiro told us there were at least 30,000 returnees, and the rate of migration had picked up since 1990. They were returning because the wages were better in Japan and because of terrorism and other unstable social and economic factors in their country. But recently, with the recession in Japan, fewer jobs, and less overtime, a lot of those who came just to make money were returning to South America. Kaneshiro told us that he was staying in Japan because he'd become accustomed to it here. ''After five years, I went back to Peru, but I couldn't adjust there, so I came back again. But I still encounter lots of discrimination here." Noborikawa, also a migrant worker, told us of her experiences. "We Japanese-Peruvians had an image of Japanese as kind and nice. We come here and are shocked. Japanese are cold. After coming here I started to hate to be Japanese. I cried when we left Peru." Kaneshiro was president of the Peru Nikkei Association, established in 1987. Our people are moving all the time. It's theoretically possible to become a Japanese citizen, but most immigrants are not interested because they will one day return to South America. I'm not so sure what I'll do myself. I've been here fifteen years and renew my visa every three years, which I don't find that inconvenient. Nikkei in any country are identified by the number of generations they are removed from Japan. Thus, the generation that emigrates is called issei, the first. Their children, born in the new country, are nisei, the second. Sansei, yonsei, and gosei are the third, fourth, and fifth. "Japanese policy makes it easier for nisei to get in than sansei or interracial people," Kaneshiro explained. "Yonsei may not get in at all. The Japanese rationale is that it's for their benefit." The rationale for the Japanese immigration policy smacks of the same justification the U.S. and Canada used for incarcerating people of Japanese descent during the Second World War. According to that reasoning, the governments couldn't guarantee the safety of Japanese, so incarceration was for their protection. Japanese immigration policy makes more sense if we interpret it as a concern over contamination, which becomes greater with each generation away from Japan. "I was shocked at first when I came here," Noborikawa said, "but I can't change them, so I accept it. I find it hard to make friends with Japanese because they always treat me like a gaijin [foreigner]." From her attitude and way of speaking we could see why she had trouble with everyday Japanese people. She was vivacious and laughed out loud without covering her mouth as so many Japanese women do. She gestured extravagantly and talked frankly and fast. "What's in it for me to become a citizen?" Kaneshiro responded. "What will change? Because I work with Japanese, I feel like I'm one, but then I realize that I'm not, I'm a Peruvian." Noborikawa leapt in again. Most Japanese in Peru go to Japanese schools. Those who do go to Peruvian schools come out at the top. Peruvians say it is because we are Japanese, but we're just sons and daughters of immigrants. They say there's a community of Japanese in Peru, but it's not true, it's just a group of immigrants and their children. In Japan my co-workers tell me, "You are not Japanese. You are an immigrant." In both countries, their differences set them apart, isolate them. Sitting in the Arco Iris, eating South American food, talking to Kaneshiro, Noborikawa, and their friends, we found ourselves wondering what creates a sense of identity. As we looked around the restaurant, we couldn't help being puzzled. Who were these people? But then we looked at each other and wondered who we were. • Japan also has a Canadian connection. Mio is a village that is often referred to as Amerika-mura (America village). To get there, we travelled south by train to Gobo, a city of 30,000 in Wakayama prefecture, a place from which many of the first Japanese-Canadians originated. This was orange country, and we passed through countless groves heavy with orange and yellow globes, like thousands of Christmas ornaments. We were met at the station by our guide, Yoshiya Tabata, a former schoolteacher and member of the town council. Tabata had been active in environmental and minority issues. Notably, he and his group successfully opposed the proposal to build a nuclear plant in the neighbouring area of Mio. He was accompanied by Hiromi Oura, the district chief of Mio, and Hisakuzu Nishihama, a former teacher and an expert in Japanese­-Canadian history for this area. Nishihama was wearing a beautiful silver tie clasp handmade by a Kwagiulth artist. He was obviously proud of his connection to British Columbia. (The kwagiulth people, the aboriginal tribe on the east coast of Vancouver Island, are renowned for their exquisite artistry.) From Gobo we drove along the coastline to Mio. It had a population of nine hundred, which for years had remained stable. Any growth in the number of people was absorbed by emigration to North America, specifically to Canada. The inn Tabata arranged for us to stay in was located on the top of a hill at the end of a point called Hinomisaki. From there we had a panoramic view of the Pacific Ocean; we could almost feel the roundness of the Earth. Looking down, we could also see the entire bay, with the tiny village of Mio on its shore, surrounded by mountains. Mio's beauty was breathtaking. Little land was available for the villagers to cultivate, and there was no room for the village population to grow. Farther along the coast we could see the city of Gobo, covered by a thin cloud of smog and, even farther, the ominous structure of a thermoelectric power plant. It was a beautiful sunny day, and we were taken to a wall along the beach with a plaque to Gihe, a man who went to Canada from this village in 1888. He was the pioneer—one of the first Japanese to set foot in Canada—and he encouraged other fishermen from Mio to go there to fish for salmon. Many went and settled in Steveston, a fishing town at the mouth of the Fraser River just south of Vancouver. This was the beginning of the history of Japanese in Canada. Steveston blossomed as the flow of Japanese increased. Soon Japanese boats were a vital part of the British Columbia fishing fleet. The immigrants' skills, as well as their strange customs and language, aroused envy and considerable resentment. It was possible for Japanese to live in Steveston without learning to speak English, because there were Canadian-born children who spoke the language, as well as bilingual entrepreneurs who mediated between Japanese and Canadians. The Japanese were a major presence in Steveston, but after Pearl Harbor and the evacuation that took place in 1942, there were blocks of empty houses. Many people returned to Mio after the end of the war. Not many Japanese or Canadians paid attention to this tiny village in Japan until the Japanese-Canadian redress settlement in 1988. Following the formal settlement, the Canadian government sent a team to Japan to make sure all those who were eligible for the monetary compensation applied. The team came to Mio. Until then, the majority of the villagers didn't know anything about the redress issue either. It came as a surprise, and for those who were eligible, it turned out to be a pleasant one. And it became an opportunity for them to reflect on those days during the war. From the beach we were guided to the Hozen-ji, a recently renovated Buddhist temple. At the entrance, small wooden plaques listed the donors, many of whom were from Vancouver and Toronto, revealing the strong ties that remained between the two communities separated by the ocean. We then visited a lovely shrine called Ryuo Jinja on the point of land from Mio. As at the temple, many Canadian donors were listed here. Before citizens of Mio left for Canada, they came here to pray for a safe trip. When they returned, they came here to give thanks. As we walked through the town, we saw the Canadian influence everywhere. The roofs were made of familiar Japanese tile, but many of the houses were painted on the outside, something Japanese do not do. That unusual combination made the homes look charming and distinctive. Japanese signs were often accompanied by English words such as Post or Fire Hydrant. We also saw Canadian-style clapboard construction and, inside the houses, beds and sofas, which are rare in remote Japanese fishing villages. After the tour, Tabata, our guide, arranged for us to meet with and listen to people's stories at our inn. Hisakuzu Nishihama, the former teacher and local historian, was one of the first to speak. His older brothers were born in Canada, and he and his other brothers and sisters had been born in Japan. For many years the family was split between Canada and Japan. He remembers when his older brother arrived, along with the four hundred Japanese-Canadians after the war. There was no work, there was little to buy. Of course, everyone had a hard time. It was a time of tremendous inflation, and money couldn't be taken out of savings because of regulations. So to buy rice, we had to sell things like kimonos. But soon we began to get presents from Canada, which we sold for money. In one case, saccharine came in and was sold for enough money to build a house. The several years that my older brother from Canada spent with us were dark. He was depressed and morose; first of all, he was bitter about what Canada did to him and the fact that he had to lose everything that he had built before the war. During the war, he was separated from his wife and family, who were stuck in Japan. He was arrested as one of the pro-Japan elements who resisted the Canadian authorities by refusing to obey the government order to move to the areas where Japanese were gathered prior to evacuation. So he was interned as a resister at Angler POW camp in Ontario. And what he found when he came back to Mio was starvation and poverty. I can't blame him for having been so bitter. In five or six years, we found that most of the returnees were going back to Canada. Yoshiya Tabata, our guide, was born in Steveston, British Columbia, in 1923. Three brothers were also born there, and they were all sent to Japan in 1929. When Yoshiya returned to Steveston many years after the war, he didn't recognize the place. It was partly perception—he'd been only a small child when he left—but Steveston had indeed changed radically from the collection of huts and ramshackle homes to a typical modern suburb. He remembered the canneries and the row upon row of Japanese houses, but now there were shops and large homes. The uprooting and incarceration of Japanese-North Americans had been justified on the basis of the threat they represented. In Canada, many nisei had been registered by their parents as Japanese nationals, even though the children had never been to Japan. This is not unusual. Often English or American parents will register their Canadian-born children in England or the United States, respectively. But in a time of war this practice became suspect. There were many Japanese social, cultural, and martial-arts organizations to which people belonged, but that only enhanced the perceived differences and isolation of the Japanese community, rendering them vulnerable to suspicion and rumour. Ironically, Tabata told us, in Mio the very same suspicions were brought against the Japanese who had spent time or been born in Canada! There was a rumour that because Mio was an Amerika-mura, there were spies there; people reported that lights were seen signalling the enemy offshore. In Canada similar claims were made against Japanese­Canadians. Exhaustive studies have uncovered no case of Nikkei espi­onage or treachery on behalf of Japan. Nevertheless, the rumours persist. As we bade farewell to our newfound friends and settled on the train back to Tokyo, we couldn't help but muse on this little enclave of connection with North America. It took great courage (and desperation) to venture to such a faraway and alien place as Canada, where anti-Asian bigotry has been a constant. As relatives and friends were persuaded to seek their fortunes in Canada, children born in Canada but living in Japan and children born in Canada but moved to Japan tied Mio inextricably to Steveston. The Second World War exposed the racism in both countries, with Canadians rounding up all people of Japanese origin, immigrant and Canadian-born, as potential enemies, and Japanese in Japan suspecting all Japanese who had worked in Canada of having been contaminated. Happily, the ex-Mio inhabitants who were still in Canada at war's end were able to help their war-ravaged relatives with boxes of invaluable gifts. • It's one thing to be suspicious of people who may have been polluted by experiences outside Japan, but quite another to suspect those who have never left. The irrationality and arbitrariness of Japanese bigotry was revealed when we examined the treatment of a group of people who have always resided in the country and remain genetically, culturally, and linguistically Japanese. Today they are referred to as burakumin (which means, literally, people of the hamlet) and their often segregated community as buraku (hamlet). Like many cultures, Japanese society has always had an abhorrence of certain associations with death. Death is the ultimate source of pollution. Those who disposed of dead people and animals were regarded as doing unclean or dirty work. Ever since it was imported to Japan in the sixth century, Buddhism reinforced the prejudice against those who dealt with dead animals, because of its condemnation of butchering and the eating of meat. The prejudice even extended to people like tanners and leather workers who dealt with things derived from dead animals. These people were called eta (heavily polluted) or hinin (nonhuman). Makers of military equipment, who used leather in their work, cobblers, sweepers, certain entertainers, beggars, vagrants, and those afflicted with diseases like leprosy also came to be classed as eta or hinin. Originally a person could work his or her way out of this level, but in the early seventeenth century, Tokugawa rulers froze the social order. By that arbitrary edict, the group of Japanese distinguished by their social status was declared untouchable. From that point on, the status of the burakumin was fixed. It was soon to become a birthright. The origin of the buraku can be found before the Tokugawa feudal era (1603-1867) that defined the class system. Even after the feudal system was abolished, discrimination against the burakumin persisted. Thus, some have argued that the nature of the buraku is closely linked to the continuation of the emperor system. Restrictions were placed on where burakumin could live, the quality of their housing, their mobility in and out of their villages, their clothing, hairstyles, and even their footwear. They were prohibited from buying land, were not allowed to pawn things or enter peasant homes, and were ordered to walk on the edge of the street. A curfew was also set that prohibited them from entering the city after eight at night. They were thought of as dirty, vulgar, smelly, untrustworthy, dangerous, treacherous, subhuman creatures. During the Meiji Period, taiko drum-making remained an important burakumin activity, but as westernization changed people's lifestyles, many found new work as shoemakers. They worked in slaughterhouses and with leather. They took menial jobs repairing and shining shoes. In 1871 legal discrimination against the burakumin was stopped by a government decree. For decades, however, government, citizens, and authorities continued to discriminate and insist that the burakumin were a lower class of people. Some burakumin tried to pass themselves off as everyday Japanese as they do not have any distinctive racial features. But even today, because of the law that one has to be registered in the place of his or her birth, the identity of burakumin is revealed by their address. On March 3, 1922, the founding convention of the National Levellers Association met and drafted a declaration: Fellow burakumin throughout the country, unite! Brothers and sisters who have for a long time been persecuted: In the past half century, various reform efforts undertaken on our behalf by many people have not yielded any appreciable results. This failure should be regarded as punishment for permitting others as well as ourselves to debase our human dignity. Previous movements, though seemingly motivated by compassion and humanity, have actually ruined many of our brothers and sisters. Thus, it is now imperative for us to initiate within ourselves a collective movement by which we shall liberate ourselves through our respect for humanity. Brothers and sisters, our ancestors were pursuers of freedom and equality and executors of these principles. They were the victims of contemptible caste policies, and courageous martyrs of their occupations. In recompense for skinning animals, they were skinned of the respect due humans. For tearing out the hearts of animals, their human hearts were torn apart and despicable ridicule was spat upon them. Yet all through these cursed nights of nightmares, human dignity ran deep in their blood. Indeed, we, who were born of this blood, are now living in an era when humans are willing to take over the gods. The time has come for the oppressed to throw off their stigma. The time has come for the martyrs to receive the blessing for their crown of thorns. The time has come when we can take pride in being eta. We must never shame our ancestors nor profane humanity by demeaning words or cowardly deeds. We know very well how cold the coldness of human society can be, and how warm it is when one cares for another. We therefore from the bottom of our heart revere and pursue the warmth and light of human life. Thus born is the Levellers Association. Let there be warmth in society, let there be light in humanity. Today the city of Osaka has ten buraku districts with a total of perhaps 500,000 people. The biggest is Naniwa district—also the biggest in Japan, with about 200,000 burakumin. There are fifty-two buraku areas in all of Osaka prefecture. The government says there are about 4,600 communities in Japan and just over one million burakumin. However, the Buraku Liberation League (BLL) suggests there are more than 1,000 communities that aren't listed. According to the government, before the Second World War there were 5,300 communities and two million burakumin. The BLL thinks there must be at least three million burakumin living in Japan today. We visited a hall in Osaka where a taiko drum group, made up exclusively of young burakumin, were about to start their weekly rehearsal. The small gymnasium was filled with taiko drums of all sizes. The smallest was about the size of a snare drum, the largest about the size of a compact car. The Japanese drum group Kodo have made this type of drum well known in the West. As the pounding rhythm began, we noted the intense concentration etched on the faces of the young drummers, yet at the same time their performance had almost a serene quality. Their prime motivation didn't seem to be to entertain their audience but to purge themselves of something we may never understand. One particularly striking teenage girl had an expression on her face like a Buddhist statue. While her small hands firmly grasped the large drumsticks and pounded the stretched skins, her features remained impassive, even meditative. The leader had a scarf wrapped around his head, and with expressions and gestures, he egged on and inspired the other players. They drummed as if they were waiting for something to well up from deep inside their souls. As the rhythm built, getting louder and faster but always remaining controlled, the sounds spoke of struggle against social obstacles and prejudice. The sound cried out as a victorious rhythm against their oppressors. We felt the drums and the rhythms reverberating throughout our bodies, and at the end of the performance we were left breathless. Kiyoji Ota, relaxed in blue jeans and a T-shirt, joined us. The drum group's leader, Akehiko Asai, wearing a suit and smoking a cigarette, leaned against a back wall during the performance, tapping his foot to the rhythms and beaming with pride at his burakumin taiko drum group. A few years ago the mere idea of putting a group like this together was so audacious that most people thought Asai had taken leave of his senses, and few believed he could pull it off. Asai told us that the name of the group is Ikari (Anger). "When we get invited to perform as a taiko drum group," he said, "there's interest that we're burakumin as well." After the performance, Asai and Ota took us to a taiko drum shop where these beautiful instruments are made. As we walked into the small store, we noticed the smell of animal skins and glue, and recalled the slur once widespread among Japanese: the burakumin "stink like animals." There were drums of all shapes and sizes, and a craftsman in the back was stretching a large cow hide. He explained to us that if the skin was in perfect condition, with no stains or scars, he could make a large drum out of it. But that was very rare. As he pointed out a defect in the hide, he chuckled and said it looked as if he'd be making a smaller drum with this particular skin. The manager of the store told us that a hundred percent of Japanese traditional drums were made in buraku communities. This community of Naniwa was known historically as one of the major centres of taiko production. As we snapped pictures, Asai pointed out that until recently taiko makers were made to feel inferior and would have felt uncomfortable having their pictures taken. "Taiko-making," he said, "is the most important industry of our community and taiko makers are the backbone, yet they lived as if they were in hiding." That is what his drum group is trying to correct. A drum is a powerful instrument in many societies. North American aboriginals refer to the drum's rhythms as the heartbeat of the people. The taiko drum is a sacred instrument, which is played as an offering in the Shinto festivals. One of the craftsmen told us the drums are not so much musical instruments as a battle between the player and the drum. The drum is played not so much for the ear as to be felt by the body. We wondered at the cruelty of the rulers who dictated that the burakumin, who were the sole producers of taiko, were discouraged from playing it. In certain districts, there were even laws forbidding it. Asai explained: About seven years ago, a taiko drum group from Yomitan village in Okinawa came here to Osaka to buy drums. I was guiding them around. They said, "This is a town of taiko, so there must be some great drummers. Please introduce them to us." But I had to tell him there were none. That started me wondering why. Then I remembered a friend whose dad was a maker of the shamisen, a traditional three-stringed instrument. A television program had been made on the shamisen. The program showed the process of making and playing the instrument, but the part his dad played at the very beginning of the instrument's life was left out! That's when I realized that burakumin were being purposely excluded. This was discrimination. So he decided in 1985 to start a taiko drum group, reasoning that if they could achieve some kind of fame, it would also bring recognition to the drum-makers and improve their social and economic conditions. When asked where they were from, they would be able to answer proudly that their home is the centre for making taiko drums and that it was a burakumin activity. People thought I was nuts. But now we're getting better-known and getting more support. One of our best players has just made a TV commercial. Workers from a drum factory came and said, "We make the drums, but we never knew how they were played. We were ashamed of what we did. But we saw it on TV. Now our kids ask us, 'Dad, did you make that?' And I say yes, and I'm proud." Asai's group learned to play the drums by looking at videos of the top players. They also visited the drummers from Yomitan village, who have been helping them out. Now we're improvising our own routines. The group you saw is aged sixteen to twenty-six. There's also a group of middle-aged women and a group in grades three to nine. All kinds of people are now playing. We've got a real spirit. We are producers of drums. How can we be inferior? I think we're up to a semipro level. As we left the taiko shop, Asai looked around. You can't eliminate history. I want a society in which we live together but one in which we respect differences. It's important that my children acknowledge they are burakumin. It's no good if you have to hide your background and who you are. Asai and Ota offered to take us for something to eat. We walked to the Ashiwarabashi station, which is surrounded by little crowded streets, jammed with small stores and restaurants. Ota and Asai chuckled as they anticipated the meal we were about to have, and we wondered what we'd got ourselves into. From the outside the restaurant looked tiny, but once inside we could see it had a number of rooms and was actually much bigger than it appeared. We were guided into a back room and seated ourselves on tatami mats. Ota explained that they'd brought us to this place to eat burakumin food, which most Japanese have never tried. Ota and Asai joked that to them the food is so good they hope the rest of Japanese society never finds out about it. Asai described his childhood. His expressions were often comical, even when talking about tragedy. My parents never told me I was burakumin. I was in grade seven and we were learning about burakumin in class. As I heard how discriminated against they were, I thought, "Those poor guys." A teacher went on to say there were even burakumin people in this school, and I wondered, "Who are they?" Then the teacher described the part of town where they lived and I realized, "That's where I live! I went home crying and bawled at my mother, "Why did you give birth to me?" My mother just hung her head and didn't say anything. My first reaction was to run away. We asked Asai how he overcame his initial distress at discovering he was burakumin. A classmate was telling us about a well-known singer. He told me that the singer's family owned a butcher shop and whenever he had to pass it, he ran by as fast as he could. I asked him why and the boy held up four fingers, signalling yotsu, the four legs of an animal, and whispered, "Eta." I slugged the boy. When he cried, "Why did you hit me?" I pointed to my chest and said, "I'm one too!" Discrimination in Japan was in law. During the Edo Period [1603-1867], we weren't allowed to intermarry. So it is only within the last hundred and some years that it hasn't been illegal to intermarry. We also lived in ghettos. We have a system of law that requires registration in the villages of our origin (honseki). Only in the last thirty years have borough offices stopped using special seals to stamp our records. One of my friends tried to change his honseki. But he was found out by detectives who do a search when you apply to get married. My wife is non-burakumin, but she became classed as burakumin because she married me and moved into my honseki. Ota explained the basis for the prejudice: Discrimination against the burakumin was based on the sense of pollution, because anything to do with animals was considered polluted. Footwear is close to the earth, so those who made them were considered dirty. Burakumin were cleaners of temples and streets. Pollution had to be cleansed by the polluted. After executions, burakumin would take the body away. All polluted occupations were done by eta who were born to the class. The burakumin took part in festivals, but they were excluded from the important parts because they were considered polluted. So the sacred object was made exclusively by such polluted people, but the drum could only be played by unpolluted people! At the time of a festival, a burakumin person might actually lead the parade, but his role was to cleanse the ground in front of the parade. Once the parade reached its destination, then the burakumin had to eat and drink in a segregated part of the grounds. It is not hard to imagine that many burakumin attempted to escape their poverty and oppression during the wave of emigration from Japan to the Americas in the late 1800s and early 1900s. Often they were unable to escape the stigma of being burakumin because their fellow Japanese immigrants carried the bigotry with them to their new countries. Ota told us about a Brazilian-Japanese who emigrated to Japan as a teacher. He began to work in the buraku and ten years later discovered that he himself was a burakumin. By emigrating to Brazil, his parents had successfully hidden his burakumin origins from him. The food began to arrive—definitely not your normal Japanese food! There was a jellied tendon mix that looked like head cheese. We also had smoked horse meat, fried intestine with noodles, and a Korean-influenced spicy cabbage mix. Burakumin dealt with butchering animals but could rarely afford the meat. So they ate the leftovers (horumon: a pun on a Kansai dialect meaning "discarded things" and hormone, suggesting something nutritious). Asai explained that for centuries the burakumin were called all kinds of names because they ate foods the rest of society considered inedible. "But," he added, laughing delightedly, "they have no idea what they're missing, and I won't tell them about this either." Ota nodded his head in agreement. The situation reminded us of how proud African-Americans often are of their delicious chitlins, wings, oxtails: their soul food. Asai also told us a funny story about his youth. At school burakumin children were so afraid their Japanese classmates would look in their lunch boxes and see burakumin food that they would hide their food while they were eating. Then one day Asai looked around and saw that the Korean kids in his class were hiding their food too. From that point on Asai would go up to the Koreans, look at what they were eating, and ask if they wanted to trade. Ota told us that because burakumin and Koreans were both discriminated against and often lived in the same disadvantaged areas, they now share a lot of different foods and other cultural characteristics. But today we all love our mothers' horumon dishes and every so often I have to eat my mother's cooking. Whenever I eat this food I feel good, and I think it's because I'm involved in the liberation movement. Although Ota is not burakumin, he works full-time with the Buraku Liberation League. "My wife is from a buraku. I've been working here with the BLL since 1974. I was born in a tiny village with forty families. I never knew anything about burakumin." After he graduated from university in 1971, he moved to the United States, where he first experienced bigotry. During the two years he worked there, illegally, his boss would tell him, "Japanese are intelligent. But whites are the best and you are second." Ota's boss warned him not to befriend blacks, then threatened if he did hang around with them, he would have to tell the authorities he was working illegally. Ota later moved to New York, where he found it more comfortable to hang around with Koreans and Chinese, who educated him about prejudice in America. When I returned to Japan, I ran into a professor of mine and told him about my experiences with prejudice. He told me about the burakumin. I then learned about the Edo Period and the class system and encountered the words eta and hinin. So I went to the office of the Buraku Liberation League to learn more about burakumin. It was my shame that I didn't know. They talked to me about it and invited me to join. That's when I began to visit buraku communities and found that their experiences were very similar to mine in the United States. Ota fell in love with a woman who was also working at the BLL. When he took her home to meet his parents, his father accepted her. "My mother didn't say anything, but at one point, she said, 'You're going to marry an eta."' Once they decided to get married, Ota went to see her family, but her father objected to the union. He continued to object for two years because he was concerned about discrimination and thought the marriage wouldn't work. When they were finally married, Ota's mother and father, his brother and his brother's wife were the only people from his family who attended the wedding. In his village, everyone was like family. People were very nervous meeting his wife, but when he spoke out about being married to a burakumin woman, they simply nodded and said nothing. Ota and his wife have now been married for fifteen years. He told us: We live in the buraku area, which is right next to a non-buraku area. There has never been a marriage of a burakumin with a non-burakumin from the adjacent area even though they attended the same schools. When my children were born, my parents wanted me to register them in the village where I was born so they wouldn't have to have a buraku honseki. A few years ago we found out that there was a book put out by a company that listed all the buraku areas and typical burakumin names, as well as the handicapped and Koreans. The book was sold as a reference for companies. So you can see what having a buraku honseki still means. Naniwa, the biggest buraku in Japan, has a long history. During the Edo Period, Naniwa was a segregated village called Watanabe Mura with its own chief. The villagers made taiko drums and sandals, and had no rights to move out or to intermarry. They were classed as eta. Words like do eta, eta, and yotsu have acquired derogatory connotations as offensive as "nigger." Often these very poor people were made to change locations. Ota told us: Since the sixteenth century, this burakumin community was forced to move six times. Originally they were made to live near the river, which flooded periodically. But as the river became important for commerce and transportation, burakumin were moved away again. This story of forced upheaval and movement is reminiscent of the way aboriginal people have been treated in North America. When arrangements were made to provide land for different tribal groups, the reserves were usually in the areas deemed to have the least value for the white settlers. But as the years passed, reserve lands, once thought to be worthless, were often found to have things of great value—water, minerals, oil and gas, trees. Many times aboriginal people, already restricted to tiny areas in comparison to their past territory, have been forced to move repeatedly to make way for dams or other development projects. We asked Ota about the burakumin sense of community and culture. Burakumin are not an ethnic culture. But the sense of community and cooperation are very strong. When I started working here, people said, "We have no culture to be proud of." My reaction was there must be a culture. Every group of human beings who share something and live together must have what could be called a culture. And a group suffering from discrimination must have its own culture based on their experience. This drumming comes out of what is part of the burakumin experience and is part of its culture. The burakumin have a long way to go to reach educational and professional parity with other Japanese. Neither Asai nor Ota know of any burakumin lawyers, and only one burakumin doctor and another about to graduate. The government does have grants for burakumin students, but their proportion in universities is less than half what their numbers should produce. Burakumin performance in school is much lower than that of other Japanese students. It is these kinds of performance statistics that have fuelled the race-IQ controversy in the United States. As geneticists well know, as long as there is discrimination based merely on skin colour, it can never be demonstrated scientifically that the difference in performance between blacks and whites reflects genetic differences. In the case of burakumin, who are genetically Japanese, the performance deficits clearly reflect the terrible price of bigotry. Asai told us that a good education for children is now a major priority for the members of the burakumin community. They raised the money to build a primary school by asking people to voluntarily tithe one-eightieth of their income for three years. To pay for the school's operation, people gathered, packaged, and sold human excrement as fertilizer. We asked whether the goal was to remove all discrimination and barriers so that the burakumin would disappear through assimilation. Asai answered that while it was hard to say, he would like to retain the community's values. Ota replied: The taiko movement is very important. Taiko drum-makers are easy to identify because one hundred percent of taiko are made in the buraku shops. Being a taiko-maker carries a stigma. We want to revise the negative image and say, "Listen to the beautiful sound. Who produced this?" It's the same with bamboo craft, baseball gloves, spikes. Of course, it's a way to make a living, but it's not just a job. We are contributing. We are playing an important role. One day we'd like to reach a point where we can say, "I'm burakumin," and other people will look at us with respect. We suggested another contribution burakumin could make. As victims of discrimination, they had an opportunity to humanize the rest of the Japanese by reminding them of the pain and irrationality of bigotry. How have burakumin responded to the prejudice? "I've lived with the burakumin because it's comfortable," Ota answered. "The warmth that has resulted from prejudice we experienced, that is nice." And Asai added, "We have been discriminated against. That doesn't give us the right to discriminate against others." As the meal ended, Asai and Ota asked us how we enjoyed our first burakumin dining experience. We had to agree that we might have to visit Asai again to get some of his mother's home cooking. • The Fukuoka prefecture, the northern part of the island of Kyushu, is one of the oldest settled areas of Japan. In feudal times, the region had strong feudal lords who enjoyed an unusual amount of autonomy and frequently traded with Asia. It lost much of its importance as an economic and cultural crossroads when the centralized Meiji Japan (1868-1912) started to look towards Europe, neglecting Asia. (Datsua-nyuo—forget Asia, enter Europe.) With westernization and modernization, the area thrived because of its rich coal deposits that fuelled industry. It is said that Fukuoka city was one of the targets originally considered for the second atomic bomb, but it was dropped on Nagasaki because of the weather. The city was, however, extensively bombed during the war and in the past fifty years has been rebuilt. It's now a modern city of 1.2 million people. After twenty minutes by train from Fukuoka city, we arrived in Tsukushino city, where our guide, Megumi Matsumoto, was waiting for us. Matsumoto had a boyish haircut and big bright eyes. From the first moment of our meeting she seemed free of the stifling Japanese formalities. Instead, she was open and down-to-earth; her speech was direct and to the point. Matsumoto split her time between living in a buraku community in Fukuoka and in Tokyo with her family. She first took us to Kyomachi, a buraku community of about 130 households. Unlike many other buraku communities, it didn't have a specific buraku industry to call its own. But as in Naniwa, taiko drum groups were started among elementary schoolchildren; the names of the groups were Warmth, Light, and Fire. One important program that characterized this community was its literacy project. Matsumoto took us to the Kyomachi Community Centre to meet two women who were the main organizers of a program to teach adult burakumin to read and write. "The sunset is beautiful since I learned to write." These are the words of a burakumin woman in Kochi prefecture. She learned to write in a special literacy class as she approached her seventieth year. In the buraku communities there were many like her, people deprived of opportunities to go to school because of discrimination and poverty. The literacy movement became a symbol of the struggle of the buraku community. Matsumoto introduced us to seventy-nine-year-old Takeyo Abe, who is known widely in the community as one of the founders of the literacy movement, and forty-four-year-old Takako Nakajima, a leader representing a younger generation. Although Abe was the president of the community centre and a leader in the community, she had an open, warm, and humble attitude. Nakajima at first seemed shy, but when she spoke she betrayed the passion behind her convictions. It was the beginning of an enjoyable stay in which we experienced, with warmth and a sense of nostalgia, a feeling we tend to forget—community. The two women led us into a large empty auditorium at the edge of which were a couch and some seats. When we had made ourselves comfortable, Abe began to tell us about her life: I was born in a buraku but I didn't know that was why I was discriminated against. I thought it was because we were poor. At school they called me eta hinin, but I didn't know what it meant. Parents taught their children to say such things about the burakumin, but in our families we weren't told because they wanted to protect us and spare us the pain of knowing who we were. I went to school, but I was bullied and called names. I left school in grade two and stayed home but hated it because we were so poor. I was the eldest of six, so I did the housework and took care of the other kids until I was fourteen. I never learned to read or write. My father was drunk every day. He was a peasant who also worked as a shoe shiner. My mother had a hard time. She made slippers and sold junk, but my father would take the extra money she earned and spend it. Abe took a job as a maid for a banker when she was fourteen. Then her grandfather, who had moved to China, invited her to join him there. He sent her the money for passage and asked a friend on the ship to watch out for her because she couldn't read. In Tsingtao, a large port city on the east coast of China, there was a large Japanese population. She moved in with her grandmother, who made and sold manju (cakes filled with sweet bean paste), and her grandfather, a masseur. Abe didn't have to go to school or work too hard, so she had a great time, but she worried so much about her mother she eventually returned to Japan. She went back to Tsingtao in 1931, after the Manchurian Incident in which mid-level Japanese officers deliberately blew up a section of tracks belonging to the South Manchurian Railway, which was owned by Japan. Claiming sabotage, Japan used the pretext to overrun all of Manchuria in what was the beginning of fifteen years of war, which culminated in the Pacific war against the Allies. Lots of Japanese soldiers were stationed in China, and Abe worked in a restaurant. The owner of the restaurant, a man from Osaka, told her that people would indicate four fingers in his direction. She said she didn't know what "four" signified, so he told her it meant eta hinin. I was asked to join the Fukuoka Association in Tsingtao, but didn't dare because people would find out my address and know from the location that I was burakumin. Soldiers would ask if I wanted them to take anything to my family in Fukuoka, but I was too ashamed. Abe met a Japanese man from Manchuria who was a customer at the restaurant and married him. At first she didn't tell him she was from a buraku, but when they went back to Japan, she admitted it. Her husband told her he had worked for a rich buraku man when he was going to college and had no problem accepting it. We returned to Japan after the war in 1945. In 1955 I applied for a job in the postwar employment program. We were sent out to work as a road crew, and I soon realized that even for a job like that, we needed to read. We had to write monthly reports and took turns at it. There was a newsletter published by the employment program, and we would get together to read and discuss it. But burakumin didn't go to school and so couldn't do the reports. I first learned to write my name and address. I could do it at home, but when I had to do it in front of officials, I forgot how. In 1962 about thirty people in the employment program got together and started to learn to write. According to Abe, illiteracy could mean many things. If illiterate people took a bus or train, they wouldn't know whether to get off, so even though they couldn't afford it, they would take a taxi. Then people would accuse buraku of being wasteful or living luxuriously. The literacy movement led to the realization of our background and why we couldn't go to school. I came to realize we have to raise children who will fight racism. We had a passion to send our children to school to educate them. Of course they went through a lot of hardships, but many went up to middle school [grade seven to nine]. A gaijin (foreigner) who can't read the Japanese language would know very well how helpless one can be if unable to read street signs or instructions on an elevator. We have developed our own teaching methods. The words are written out in columns with a space beside them so that the student can copy them. The information written out also serves as a newspaper. Because I was illiterate, I learned to see and hear what was being said. I remember things, a lot of detail. That's how I compensated. I was already in my late forties when I first learned to read. When I learned letters, I began to realize my history. I realized why my father drank. I had hated him and even wanted to kill him, but now I understood the pain and unhappiness that caused him to behave as he had. Takako Nakajima interjected with the story of how she got into the literacy program, first as a student teaching assistant and then as a teacher. Until I was twenty-four, I didn't know I was a burakumin and was even afraid of burakumin and quite prejudiced against them. I was employed at city hall as a part-time worker. One of the city officials took me to the burakumin community centre, and I found out that I had come to where I was born! I went home and wondered about how to kill myself. I went to my room and lay on my bed, not caring about anything anymore. My mother was quite worried and came in to ask what was wrong. I said, "I found out what I am. But why does that have to be?" I didn't know it, but my mother was going to writing class herself. It puzzled us that so many burakumin apparently neglected to tell their children about how being burakumin would affect them in later life. We could see from the hurt in Nakajima's eyes and passion in her voice that she was still deeply affected by her experiences. My mother was working so hard she didn't have time to teach us. She was practising writing at home all the time. I felt ashamed of her attempts. I was so ignorant. By the time I began to learn why she had tried so hard, she had already died and I never made it up to her. It hurts me for what I did to her. That's what keeps me going, to try to make it up to her. By learning to read and write and taking some pride in their culture and history, the elders of the community are gaining some of what they never had. Nakajima spoke of the elders: Looking at them, I'm very moved. I'm very proud of them. The way they live is wonderful. I started to work for the program about sixteen years ago. Everyone was older and they had to first learn how to hold the pencil. They had no experience of writing letters. It took a year for them to learn how to write one card and two hours to write that one card. Being freed from the shackles of illiteracy is an amazingly liberating experience, Abe told us. When we learned to read, we were free to go out. I could stop and read and enjoy it. I began to see how society is made. I recognized how ignorant we'd been kept. I realized we are the ones who have to correct this. The literacy movement did a lot of things. We asked Abe and Nakajima whether there was a growing sense of militancy within the burakumin community. Abe replied: My parents' attitude was to keep quiet and let the storm pass. That attitude still exists, but if we keep things from our children, outsiders will teach them our tradition in a distorted way. Nakajima added: My children still encounter nasty graffiti and other incidents. But since discrimination is made by human beings, it can be corrected by human beings. The children are learning that just blaming the discriminators is not enough. We have to grow ourselves by being good people. At this point David interjected a personal anecdote: Because many relatively well-educated immigrants had come to British Columbia from England to take positions in the civil service, my father blamed "the English" for the Japanese-Canadian evacuation. When I was a teenager, he had told me that an English girl was not acceptable as a potential wife. When I married Tara, who is English, he would often reduce her to tears by saying, "your people" did this or that. It ended only when I confronted him with the fact that victims of bigotry do not have some kind of right to be bigots themselves. When I called him a bigot, he broke down and wept. Abe vigorously agreed with the need to overcome those feelings. It's been only ten years that we could say, "Yes, I'm burakumin." We always tried to hide it. I changed when I saw the physically handicapped. They couldn't hide their impediment, so they expressed themselves. We thought we could hide. I learned from the handicapped people we were wrong. Like them, we didn't choose to be born what we are, burakumin. So there's nothing to hide. Today, wherever I go, I can openly say, "I'm burakumin." Nakajima added: When we apply for a job, they ask where we live and we tell them the area. They immediately ask which side, and from the side of the river, they know immediately that we are burakumin. Before, I couldn't even tell them where I was born. I told you how I hated my mother, but I wouldn't want my child to feel that way towards me. Now they are proud of where they come from. I've been raising my children that way and I have nothing to hide. It makes no sense to hide where we're from. Unfortunately some people still hide because discrimination remains severe in jobs and marriage. The pressure against intermarriage is a vital concern. Recently a burakumin girl got engaged and her fiance was under great pressure from the family to call it off. When he finally gave in and broke the engagement, the girl killed herself. Abe told us that this initial fear and prejudice could be overcome: Lots of times in marriages between burakumin and non-burakumin, the parents won't even visit to see their grandchildren. But when they learn of the warmth, they change. When human beings encounter and feel one another's human warmth, they will overcome their prejudices. Nakajima, too, had marriage troubles. "My husband is not a burakumin," she said. "His family objected to me. But he is a teacher and he convinced them by logic. Now everything is fine. They were so misinformed." Nakajima thinks pride is at the root of it. "A person like myself who hated to be burakumin," she said, "is now happy and proud to be one. Since I can feel other people's pain, I could never discriminate." Abe added: Here we're learning about our history. We're very happy and positive. Our aim is not to blame the others. We have to grow so we don't look down on others or discriminate. We are learning compassion and tolerance. When these kids apply for jobs, they might be tempted to hide it, but they will remember what they learned here. Nakajima nodded and said: We learn that we hate racism and discrimination, not that we hate human beings. In a way we feel sorry for those who are so misinformed and ignorant that they discriminate. We ask them if what they are doing is making them richer, happier, or more human. This movement is not just for ourselves, it's also for everyone outside. We hope to learn and grow together. One quality of the burakumin life is trust. They have been deceived and betrayed so many times, yet somehow they've been able to keep that trust and the ability to believe. They believe in the humanity of hateful people, who would, in the end, understand one another. David then told them that as a teenager growing up in Canada after the war, he was ashamed of his slanted eyes and had yearned to have an operation on them. Abe responded: I understand what you said about your eyes. But changing them would make matters worse. Stay as you are and get people to accept you as you are. Changing yourself on the outside won't change anything. In the Kyomachi day care centre were thirty youngsters ranging from newborns to six-year-olds and a working staff of twenty. A big sign over the doorway, done in beautiful Japanese calligraphy, said, "Let there be warmth in society, let there be light in humanity." The rooms were bright and clean, and the teachers were friendly and told us how much they enjoyed working there. They were proud of the centre, which is on a par with or better than most Japanese day care centres. The Korean anthropologist Byung-ho Chung has done an extensive study on day care centres in Japan.1 According to Chung, the most innovative and progressive day care facilities are run by and for burakumin and Korean residents, and do not cater to mainstream Japanese. One of the reasons the teacher-student ratio is so low at the Kyomachi centre was that although non-burakumin are allowed to enroll, most don't. Even the neighbours send their children to other centres farther away. Almost immediately after we entered, a small, obviously mentally handicapped child began to follow us, hoping to touch, hug, and kiss us. The director explained that children who have difficulties in other institutions are often sent to Kyomachi. The next day Megumi Matsumoto took us around to three other buraku communities. As a guide she had been efficient and practical, but we knew little about her. At the end of the tour we finally got a chance to sit with her in a coffee shop near Tsukushino station. It was a small shop and we sat near the window watching the trains shoot by every few minutes. There she told us about her involvement with the burakumin. For more than twenty years buraku people have been Matsumoto's consuming passion. While talking to us, she never referred to herself as a feminist or discussed the oppression of women, but her story revealed a focused human being determined to follow her own course. Matsumoto was born in 1948 and lived in Tokyo until she was twenty-four. She married a journalist for one of the major newspapers, Asahi Shinbun, who specialized in foreign affairs in Africa and the Middle East. Like many of her era, she had been an activist in the student movement. She was a nonsectarian and remembered attending a rally in support of Kazuo Ishikawa, a burakumin who was accused of murder. But it was just one of many issues she was concerned with at the time. After her two children were born, her husband was transferred to Kyushu, the south­west island of Japan. Matsumoto didn't want to go. For her, Kyushu was like a foreign country. By chance, we moved to a buraku neighbourhood. I wanted to work, so I looked for a day care where I could send my children. I found a play school that was under construction, so I went to the municipal hall to apply for a place for my children. I was told I couldn't place my children there because it was for the burakumin. I didn't understand, so I went to the Buraku Liberation League office where they explained the objectives of the school. I said if that's what they would do, then I want my children there, in fact, I would love it. So I negotiated between city hall and the BLL, and they decided to allow my children to register. The policy at first was not to take non-burakumin children and then over the years gradually accept non-burakumin. At first her husband didn't want to send the children to a day care centre, but Matsumoto convinced him that she needed to work. Once the children were in the school, Matsumoto became involved with creating a curriculum called "liberation education." She had a full-time job in publishing but, through the school, found herself being drawn deeper into the burakumin community. She discovered a deep sense of communication especially with the elders, and she was receptive to what they told her. My husband had to move every three years. I didn't want to move, so I told him to go and I'd commute. I quit working for the publisher and was hired as research director of buraku history for the city. I continue with that job today. I talk to old people and record interviews with them. When her children were eight and ten years old, her husband was assigned to Nairobi. He insisted I come or our relationship might end. He demanded I make a choice between him and the movement, but I remained silent, which not so eloquently expressed the choice I'd made. I went to see my friends in the buraku community, crying, and told them about the choice my husband had demanded. They said, "Of course, we'd be glad if you stayed with us, but you have to think, what is the movement if you have to hurt your own children and husband? If you continue like that, pushing yourself, there'll come a time when you can't go any further." It made sense to me. They added, "You're not burakumin. You're here by choice. We have no choice. If you sacrifice your family, you would suffer more than we would." So I was pushing myself to be able to share their joys and feelings, but I couldn't because I wasn't burakumin. I tried tracing my lineage to see if there was a burakumin in it, but found it was wrong. How could I be myself and remain part of the movement? Africa was the answer. What finally made me decide to go was the children. They had grown up without a father. But they had a right to live with him. I was so absorbed with the BLL I was becoming too narrowly focused. I would attend meeting after meeting about research and was a slave to the demands on me. So I thought if the movement is about liberation, I would have to liberate myself. So I decided to take a break. She promised her husband she would go for two years. After he'd been in Nairobi for six months, she and the children joined him. She didn't speak the language and Kenya was a far cry from Japan in terms of customs, lifestyle, and just about everything else, yet after three days she felt quite at home and happy. She ended up spending four years there. When I returned I applied the African lifestyle: keep busy but not frantic. They have an expression—"pore pore," meaning slowly, slowly. In my mind, I've slowed down—everyone says I've changed. I had felt that, without me, the movement wouldn't exist, but I'm different now. I don't have masks to put on. Matsumoto had come to understand that much of her frantic involvement with the burakumin community had been an ego trip; she had wanted to be indispensable. She and her husband returned to Japan in 1987, and ever since she has commuted between their apartments in Tokyo and Fukuoka. In 1988, when the International Movement Against Any Form of Racism and Discrimination was formed, Matsumoto took on the job of overseeing the section on Africa and women. "What keeps your commitment and dedication?" we asked. Growing up in Tokyo, we didn't know warmth in the community. There's an acceptance here. I feel cold in other places. My children are very warm and kind to people, and I think it's because they experienced that from the elders, the burakumin. If I had no money, I know even though the burakumin are not rich, they would help me. Abe-san is like a mother to me, and Nakajima-san a sister. It is that sense of community that is so central to Matsumoto's needs and is clearly fulfilled by her place with the burakumin. Visiting buraku communities reminded us of the song "Human," in which the African-American singer Dionne Farris states, "Before I am black, I am a human. / Because I am black, I am human." In a buraku, one might say, "Before I'm burakumin, I am human, but it is also true because I am burakumin, I am human." The proud yet compassionate faces of Asai, Ota, Nakajima, Abe, Matsumoto, and others we met in burakumin communities seemed to exemplify the subtle balance they kept between the "because I am" and the "before I am." To many the goal for minorities and the dispossessed is to become assimilated into the flow of mainstream society. Visiting burakumin communities and meeting older and younger burakumin, as well as non­-burakumin who identify themselves with the burakumin, showed us viable possibilities for the future. The concept that everyone is equal before the law is a magnificent achievement. But the biological reality is that all of us are different. As biologists have found, diversity at the genetic, ecological, and cultural levels is a critical element in any population. Diversity is the property that confers adaptability and resilience when change occurs. Humanity needs ways to appreciate and celebrate the differences while simultaneously supporting the society's commonality of culture, beliefs, and values. Ironically, it is often the victims of discrimination who have a gift for their oppressors—a greater sense of humanity, generosity, and kindness, which are so often the consequence of suffering. The Korean Mirror "The problem is the Koreans. Outwardly, they appear to be submissive, but inwardly, they resist... We should adopt the same kind of policy Hitler has used against the Jews. All the lawless Koreans should be banished to an island and castrated... In the West, the German and Italian races, and in the East, the Yamato race are destined to rule over other races. This is Heaven's will." Heisuke Yanagawa, Japan's Justice Minister, at a press conference in 1941 Japan continues to try to keep its racial diversity to a minimum, but the influx accelerates. In recent years the Japanese have begun to encounter many unfamiliar faces and hear unfamiliar sounds. Workers brought in as cheap labour from Iran, Bangladesh, and the Philippines are a fact in today's Japan, but resistance to their inclusion into Japanese culture and society is still strong. After the Vietnam War, poignant images of boat people attempting to escape the horrors in their country prompted an immediate acceptance of 50,000 Vietnamese immigrants by Canada in one year alone. In the same year Japan reluctantly accepted fewer than a hundred. One member of the Diet justified this pitiful number as a generous impulse to protect the Vietnamese from the difficulties they'd encounter in Japan! Throughout human existence, people have handled encounters with different tribal groups in a number of ways, ranging from peaceful coexistence to expulsion, elimination or absorption. That process continues to the present, as battles in Ireland, Palestine, Bosnia, and Rwanda remind us how difficult it is to avoid hatred and bloodshed between people who see themselves as different. Modern communication and transportation have shrunk the physical distances separating people. We can watch events in remote parts of the world as they actually take place, while jet planes can whisk us over vast distances in hours. Global economics is a major force in the opening of borders, not only to goods and resources but to people. Ever since the Europeans discovered North America, successive waves of immigrants have arrived in search of wealth, adventure, or freedom from persecution. Canada and the United States have dealt with the increasing ethnic diversity within their borders differently. In the U.S. the concept of the "melting pot" encourages the integration of newcomers into the dominant society and their absorption of its mores and values. Canada, in contrast, has adopted the model of an "ethnic mosaic," which encourages the maintenance of cultural and linguistic diversity within the Canadian context. In both countries, newcomers from all parts of the world are welcomed as part of this young experiment in mixing. To North Americans, Japan seems radically different, an island nation that is overwhelmingly homogeneous, held together by a common history, culture, and language. Both the Japanese and others perceive the social cohesion that results from this uniformity to be Japan's strength. This notion of their homogeneity is, in fact, an illusion: there is a great deal of diversity within the country. The hierarchical social structure, deference to authority, and a rigid version of history tend to repress an awareness of the diversity and attendant discrimination within the nation. Until very recently, these invisible elements within the country kept quiet, preferring to avoid public disputes and more humiliation. That attitude is changing as Japanese people are beginning to learn about the diversity within, while minority groups are becoming more vocal and proud of their differences. For many Japanese, finding out about these minority groups within their midst has been a revelation. To most Caucasians, Koreans appear so similar to Japanese physically that it is difficult to distinguish between them on that basis alone. Their appearance reflects their close genetic similarity, which in turn suggests a shared not-so-distant past. Nevertheless, in modern times, Japanese military aggression into Korea, annexation of the peninsula as a Japanese colony, atrocities and forced labour have created hatreds and prejudice that live on. In Japan itself, a large Korean minority with a past comparable to African-Americans' is becoming far more visible. • Kawasaki city is southwest of Tokyo. We visited the part of Kawasaki known for its heavy industry, air pollution, and "Korean ghetto." We went there to meet Inha Lee, a Christian minister whose congregation is about fifty percent Korean. The rest are Filipinos and Japanese. Lee has experienced the racism against Koreans and represents one part of the Korean community's response to it. Lee met us on the steps of his church. A tall man with white hair, tanned features, and a congenial smile, he showed us through the modest chapel with obvious pride. He pointed out three stained-glass windows that symbolize the church's commitments. The first shows Noah and a rainbow; Noah signifies a rebirth, and the rainbow represents a coalition of different peoples. The second illustrates Jesus washing Peter's feet, signifying the church serving the community. And the third window depicts the Resurrection, with Jesus breaking bread with two disciples, that foretold of the coming kingdom and Jesus' position as the mediator. Besides speaking fluent Korean and Japanese, Lee speaks excellent English, having spent two years in Canada. When I arrived here in 1960, there was a clash between Koreans and Japanese. There was a summer festival that was deeply rooted in Shinto [Japan's national religion]. People came to collect money for the festival and I refused, remembering that the wartime Japanese government had used the festival to promote emperor worship and the war effort in occupied Korea. My Japanese neighbours were very angry. They came to the church grounds with a shrine on poles and entered the yard and smashed the flower garden. Japanese oppression and violence against Koreans was institutionalized during the Meiji Era (1867-1912). To strengthen itself internally and as a leading player in Asia, Japan developed a two-pronged plan. Internally the policy was called Fukoku Kyohei (building a rich country and strong army). But externally they called for the liberation of Asia from western influence, which meant the subjugation of Taiwan and Korea. In 1905, as a result of growing Japanese influence on the Korean peninsula, Tokyo assumed control over Korean foreign affairs. In a special treaty with Japan, Korea acknowledged that it was a "backward" country and that Japan could help "develop" it. In 1910 Korea was annexed by Japan, which imposed Japanese nationality on Koreans and began a process of forced ethnic conversion. Into this colonized country, Lee was born in 1925. At the end of the Meiji Era, prisoner labour was banned. So labourers had to be brought to Hokkaido from Honshu, the main island of Japan, and put up in huge dorms. The labourers were from the dispossessed and unemployed masses, who were often deceived by promises of money. Like the Japanese who moved to North and South America, the people brought to Hokkaido were motivated by crushing poverty. Many people recruited to come to Hokkaido believed they would farm, but the government had a different agenda. It was thinking about future defense against an invasion by Russia. Those men who had come to be farmers were forced into military training, and it was often women, children, and old people who ended up doing the work in the fields. The recruited labourers were forbidden from leaving Hokkaido, so they were just like prisoners. The Japanese also demanded that land holdings be registered. Koreans didn't have a system of land registration since they knew who the land belonged to, so most ignored the registration order. The non­registrants were simply not recognized, and the Japanese took over their land. The disenfranchised were forced to leave, some going to China and many others to Japan. The Japanese eventually occupied sixty percent of the cultivated land in Korea. In the meantime the Japanese developed policies to suppress Korean identity and eliminate Korean culture. The use of Korean names was forbidden, and the Korean language was not allowed to be spoken in public, including in schools, and Koreans were forced to worship at nationalistic Shinto shrines. As European colonizers to Africa, the Americas, and Australia have found, an effective way to weaken an occupied people is to ban their language, traditions, and rituals. But such actions also create a committed opposition. Towards the end of the 1930s, as Japan's war effort in Asia escalated, Japanese began to conscript Koreans and force them to go to Japan to work. The Korean labourers helped to build dams for hydroelectric projects and worked in coal mines and steel mills. They were treated like slaves and often beaten and killed with little regard or thought. Kawasaki, with its steel mills, was one of the many centres in which Korean labourers were concentrated. Lee told us: My background is very different from that of the great majority of resident Koreans in Japan. My mother was from South Korea; my father worked in North Korea. I was going to a private high school on the peninsula. My school was closed by the Japanese because it didn't meet the "assimilation policies" of raising the Japanese flag, praying towards Japan, and pledging allegiance. Some Japanese people felt guilty about doing this, so the governor promised to send fifty of the best students to Japan. I was one of them. This was in 1941. Later that year Japan attacked Pearl Harbor. The Japanese Lee had learned in Korea was different from that spoken in Japan. As a result, he was cruelly taunted by the Japanese kids. "I remember the history teacher saying in class that 'certain people in Asia have to fade away.' It was just like the Nazis and Jews." During the Pacific war of 1941-1945, Japan forced Chinese and Korean conscripts to Japan. Many were kidnapped, thrown onto trains like baggage, and sent to Hokkaido where they were forced to work, mainly in the mines. Japanese colonization of Korea lasted until 1945. To Japan, the end of the Second World War meant surrender and a miserable defeat. But to Koreans it was emancipation. Although most of the two million Koreans in Japan opted to return home, many were prevented from returning by turbulent social and political conditions in Korea. The end of the war came when I was a college student mobilized to work in a munitions factory as forced labour. I clearly remember the day. We all stood at attention as Emperor Hirohito's announcement of the defeat came over the radio. As I listened, I heard the sound of sobbing from the Japanese students. But at that moment I didn't feel anything. My mind was blank. Then a Japanese student from Osaka University called out to me, "Congratulations! The Korean people are finally liberated." I was stunned by his words. Lee was part of an assimilated generation. He had been so thoroughly absorbed into the Japanese way of life that he was forced to consider what being "liberated" really meant. Eventually he was happy, but at the same time he was seized with a feeling of anxiety. With freedom came a whole new world of responsibility. Until that time he had been part of Lee was part of an assimilated generation. He had been so thoroughly absorbed into the Japanese way of life that he was forced to consider what being "liberated" really meant. Eventually he was happy, but at the same time he was seized with a feeling of anxiety. With freedom came a whole new world of responsibility. Until that time he had been part of the system that had enslaved him. Now he was supposedly free. As Lee contemplated his future, he recalled an incident that occurred during the war. One day he had returned to his room in Kyoto and found that he had been visited by the Japanese special police, who had gone through his things and read his diaries. One of his teachers, Tadashi Wada, stood up for the students who had been violated. He defended us, took our fate as his responsibility. He suffered greatly from the police. He was a Christian and that influenced me. In the scripture, there is no distinction between Jews or Greeks. Those invited into the Kingdom of God are first the oppressed. Those in power first have to be brought down. So I became a Christian. Like the Koreans, the Chinese suffered brutally at the hands of the Japanese. After the war, Wada went to China as a self-appointed missionary to rectify the injustices of Japan. "At least I can die as a Japanese for one Chinese life," he said. His determination to redress the past wrongs still inspires Lee. As we sat on tatami mats in a church meeting room, Lee continued with his story. I wanted to return home, but after independence, Korea was in such a state of turmoil that I prolonged my stay here. In the meantime I fell in love with a Japanese woman whom I had met in the church. For marrying me, my wife had to lose her Japanese citizenship, but couldn't get Korean citizenship either. So she became stateless. On April 28, 1952, the San Francisco Peace Treaty went into effect, ending seven years of U.S. military occupation and restoring Japanese sovereignty.1 On that day the Japanese government stripped Korean and Taiwanese residents of their limited rights as Japanese nationals. They now fell under the new Alien Registration Law (ARL), which took effect simultaneously. Japanese nationality once imposed on Koreans and Taiwanese without their consent was now taken away, again without their consent, as if nothing had ever occurred. The ARL required finger­printing and the possession at all times of an alien passbook bearing print, photo, and personal data; violators faced stiff criminal penalties. In 1987 the African-American social activist Jesse Jackson wrote to Japan's Justice Minister: The Alien Registration Law ... is reminiscent of the pass laws in South Africa. The eyes of the world are on Japan today. As an economic giant, there is much to be respected, but no nation should have an economic surplus and a moral deficit. Fingerprinting aliens is offensive to many people as it treats law-abiding non-citizens as second-class human beings, singled out like criminals.2 In 1987, after intense protests, the ARL was revised but only with minor changes, the passbook being replaced by a computerized finger­print card. Lee has been a passionate opponent of the ARL for many years. According to him, the object of the ARL was to exclude those who were from former colonies—Korea and Taiwan—from the basic human-rights provisions in the new Japanese Constitution. Lee told us how the ARL affected his own son. When my son was fourteen, we forgot to renew his registration. He was charged and fined, a child of fourteen, and was given a criminal record. When I protested that as his father I should be charged, I was told that "the law is the law." Lee shook his head at the injustice of it all. This legal discrimination mirrored the social discrimination that Korean residents had been experiencing in their daily lives for many years. As a pastor, Lee had had to go to the police station many times to secure the release of those apprehended while not carrying their alien registration card. Lee was convinced that the ARL was against the spirit of the Japanese Constitution. There are one million Koreans in Japan if the roughly 300,000 who have naturalized since 1952 are added to the 680,000 registered as Korean nationals. Most were forced, or are the descendants of those who were forced, to leave their homeland as displaced farmers or conscripted labourers to fuel Japan's military and industrial expansion during its thirty-five-year colonization of Korea, which began in 1910. There were typically two reactions among Japanese to the Korean "problem." One was to say, "If you have so many complaints, why don't you go back to Korea?" The other is, "You are just like us, speaking Japanese, living like Japanese, so why don't you just become Japanese?" But, Lee believes, the matter is not that simple. Lee, who had spoken with many younger Korean residents, knew that few of them had ever visited their homeland and did not know its language or customs, making it difficult for them to live there. What's more, the "Korean problem" is not something Koreans created. It is, in reality, a Japanese problem. Lee also believes its solution has ramifications elsewhere for how the world solves the increasingly complex but significant problems of ethnic conflict and conciliation. Many resident Koreans feel that changing nationality and becoming Japanese would be like a surrender to the Japanese demand to deny their ethnic origins and cultural background, and "forget" what happened to them in the past. In 1987 Manabu Hatakeyama, a justice ministry official, wrote: The longer Koreans remain in Japan, the more they identify with Japan and Japanese society, and the more the historical circumstances that brought them to Japan—the colonization of Korea—fade from their memory. There is no longer any need to create a special legal status for Koreans in Japan.3 In 1988 the National Council for Combatting Discrimination Against Ethnic People in Japan (Min-To-Ren) determined that resident Koreans who had been injured in military service should get compensation.4 Since 1952 more than ¥37-trillion have been given for war compensation and pensions to Japanese families for death and injuries in military service. About 240,000 Koreans and 210,000 Taiwanese fought for Japan, 22,000 Koreans and 30,000 Taiwanese were killed and many more wounded, yet no money has been spent on them. The Japanese government has been denying any responsibility. Every year on August 15 the government organizes a ceremony in the presence of the emperor and his wife. The announcement for the event reads, "Tomorrow, August 15, is the day to remember those who died in the war and pray for peace. Our condolences are for the more than three million people who died inside and outside of Japan during the last world war." Three million people is the official number of deaths of Japanese nationals. Completely forgotten are those who were victims of war but were not Japanese. Lee showed us an article on "comfort women"—non-Japanese women, including many Koreans, who were forced to serve soldiers as sex slaves in the brothels established by the military.5 For decades, such women had been mute, hiding their physical and psychic scars behind a wall of shame and silence. But more recently the surviving women have begun to speak out and demand restitution. And like a festering boil that has been lanced, the stories have burst forth. The article Lee showed us said that on August 22, 1994, citizens' groups in support of foreign victims of Japanese wartime aggression criticized government plans to set up a ¥10-billion fund from private-sector donations to help women whom the Japanese Imperial Army forced to be sex slaves. The government's official position was not to compensate individual victims. It would therefore pay only for the administrative costs of a nonprofit foundation to be set up to distribute money to the claimants. The money was to be handled as "gift money," a mere token of sympathy, rather than financial compensation. But, the victims argued, they were not looking for an expression of sympathy; they wanted the Japanese government to admit its culpability in these atrocities. They demanded an apology and individual compensation to symbolize the society's will to redress. Since the Second World War, German governments have apologized to Jews, have erected monuments to past victims, and have paid massive reparations and vigilantly denounced racism as a reminder of Germany's complicity in wartime atrocities. It is only through this expiation of its past that Germany can develop a future with Israel and other countries. In Japan the need to acknowledge the existence of victims of the Japanese military has gone unanswered, as has the victims' right to be recognized and receive redress. This is not dredging up an ancient past but a recent history within memory of most of Japan's citizens. Often the crucial task of remembering falls on the shoulders of disenfranchised minorities, whose collective memories are an invaluable reminder to society of our capacity for inhumanity and cruelty. As well, in other countries history is remembered very differently. For example, as recently as 1995, former foreign minister Michio Watanabe stated that Korea had been under no military pressure from Japan when it signed the 1919 treaty that handed over its sovereignty to Japan. Throughout Asia there were calls of protest. They saw the 1910 annexation as the symbol of Japanese aggression in Asia, which culminated in the Pacific war. By justifying the annexation, they thought Watanabe and other conservative politicians were trying to justify the militaristic government of Japan's entire war effort. South Korean Prime Minister Lee Hong Koo reacted strongly: Our government and all the people of our nation cannot help showing shock and concern .... The remarks outside the bounds of common knowledge by a person in a leading position in Japan poses a big problem not only to the future relations between [South) Korea and Japan but also to our future-oriented efforts to build an Asia-Pacific community.6 The next day, June 6, 1995, students in South Korea attacked the Japanese Cultural Centre in Seoul. The enraged Koreans threw gasoline bombs, broke windows, and set the building on fire. Under pressure, Watanabe apologized, saying: The 1910 Korean annexation treaty was concluded amid the historical circumstances of international relations and other factors at the time. Earlier, I said the treaty was "formed peacefully." I now retract this "peacefully" and apologize.7 China's Foreign Ministry criticized Watanabe and called on the parliament to overcome their differences in drafting the resolution. Ministry spokesperson Shen Guofang said: The war of aggression that Japan launched against many Asian nations and its past colonial rule of the Korean peninsula brought untold suffering to the peoples of all these countries. This is an undeniable historical fact. We hope the Japanese government will take a very serious approach to this matter.8 The conservative block within the LOP (Liberal Democratic Party), the former governing party, opposed using the words "colonial rule" or "aggression" in the resolution until the last moment. They insisted that the legislature does not have a mandate to make judgements on history. After many months of negotiations, the original text has been diluted to the extent that the "determination to forever renounce war" has been replaced by a vague expression of "determination to open a future of peaceful coexistence for humankind." • When we got off the subway at Tsuruhashi station in Osaka, we found ourselves in the middle of Osaka's Korean district, which people refer to as "the ghetto." There we met Paggie Cho, a Korean singer and teacher, who wheeled up on his bike. He was an imposing figure, his long black hair pulled back in a ponytail. Clad in a thigh-length leather jacket, he had the demeanour of a gentle black bear. He wore wraparound sunglasses, partly to hide a bad eye. He smiled easily and earnestly and answered questions in good English. Cho took us on a tour of his home turf in the Ikuno borough of Osaka. Ikuno is home to one of the highest concentrations of Koreans in Japan. Approximately 280,000 Koreans live in Osaka prefecture; of the 140,000 located in Osaka city, 40,000 live in Ikuno. There are two Korean markets in this area. One is attached to Tsuruhashi station, and the other, known as the "international market," is located in the community of lkaino. Both are warrens of small shops selling everything from Korean traditional costumes to religious paraphernalia, pig's ears, and spicy kimchi pickles. Cho's parents are both from Korea, but his mother came to Japan at the end of the war when she was still a child. Cho was born in 1956 and grew up in Nishinari borough, an "international" district of Osaka. (The label "international" means its residents are a mixture of many Korean, burakumin, and Okinawans.) When he was going to elementary school, his class had about ten Koreans, ten Okinawans, and twenty burakumin. Although the burakumin are ethnically Japanese, many Japanese parents told their children that they were not, insinuating they had come from somewhere else. In its concern over the de facto segregation of burakumin schoolchildren by non-burakumin parents, school officials had instituted a program of "education for liberation." Designed to reduce fears and mistrust born of ignorance, the program sought to portray different groups in a positive way. As a result of this attempt to improve education for burakumin, the school system in Osaka gradually improved for all of the "internationals." As a Korean, Cho recalled being overwhelmed with a sense of inferiority. Until he was in high school, he tried to deny being Korean and to be Japanese. If he had revealed that he was Korean, he would have been harassed. He felt ashamed of what he was—a Korean in Japan. But, Cho told us, in university he started to change. As we walked, an elevated train rumbled overhead. The sound, sights, and smells varied from enchanting to overwhelming. The stores were tiny, for the most part consisting of three walls where the merchandise is displayed and the fourth open onto the covered walkway. One can take in the entire contents of a shop at a glance. Customers usually sat on the floor in the middle of the shop with their backs to the walkway. The salesperson took whatever a buyer pointed to down from the shelves. It was obviously a social meeting place, as well as a market. Cho talked as we walked. For most of my early life, I was known by my Japanese surname, Nishiyama. I thought my Korean name would bring me bad luck. Then I was accepted into university and I realized that, all of a sudden, I was among the elite and I must act responsibly. I started studying the Korean language and met some Korean sempai [seniors] who used their Korean names. Names are an explosive subject to Koreans. During Japan's occupa­tion of Korea, the Japanese forced Koreans to change their names. This practice ended in 1945, and in Korea, names were changed back from Japanese to Korean. But for the resident Koreans in Japan, names continued to be a problem. Until recently those who were naturalized as Japanese citizens were required to change their names to Japanese. Those who retained Korean nationality usually had a legal Korean name but also a Japanese name for daily use. Which name was used often indicated that person's attitude to his or her identity. Cho related his own experience to us: I told my teacher that I, too, wanted to start using my Korean name. He said he always knew that I would and congratulated me. My teacher helped me by taking thirty minutes at the beginning of one of his classes to explain to the other students why I was changing my name. My mother was delighted when I started using my Korean name. She had a modern type of Korean pride. My father, an illiterate welder, was different. He had never gone to school and had nothing good to say about Koreans, especially Communists. In spite of his experience as a target of discrimination, he despised the burakumin and the Okinawans, even though we share some of the same foods, like pig's feet and intestines, which the Japanese won't eat. He couldn't help me deal with my identity problems. He just taught me, "Get rich." When I changed my name, he simply acknowledged it. I don't know what he really thought. My father's attitude was confusing. Sometimes he said it was okay to be Japanese because Koreans are inferior. He had a negative self­-image. But sometimes he was angry at the Japanese for their prejudice. Eldridge Cleaver, in Soul on Ice, talks about how black men lust for blond white women because the majority population imposes on black people its image of what is beautiful and desirable. By accepting the standards set by others, one becomes ashamed of who one is. Like Cho's father, many victims of discrimination eventually believe the attitudes of the majority and end up loathing themselves. Although there are now more and more Korean doctors and lawyers, most Korean businesses are pachinko parlours (the attraction of these popular pinball-type machines mystifies many westerners), restaurants, money-lending, and garbage collection. A disproportionately high percentage of Korean descendants have achieved fame in the world of professional sports, entertainment, and letters, although quite a few still use Japanese names and remain reticent about revealing their Korean backgrounds. From the market we walked to Hirano Canal. Built by Korean labourers, it serves as the symbolic monument of the Ikaino Korean community. Historians say the "ghetto" of Ikaino was formed originally by the labourers who built the canal. On the bridge spanning the canal, an older woman was selling imported Korean carrots (ginseng), a symbol of strength and longevity. Cho was quite well known in Osaka and the Kansai area. As we walked, people waved to him and he greeted them in Japanese and Korean. I am the rector of a prep school. I teach English, though I have never visited an English-speaking country. I am also a musician. Some of my songs are about Korea, though I have never been there either. My wife is a Korean whose parents were brought to Japan to build this Hirano Canal. Thousands of Koreans were shipped in to build this canal. Countless numbers of them died during construction. Her birth mother was Japanese. Her parents already had two daughters and wanted a son, so the father went to a geisha and paid her to have his child. But she gave birth to another girl. Her father's wife raised her like her own daughter. That sort of "double marriage" is illegal now, but in the old days, rich Koreans were proud of how many mistresses they had. My wife, like me, is a zainichi [resident Korean in Japan]. She was in Seoul for two years to learn singing and dancing. She went to a Korean school in Japan. Her parents spoke Korean at home. She was brought up in Ikaino. So her cultural background as a Korean is much more solid than mine. Our daughter can already sing a few Korean songs. Cho took us to a small Korean restaurant for lunch. Because we arrived later in the day, the lunch crowd had come and gone, and we were the only customers. As we ate the Korean barbecue, Cho told us of his ethnic identity: I always want something from Korea. I long for its culture and history. But that doesn't mean I can identify with the politics of either North or South Korea. My friends still have romantic ideas of their homeland of Korea. But I don't have such a sense. I'm from Osaka, I live in Ikaino: that's how I identify myself. Before and during the war, Koreans had to be 120 percent Japanese. Now we are foreigners. But the majority of resident Koreans, especially those cut off from large Korean communities, are still trying to pass themselves off as Japanese. Many want to be naturalized as Japanese citizens. But I don't want to become naturalized. For me, naturalization means surrender on their terms. I must submit to interviews and background checks and then only after a few years will I learn if they have decided to accept me. They get to decide. If it were a human right, I'd apply tomorrow. But unless the minister of justice allows, I can't get Japanese citizenship. It should be my right to choose. To Cho, becoming Japanese means assimilation into the dominant Japanese society and forgetting his Korean roots. As a result he, like many others, has chosen not to become Japanese. Being naturalized would not solve the real problems because the system of discrimination remains untouched. Strictly speaking, naturalization doesn't mean getting just Japanese nationality. We must make up honseki [family records of our birthplace]. It means getting a new family record, then getting Japanese nationality. It is understandable that some Korean groups are asking for easier forms of naturalization and new laws. Yet like Japanese-Canadians and Japanese-Americans, Koreans in Japan have begun to climb the socioeconomic ladder, and education is the essential element to achieve economic and social security. In Japan, Cho said, eighty-three percent of Korean marriages involved intermarriage with a Japanese. In North America now most sansei and yonsei are marrying non-Japanese partners. Yet in spite of the high degree of assimilation into the dominant society, both groups feel a difference in behaviour or values that sets them apart from the dominant members of society. Like many ethnic communities, the Koreans in Japan have been torn and divided. Basically there are three groups defined by generation and the degree of assimilation and how they identify themselves. The other division is based on political allegiance, reflecting the political division of the Korean peninsula—South is the Republic of Korea, and North is the Democratic Peoples' Republic of Korea. Cho explained: Until the mid-1960s, most Koreans in Japan supported North Korea. In 1965 the South Korea-Japan Treaty was ratified and the Japanese government started giving favours only to those who identified with the South. A split occurred within the community. Those who sympathized with the South joined an organization called Min-Dan, while those who supported the North became members of So-Ren. This division has had many ramifications. Until the 1970s, Japanese banks and schools refused to deal with Koreans. The community therefore set up a parallel system that inevitably became politicized. Because of the divisions, the community now has banks and schools run exclusively by and for members of So-Ren, and banks and schools run exclusively by and for members of Min-Dan. The division often tore apart families and friendships. I was in a pro-North student group, though my family was pro­South. I had many friends in both. Political and ideological conflicts were intense, but the divisions between North and South are usually not what they seem. Many times they are allegiances based on expediency. For example, in order to travel abroad, it's more convenient with a South Korean passport. For young people in the 1970s, the North-South problem started to seem irrelevant. These days, the community is less and less interested in politics. Fewer and fewer students attend Korean school, and many of those who do aren't interested in the pro-North or -South propaganda. Many schools have shifted their emphasis from politics to culture and run after-hours, nonpolitical, "ethnic education" programs. Cho considers himself a member of an ethnic minority and is keenly interested in other minority groups, such as Ainu, Okinawans, and burakumin. The pro-North So-Ren people still argue that resident Koreans in Japan are part of the Korean state; therefore they are not an ethnic minority in Japan. They regard themselves as foreign citizens. I cannot subscribe to this. Many people say that the problems that resident Koreans have here must be dealt with between the states of Korea and Japan. From that standpoint, the past has already been dealt with. But not for me. I think of myself as a minority member. Being a minority has to mean reflecting back to colonial times and trying to redress past wrongs. I'm like a thorn in the side of the So-­Ren people, and it's threatening to many of them. Old timers used to tell us to identify ourselves with our beloved country, Korea. The problem is, first, it has been bitterly divided, and second, I am not crazy about either of the sides. Until quite recently, both have been run by dictatorships. But both So-Ren and Min-Dan groups are becoming smaller because younger Koreans are not joining. Their priorities are no longer the conflict between North and South. It's understandable for young Koreans to want to become Japanese in order to escape discrimination. Before, I was a militant and was always angry and impatient. But I have changed. Now I tell the young generation, "Please learn in detail our history and situation. After that, you make up your mind." Before, I didn't know my history and hated myself. In my student days, I went around demanding that people change. I wanted them to do the same as I did. As you can imagine, it was not too successful. Now I just want to tell young people, "Define yourself. Don't let them define you." As an activist working for civil rights of Koreans, Cho recognizes that the fate of other minor,ity groups in Japan is tied up with his. He is there­fore a member of the Kansai University Research Group on Human Rights, which has interests far beyond the borders of his own community and encompassing the causes of all minorities in Japan. He is especially interested in Ainu issues and became so close to them that he even got married in the Ainu village of Nibutani. In Nibutani the local inn is run by an Ainu. In this remote village, one can still be treated to excellent kimchi. The reason these spicy Korean pickles are available in Hokkaido is that the inn owner got them from his friend—Paggie Cho. Cho is also very active in the music scene. His band, "Garnet Rage," has released two CDs. He sang in Japanese, English, and Korean, and mixed a variety of music ranging from traditional Korean to heavy metal. His music is an extension of his political and human-rights commitment, and an expression of his grassroots multiculturalism. • Keibo recalls the time when he found out about his background: When I finally found out that my father was originally from North Korea, I felt, on the one hand, a strong sense of happiness and delight but, on the other, an immense void. For thirty years I had thought I was Japanese. It was with these conflicting emotions that I took the Bullet Train to Osaka. I went directly to the Korean "ghetto," and for hours I walked around in the markets, struck by the exotic atmosphere of the Koreans. Down the side streets were small factories with machines that produced cheap sandals, shoes, plastics, rubber, vinyl products, and bags. This was the bottom rung of the notorious subcontract system. Then I walked through the narrow alleys of Ikaino. The houses were tiny and stuck together in row upon row surrounded by potted plants and bonsai trees. I looked at each of the nameplates on the houses and felt good when I found Korean names. It was on that trip that I walked into a bookstore and for the first time saw a book of poetry, entitled Poems of Ikaino, by a zainichi author, Shijong Kim. Shijong Kim was born in 1925 in Wonsan, Korea, but moved to Cheju Island, south of the peninsula, where his mother came from. After the war, he moved to Japan and became an activist in Min-Sen (Zainichi Korean United Democratic Front), but because of his literary activities, he was gradually alienated from politics. After working in numerous jobs, he became a Korean teacher in a high school. Today, he is a well-respected poet in both the Korean and Japanese communities in Japan. He had recently published two large volumes of poems and essays in Japanese. He is also known as the spokesperson for the emotionally and politically loaded concept of zainichi. We met Shijong Kim at Tsuruhashi station in Osaka. From his poems and life story we expected Kim to be a big, tough-looking character. But the person we met was handsome, slight of build, almost delicate in his manner, and spoke Japanese with a slight accent. As people around us rushed to catch their trains, Kim suggested we go to the coffee shop on the second floor of the station. There we found a dingy little place full of people. We were able to grab a table, but the waitress was tired and bored, and the coffee was bad. But the atmosphere didn't matter; our focus was on learning more about this most fascinating man. It was obvious Kim was well prepared for our meeting. He had read David's book Inventing the Future in Japanese and, probably for that reason, elected to tell us a story about an ecological miracle that happened in Wakayama prefecture, near Mio (Amerika-mura). A nuclear plant was going to be built there. Some members of a literary club I'm involved with asked me to help fight against it. Ayu, the little trout that are a delicacy in Japan, hadn't spawned in the area for five years. The fishermen had considered the ocean dead and so had been recruited to support the nuclear plant in the hopes of getting a few jobs. Two days before the final decision was to be made, a huge run of ayu came in to spawn. Upon seeing the ayu return, the village executives, who were fishermen and had been for the plant, suddenly changed their minds. They realized the ocean was still alive. "That's amazing," we interjected. "It was like it was a divine intervention. "Yes, it was, " Kim said. "I have this feeling that things that are wished for strongly by people have to come true." He then began to explain the term "zainichi." Zainichi is the basis of my existence. When you take the broadest sense of the word, which literally means "being in Japan," even the Japanese are zainichi. But they take it for granted that they live in Japan. So zainichi is a word that has no meaning to them. This makes them Japanese. Between those like us who have to be conscious of the fact that they are living in Japan and those who take it for granted, there is a huge gap. We are children of those who were forced to be apart from their native land. This is why zainichi is important for us. There are five million Koreans living outside Korea—two million in the United States, 1.8 million in China, and the rest in Japan, the former Soviet Union, Europe, Canada, and Australia. But according to Kim, zainichi existence in Japan is a distinctive phenomenon because they aren't here by choice, but were forced to live here. For me, a Korean poet having to write in Japanese, to write about myself meant to write about my relationship with Japan. I had to question why I was here in Japan. Koreans in Japan don't have to be politicized, because from the beginning we have been political. Our existence itself is political. For zainichi writers to write under real names or not, that's already a political act. Hihyo—criticism. It means a frame of mind that cannot allow itself to be in harmony with the status quo. It's constant questioning, not to indulge in or be spoiled by the status quo. If Koreans in Japan have this, we are automatically dismissed by Japanese poets. It's called dangerous. Japanese critics have reviewed my work and they often say that it is a mirror on Japanese society. Using the mirror metaphor, I may say the writing of Koreans in Japan is a mirror to see ourselves and the Japanese. We don't force Japanese to look at themselves. If we are digging into the Japanese-Korean psyche, we automatically see ourselves. The Korean War was fought by the United States against North Korea, using Japan as the base. All planes used in the Korean War flew from Japanese bases. All the bombs dropped in Korea came from Japan. One of the bombs, a fragmentation weapon called "parent-child" bomb was manufactured by Japanese corporations. The Korean War, and later the Vietnam War, gave the post-Second World War Japanese economy a boost. Like many resident Koreans, however, Kim was active in the anti­war movement during the Korean War. In those days, Korean organizations were illegal. An organization called Min-Sen [Zainichi Korean United Democratic Front] had ninety percent of resident Koreans behind it. Trains were loaded with bombs. If they could be stopped for ten minutes, it would save 10,000 lives in Korea. So we'd lie on tracks or break signals so they were fixed on Stop. People died by being electrocuted or falling off the poles. The Japanese government, with help from the CIA, did all they could to crush us. The tragic thing was that other Koreans in Japan worked to make bombs. Koreans desperately needed work and would take any job offered to them. Huge corporations would place orders with small factories to make parts—nuts and bolts. Since there were lots of small businesses, no one knew they were working on bombs when they were only making nuts and bolts. That was real darkness, the Korean War. Resident Koreans were mobilized to kill their compatriots. But can we blame them when they were making nuts and bolts? Then, can we allow bombs to be made? So our movement against the war would go around and destroy the small factories. Imagine how helpless the small factories were. Koreans in the Ikaino community were bidding against each other, bringing prices down. Japanese wouldn't take the contracts at such low prices. Koreans would put the whole family to work, competing with each other, while the big corporations took advantage and made a lot of money. I can still see it vividly. At the time, the Hirano Canal was full of iron dust from the waste dumped in the canal by many small factories making nuts and bolts. People would scoop up the mud for the iron dust to make a bit of money. The reason I talk at such great length is the big word zainichi, which is ourselves. I don't want to draw a nice picture about ourselves. This muddy, desperate situation is our place called Ikaino. But, on the other hand, Ikaino was a haven for us Zainichi. When someone was chased by the police, if they could get to Ikaino, they were safe. Up to the 1960s, Japanese police couldn't come into Ikaino safely. Of course, Koreans were fighting each other, but any Korean in this area was protected by everyone from the Japanese enemy. So we called Ikaino a liberated quarter. Ikaino represented our struggle, conflicts, confusion, and chaos, yet we always maintained this communal feeling rooted in our common struggle to survive. All of these elements merged into one. When I write about indigenousness and nativeness in my poems, I am talking about the inevitability of fighting and hating each other, yet having to live together. We are the people who from the beginning of existence were devoid of social, civil, and legal rights. We are abandoned people. We are people without strong roots, yet somehow on hard work, we survived by extending small rootlets. Even if we hate each other, we have to live together and even learn to love each other by entangling our roots. And Ikaino is the symbol of such existence. In fact the name lkaino (whose Chinese characters mean "the field where hogs are raised") doesn't exist on the map anymore. When Osaka decided to erase this name to incorporate the town into a larger area, many residents were opposed. They felt that the Japanese were trying to destroy their identity by erasing the name that served as a symbol of the Korean minority in Japan. Kim wrote a poem about lkaino, called "The Invisible Town": The town which is there yet not there The town which disappears while being there The town which even trains detour But they make sure the crematorium is right there Everybody knows it But the town's not on the map Because it's not on the map, it's not Japan Because it's not Japan, it's okay if it disappears Because it doesn't matter, we feel free There everybody talks loudly Accents are spoken proudly Even the plates have an appetite People's stomachs are so strong That they consume from the tip of the nose To the bottom of the heel They arrogantly claim They are responsible for Japan's nutrition.9 Kim continued with his explanation of the term zainichi: Such is the nature of zainichi. It is in this entangled coexistence that I see a big potential for the future of Korean people, including those in North and South Korea. We are experimenting in Japan for the future of North and South Korea. Maybe here we can find the possibility of our future unification: living together in spite of disagreements. In other words, our existence itself points to the future of our people. What made this kind of existence and what made it so strong is our elders and their nativeness. They still keep customs and traditions forgotten in Korea. They can be mocked as old-fashioned, but they are stubborn. Korean issei in Japan [the immigrant generation] are almost gone, nisei are up to seventy years old. Even today at funerals, there are fights among nisei over the order of offerings. For example, which direction is the head of the fish to point? Does it matter? It seems laughable in the modern age, but I find it precious in the context of our history. I cherish it. I feel frustrated at not being able to convey this to the younger generation. The poet, however, had no romantic illusions about his own people. I'm against discrimination. But I can't subscribe to those who feel that being discriminated against means automatically they are on the side of justice. I hate that attitude. I see egotism not just on the side of the bigot, but on the side of the victim, and that can be even more of a danger. I want to end my prolonged talk with an ancient parable. A parrot was looking at a copper mirror. While looking, it pecked at the mirror until it destroyed its own beak. What I'm doing is just like that: looking at the mirror and looking at myself pecking at my own image. If something shocks me, that would be my own bloody bill, face and flesh. Back in Sakuramoto, in the Korean district in Kawasaki city, we once again joined Inha Lee. On that day, he was at the cross-cultural day care centre he set up and operates. We walked among a group of three- and four-year-olds busily playing in the front yard. Lee explained to us that after he began working at the church in 1959, he felt it was imperative to get closer to the community and to bridge the gap between the Japanese and Korean communities. "So I decided to open my sanctuary for children," he said simply. Like the burakumin day care centre we had visited with Megumi Matsumoto, Lee's centre brought Korean and Japanese children together under one roof. They learned about Korean language and culture, and they developed an attitude of understanding and respect. The day care also had children with Latin American and Filipino backgrounds. Lee told us: In the beginning when parents found their children were assigned to a nursery where the head was a Korean, they tried to pull their children out. Sometimes they'd lie and say they had been transferred to another place. But the children love it here and don't want to leave. Parents are always defeated by their children because they love them. After a while, Japanese parents confess, "We inherited our prejudice against Koreans:' When they say that, Korean women clap and say, "Now we can become real friends." Lee's passion for helping Koreans establish themselves in the community includes a drive to improve Japanese society as well. He has always urged young Koreans to become a creative, useful force within society, not just to merge into the majority. Minority groups have suffered pain. If we inflict it on others, we are not mature. We must each overcome this as individuals. By raising our own demands and issues, we make the majority face themselves. The Japanese confess that Koreans are a mirror for themselves. Although Lee has suffered a lifetime of persecution, he has taken a conciliatory position. It makes me angry the way Koreans have been treated by the Japanese, but I also feel sorry for racist Japanese. They are just victims of the Imperial system and an education system that fosters hatred and ignorance. Lee has a positive attitude towards the people and country he had adopted as his own. "Although I hate what they did to us, I cannot hate the Japanese." Lee's concerns and activities are concentrated in one particular locality, the Sakuramoto district in Kawasaki, yet his philosophy has no place for narrow-minded nationalism and regionalism. As he showed us around Sakuramoto, he bubbled over with energy and enthusiasm, and his passion never seemed fanatical or overbearing. His ideas were radical and progressive, yet in his radicalism there was something gentle and cheerful. Even when he talked of the atrocities his people have had to endure, we didn't see any anger or bitterness. He said, "I enjoy being a minority person," and even, "I enjoy living in Japan." We asked him, "What makes being a minority person enjoyable for you?" "It is perhaps because I am in a position to deal and associate with a wider range of humanity," he replied. "When you have a broader and deeper question, the answer will be likewise wider and deeper." Being the victim of discrimination and persecution is hard, but living with such abuse can have positive effects, as it forces the minority to ask difficult questions about human nature. In trying to answer those questions, minority members can experience growth, which humanizes them. Lee told us: Korean boys in the neighbourhood are very popular among young Japanese girls. Knowing the daily behaviour of these youngsters fairly well, I sometimes have to discourage Japanese girls from getting involved with Korean boys, but most girls are persistent and say, "Korean boys are more attractive." What does this all mean? According to Lee, girls probably find a quality, a sense of purpose, in Korean boys that Japanese boys don't seem to have. Being with someone who is suffering from discrimination and fighting to overcome it perhaps gives the girls a sense of personal growth. In our conversation, Lee often said, "There's no absolute in culture." He explained that culture is constantly changing. "It is constantly mixing and becoming something else. In that sense, acculturation is an inevitable and even natural process." We asked him if we could call him an assimilationist, then. He replied that, in fact, he is often called an assimilationist by other zainichi from various political camps. Yet he was most adamantly opposed to an assimilation in which one's self is submerged. Lee proposed that we be tolerant with both what one felt he or she was today and what one might feel in the future. Again there is no absolute in culture and one's identity in the historical process, and it is when we are free from cultural absolutism that a constructive dialogue becomes possible between ethnicities and cultures. Unlike burakumin, who have yet to achieve university education and to expand into professions and business, Koreans have attained considerable success in Japanese society. Like their Nikkei counterparts in North America, these Koreans have endured a history of exploitation and abuse, which they are only now openly discussing among themselves and with Japanese. Like other minority groups, they confront the Japanese with the reality that Japan is not homogenous and that the diversity is a gift to the Japanese. As Koreans in Japan reflect on their differences and what their heritage is, they provide a mirror for Japanese to see themselves. Voices from the Belly "The orthodox tradition of male domination has been expressed in Japan since the mid-1800s. But there has been a hidden tradition. This is represented within the household, by women. However much Japanese soldiers worshipped the emperor outwardly, when the war ship Musashi sank, young sailors who lay dying on the deck cried out for their mothers, not the emperor." Shunsuke Tsurumi Like those in most countries in the world, Japan's political and business spheres are dominated by men. And the popular western image of a Japanese woman is of one who is submissive, obedient, and attentive to men's every whim—even walking a few paces behind. But today Japanese women are better educated, freed from much of the drudgery of household work, and domiciled away from the extended family. They have greater opportunities for leisure, recreation, and reflection, although the heavy demands of most men's long workdays and weeks mean that wives and mothers spend much of their time alone or with young children. Long before the changes in Japanese modern women's education and way of life, there was a hidden tradition of women at the fore. These women in mythology and folklore can be bawdy, aggressive, and funny. In Kyoto, we met Shunsuke Tsurumi (see Chapter 3), a leading philosopher who has written extensively about the history of thought. Among the many subjects he had dealt with, he chose to tell us a remarkable story from his book, Amenouzume-den.1 It goes as follows: Sayo Kitamura was born in 1900 and died in 1967. She was a farm­ing woman in Yamaguchi prefecture. On May 4, 1944, she got up early for her ritual prayer at the Shinto altar. But when she walked by her still­sleeping husband, she kicked the pillow and a voice came out of her throat that seemed to come from someone else: "Hey! Listen, Sayanoshin! The heartfelt prayers that Sayo has been offering in the middle of morning and afternoon, even on the coldest winter days, have certainly reached my ears. In contrast with her, you, another of my children, do away with such prayers and indulge in sleep. Get up and pray at once!" Until that moment, Kitamura had been a hardworking peasant's wife who had accepted her lot as her husband's sixth wife and who bore the heavy burden of a domineering mother-in-law. She was a dutiful citizen, never questioning the emperor and the military. But on that fateful morning, she was transformed by a god who entered her belly and used her as his mouthpiece. She would suddenly scream, often in crude language, berating people. Initially she supported the war effort and urged people to sacrifice for Japan's victory, but by the fall of 1944 the god in Kitamura was criticizing the imperial family, something breathtakingly audacious for a citizen. On September 28 Kitamura had a conversation with the god in her belly, and the god warned that this criticism could lead to persecution of her family. Her son in the military would have to commit seppuku (ritual suicide), her husband could go insane, and they could lose all their property. When Kitamura asked whether the god was a good or bad one, the god replied that he was benevolent but needed someone willing to make sacrifices for the sake of the nation. Kitamura responded, "All right! If by sacrificing my life, the lives of my family members and our petty property, I can save our nation, then fine, go ahead and continue to use me!" Immediately her body floated in the air a couple of feet above the ground. The loss of the war left people all across Japan in a state of shock. Cities were flattened, the land pocked with bomb craters, and the citizens bereft of leadership. Into that psychic vacuum, Sayo Kitamura and the god in her belly offered something to cling to. On August 16, after Japan's surrender, Kitamura declared in a half song, half chant, "Wake up, maggots! Wake up, traitors! Wake up, all you scavengers and beggars! Now the heavenly door of rocks has opened to a new world." Songs, chants, and speeches spewed out of her mouth, and people around found that often in spite of themselves, they would end up joining her as if the sounds were coming from their own bellies. Then Kitamura would often dance, and this, in turn, stimulated people to leap into a frenzy of dancing. This group ecstasy became known as the "dancing religion." When Kitamura visited Tokyo, her train was surrounded by dancing people. Word spread that dancing was healing. In this turbulent period, when all seemed so hopeless and life was a constant struggle to survive, there was little infrastructure to serve the physical and psychic needs of a defeated nation. Kitamura offered relief from the relentless stress of postwar Japan. Somehow, although there was nothing in her early life that would have hinted at Kitamura's extraordinary transformation, she had tapped into the healing powers of music and dance. For the nation, monumental decisions were being made as the Allies moved in to set Japan on a new course of democracy. Not surprisingly, Kitamura was treated derisively by the media as an ignorant, superstitious woman who was irrelevant in a country that was rejecting its militaristic, imperial tradition for western democracy and capitalism. But in a time of desperate need and pain, the god in Kitamura's belly offered people respite and relief from their suffering. According to Tsurumi, Kitamura was only one of the contemporary examples of women offering a different perspective. This tradition of unorthodox women goes far back in Japanese history. • We left Tsurumi to travel to the manufacturing city of Osaka. It struck us as a huge, cluttered, dirty city, and Minami, its commercial centre, was frenetically active. To get to our goal—the office of activist Yumi Horikoshi—we passed through the narrow streets behind the Nikko Hotel to an unprepossessing door. At the top of a long, narrow staircase were two tiny rooms filled with boxes overflowing with paper, two huge photocopy and fax machines, and walls plastered with posters, memos, and little gifts left by the constant flow of visitors. This cluttered warren was the heart and nerve centre of Yumi Horikoshi's remarkable network. She greeted us and explained: Unlike other activists, I am not interested in justice. I am not motivated by the fury of wrongs that need righting. Anger never got me anywhere. If I am angry I will immediately shout or yell and get rid of it. I am motivated by my feelings about life. I feel the spirits guide me to the role I must play and all I do is peacefully accept. I am lucky. Horikoshi manoeuvred gracefully around her compact office, pulling out files, making tea, and chain-smoking Marlboros. Against the wall behind her desk were neat, orderly files marked "Sacred Run '93," "Japan­Ainu Foundation," "Dennis Banks," and many more. They represent the practical part of her world, the place where information was received, stored, and then retrieved. Pinned to the wall facing her desk was an impressive collection of jewellery given to her by friends or bought on trips. In the corner, to the left behind her desk, was an eclectic shrine incorporating a figure of the Buddha, Native American art, and other objects that have meaning to her. Sage burned in the incense holder. The warm serenity of her office was shattered only by the thunderous ringing of the telephone (because of a childhood vaccine gone wrong, her inner ears were damaged and she has difficulty hearing) and the constant chatter of incoming faxes. Horikoshi was born on February 9, 1949, in a family deeply rooted in a Japan of the past. My family was part of a unique world of refined leisure activities. My grandfather, a very talented man, was a traditional puppet player. Had he lived longer he would have become a national treasure of Japan. He came to train in Kyoto and met my grandmother, who was a geisha. People often have a completely wrong impression of geisha. Some have made the word mean "prostitute" when really it has nothing to do with that. Geisha are highly paid, extremely well-­trained entertainers. My grandmother had undergone very severe training. She married my grandfather and they opened a geisha house. It was an inn, a social club, a restaurant, but very refined, very high class. You don't see that sort of place anymore. It was a special, different kind of world: a world of convention and form. Her grandparents were childless, and as was quite common at the time, they adopted two girls from relatives—Horikoshi's mother and aunt. The aunt was trained in bookkeeping to take over the accounting for the geisha house, and Horikoshi's mother, who had artistic talents, was taught the flute, drumming, shamisen (three-stringed instrument), the tea ceremony, and dancing. My mother became a geisha, a highly refined professional entertainer. To be entertained by a geisha of this calibre was very expensive. But my mother fell in love with a client and became his mistress. The man had a family, so they could never really be together. Horikoshi grew up without a father. As a teenager, she heard his name, but it made no impression on her. She simply accepted life without a father. He wasn't even listed in the official birth records. In a nation in which appearance and harmony are so important, even as a child, Horikoshi stood out in her directness and honesty. "I was different from other children of my age," she said. "I was very honest about my tastes. Once I liked doing something, I would continue to do it all day. I was very active, like a boy." She was often told, "You left your penis in your mother's womb." Her mother's background meant Horikoshi had to learn the traditional arts even as she was yearning to do more modern things. I went to art high school and there I met a teacher who interested me in design and modern art. I had nothing to do with the student movements or antiwar protests that were so prevalent at the time. I was into modern art and fashion. When I was nineteen, I established myself as an independent designer. I was asked to design children's clothes for a very big department store, and my business became quite succesful. Horikoshi's unusual attitudes were revealed as she recounted the story of her marriage and the birth of her child. I was twenty-seven when I met my husband. He was already involved with a woman, but I took him from her. When I became pregnant, I was not at all interested in my unborn child. I felt victimized and tried to deny what was about to happen by working until three days before I gave birth. I almost miscarried. When my son, Dai-jiro, was born, I felt no special recognition or bond. It was a fact that he had come from me through my body, but that was not what I felt. He came from somewhere else. For him, my body was just a vehicle. It took about a month to put everything together after his birth. My emotional development always seems to be one step behind what is going on in my life. Her marriage lasted only three years. It turned out my husband was good only for seed. That was the last time I chose a man over my work. But I learned a valuable lesson: don't take a person away from someone else. When I got divorced, I seriously considered giving my ex-husband custody of Dai. I thought he was the better parent. Then one day I was in the park with Dai and suddenly I began crying. I realized that the only hope for both mother and son was for us to stay together. When we met Horikoshi, her son was a teenager who towered over his mother and wore his hair in a long ponytail. He was treated like an adult by his mother who obviously adored him without suffocating him. He frequently travelled and stayed with his mother's many contacts in different parts of the world. But at the same time I learned from my son that life was shining in him. My son is indescribably precious. What was important was not just him but the environment in which he could be precious. So I began to study everything that surrounded this life. The human body, medicine, food, air, water, the sun, all the things necessary for life to survive. My way was to try anything. I have no background in academics. At the same time people began to come to my place with all kinds of questions. But whenever I received a question, I had to learn in order to answer it. I was never a teacher, I was more like a connector. Someone needed information and I could find out where an answer was available, connecting those who need help and those who can help. But still, in order to determine what the real problem was, I had to keep learning. She eventually opened a centre called Yumi's Laboratory of Living Studies and put out a newsletter on topics ranging from nutrition to health care, human relationships to spirituality. Sometimes she put out special issues on topics she was digging into, such as new forms of birth control. She also ran a successful shop called Making Lives of Mothers and Children More Enjoyable, which became an information centre. People with problems or questions about child-rearing, health, and life crises would call or drop in. When Horikoshi was still a baby, her mother had saved enough to leave the geisha house and open her own high-class tempura restaurant, her dream since childhood. Horikoshi still owned it when we met her, but it was run with her aunt as an ordinary lunch restaurant. When Horikoshi was thirty-nine, her mother was diagnosed with a rare brain cancer. My mother and I were always fighting because we were so similar. We fought about anything. But she loved me so much. During her last three months, she and I became real mother and child. I took care of her totally. During the last two weeks, she was unconscious but I kept talking to her, letting her know that I would be there when she died. I was determined to be present right until the end. When her heart stopped, everyone panicked. I was calm. I said thank you to the doctor. I put makeup on the body. Horikoshi gave permission for an autopsy on the condition that she be present. I was there when they cut her chest open. It didn't bleed, it just fell open. You could see white fat. I was surprised. When you are alive, a pinprick will make you bleed. So this was death. As a person, as a human being, as a whole, I greatly respect my mother's way of doing things and of feeling. I know that at the end of my life, I won't be superior to her. As I learned all kinds of things, I realized living and dying are the same thing. I realized in this society, to be born naturally and to die naturally are becoming very difficult. But what really matters is to know how to die, which is in the end the same thing as knowing how to live. How to die is something I often contemplate. I have been learning that dying is something not to be afraid of. Dying means living happily and fully, being a full person. Then I look around and see how the environment is deteriorating so rapidly and badly. To live as a person is becoming increasingly difficult. Horikoshi herself has seamlessly combined spirituality, organization, and laughter. As a representative in Japan for Dennis Banks, one of the leaders of the American Indian Movement, she coordinated the Sacred Run, an event Banks founded. She also managed her restaurant, has organized events for the Ainu and other minorities, talked and—more importantly—listened to countless people who have passed through her office seeking advice and friendship. A stream of people have climbed that steep staircase with minds to be healed and descended with fulfilled hearts. Her place is a hangout for young people who come and go as freely as if they were in their own homes. In addition, she has written books and pamphlets. She is a mother, a teacher, an artist; she has cranked out newsletters, acted as a clearing house of information of all sorts, and been consulted by citizens groups and anthropologists alike. All of these roles have been accomplished in an atmosphere of calm. She told us that she did not seek to be a leader, but she believes this is where the spirits have led her, so she must accept their call. Horikoshi represents a completely new type of politics based on individual action, womanhood, and community building, yet her originality is deeply rooted in Japanese tradition. Her family is very traditional. She has never lived abroad. She is an important part of her community. Following the Meiji Era [1868-1912], the Japanese became artificially rigid in their movements. It was a part of modernization and industrialization. Those in my mother's world retained some aspects of that old culture in the Edo Period (1603-1867) and the premodern physicality and sense of body movement. There was a culture based on feeling, rather than a culture based heavily on words. I am very responsive to that kind of tradition. That Horikoshi has broken out of conventional strictures ofJapanese tradition was clear the minute we entered her office. The posters on the walls were mostly of North American Indians, and the shelves overflowed with eagle feathers and aboriginal jewellery. She has a deep attachment to North American aboriginal people, and her description of how she got involved with them had an almost mystical air about it. I'm now connected with all kinds of people and issues. One person, Kiyoshi Miyata, was a filmmaker who had done a film about Hopi Indians, called Hopi Prophecy. Just before he contacted me, I was in bed with a strange disease. Since childhood I've always had a special sensitivity. I don't know what it is, whether it is physical or mental. I just knew spiritually it was a prophecy that something very important would come to me. I was in bed when Miyata called about something called Hoppy or Poppy, which didn't mean a thing to me. He was talking about Hiroshima and I thought, "Who cares?" So I resisted. But he insisted and finally talked me into going to see the film. The opening scene was the bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, and I thought, "Oh, this is going to be depressing." But eventually I was in tears. It wasn't surprise or sadness but recognition. I knew exactly what the Indians were trying to say about the Earth being the mother and all living things her children. I had been thinking about and living the mother-child relationship for years. By the end, when the Hopi Declaration of Peace came on, I felt everything I had been doing was expressed so clearly. I knew this was an extremely important film. When we visited, the Hopi Declaration hung on the inside of the toilet door. It reads: The traditional Hopi people preserve the sacred knowledge about the way of the Earth because the true Hopi People know that the Earth is a living, growing person. And all things on it are her children. Horikoshi continued: It wasn't that I cared about Indians, but I wanted the message to be taken to the Japanese. I offered to help by selling tickets to the film, but they talked me into organizing the whole event. They said they needed a woman to play that role. So I said, "Only once." For the Osaka opening, we booked a place with six hundred seats. We had only nineteen days to the opening. The day before the opening, only fifty tickets had been sold. Next day, the line went around the block! The film had an explosive impact. It spread through Japan. I found myself in the thick of it. I felt the blood boiling in me whenever I saw the film. It was en, a special connection between me and the film; me and the Indians. The word en is a Buddhist notion that means destiny and the invisi­ble network that interconnects people, things, and events. For many young Japanese activists who have taken up environmental causes, the Ainu people are often an avenue for new insights. Horikoshi is one of these activists. From aboriginal people, she believes, Japanese could learn a new relationship with the Earth. I think native people have the key to open the future of every living form on the Earth. Their way of living teaches us how all forms of life are supposed to live. They taught me why I had been concerned with mothers and children. What I've been doing and the way they are made a circle. Simply, the Earth is the mother and all things in it are children. The anthropocentric view has no place in this. We have to be humble and go back to a humble way of being. What I'm doing is not for native people. I'm not doing things for them. I have no desire to become an Indian. As an outsider, I'm willing to help when they need it. But I'm not doing things just for them. I work for the seventh generation [she was referring to the aboriginal notion that before any major decision is made, one should reflect back on seven generations of our ancestors and ahead to the seventh generation of our children before acting]. That means for myself. My work is about how I live and die. I do feel American Indians and Japanese are closely related. I feel the same about the Ainu. It's as if we used to live in the same village. I see Japanese who get the message and apply that to their own way of living. Quite a few people absorb it and incorporate it. It's a process of questioning and asking oneself, "How can I live on this land?" My friends got enlightened by contacting natives, but all went back to their own identity. It's painful to live in a city like Osaka. More and more young people are looking for a new human way to live, realizing how crazy this is. It may be hard to put it in practice, but they're questioning and seeking. Of course, they're still a minority, but they are an important group. In Japan as in North America, modernity has accelerated the pace of life and opened professional opportunities for women. But in the process, society has been spun apart by the swirl of change. Extended families, communities, neighbourhoods are pretty much gone. Before the war, it would have been impossible for a mother with a young child to have been left on her own. Now mothers don't know what to do, how to raise their kids. Individuals are so lonely and isolated. People have no one to talk to. Many precious things have been lost. People talk to me because I am a rare example of a frank person. Horikoshi had a keen interest in the ways that men and women are different. She believes that men and women both have masculine and feminine qualities, and that the way women are is men's fault and the way men are is women's fault. Man's point of view is society's point of view. Men themselves have internalized it. To escape from that is the meaning of growth. Most men haven't grown as they should. We have many stunted men. Often I ask, "How long can they remain so childish?" and then I just sigh. Women grow, but most men don't, and neither knows about the other. A relationship that is sukoyaka [healthy] is very rare. Horikoshi believes duty is frequently the glue that holds families together. Often the same day the youngest child gets married and the mother considers her family duties finished, she serves her husband with divorce papers. Usually the husbands are completely shocked. These divorced men are so dependent on their wives that they either collapse and shrink into something else or barely survive. Some don't even know where their underwear is. Some of these newly divorced women schemed to get money out of their husbands. Others are so eager to be free that they don't care what happens next. In my case, I just wanted to be free, to be rid of him. After that I began to try to figure out how to survive. We suggested that her lack of ego gave her power and asked if this was part of her womanhood. My distinction between men and women is not biological. It's a way of thinking and feeling. It's a style of sensitivity that many of my male friends have. We can say there is a feminine way of thinking, but it doesn't mean men can't think that way. Look at modern materialistic civilization and all its consumer products. It is obviously based on what I call male thinking—a greed for honour, and a desire to take and possess. I know I have male in me at the depths of my existence. I don't know whether I am a feminist. If I am, my feminism doesn't mean confrontation with men. I don't like that. Men have the desire to get credit—"I created this, I did that." When people want credit, I say, "Go ahead." I don't care. I have no interest in those kinds of thoughts. I have no background in academics, no knowledge or ability, but if you can find some use for me, please use me, without giving me credit. That's my attitude. To certain people in Japan, my existence is intolerable because I don't fit in with their worldview. The pyramid structure created by men will collapse completely. I'm not denying the importance of men, but the structure will have to go. The Hopi elder Thomas Banyacya at the United Nations said that when women start to move, that will be the final time. Her words were deceptively simple. They revealed someone who had experienced a great deal, thought about it, and worked out a philosophy that cut through the artifice and barriers. Watching her constantly responding to demands while making it seem effortless, we were struck by her calm. She had achieved a kind of inner peace that let her bear con­stant pressure and demands without caving in. Throughout our stay in the Kansai area, Horikoshi kindly volun­teered to act as our guide. She was with us when we visited many of the different communities, including the burakumin, Korean, and Japanese­Canadian. She connected us to many incredible people. Toward the end of our stay she invited us to a formal tempura dinner in the special upstairs room of her restaurant. The restaurant was originally built to reflect the refined and traditional world of the geisha. It had beautifully polished hardwood floors and trim and many separate rooms, each designed for a special purpose. The ceilings were partly formed by handmade paper made by an artist friend of Horikoshi's. As we entered the room she greeted us by sitting on the floor and bowing deeply in a traditional manner. The woman we had met in jeans and an embroidered Indian jacket with her hair tied in a ponytail was completely transformed. It was as if she had become another person. She was wearing a beautiful kimono, had carefully applied makeup, and all her movements seemed carefully choreographed. We sat in front of a low counter on the other side of which Horikoshi prepared a four-course meal while entertaining us. It was a beautiful meal: artistic and gastronomic at the same time. We were amazed at this refined woman who could assume such a traditional demeanour for this evening but has evolved a uniquely modern, yet Japanese role for herself. • Iriomote, an island on the southwestern edge of the Okinawan chain, is rugged, remote, and beautifully lush. Most of the island is designated as a national park. The verdant park and its mangrove-rimmed rivers team with wildlife, including a rare, primitive species of wild cat (yamaneko). It is the second-last island before Taiwan. We had to travel this far, to the very edge of Japan, to find unspoiled nature. Twenty minutes from the harbour, we reached the village of Sonai, one of the oldest settlements, at the far end of the island. We had come to visit Akiko Ishigaki (see also Chapter 4), whose way of life was different from Yumi Horikoshi's, yet both shared a grounding in place and the feminine. Ishigaki is a small, elegant woman who could have stepped out of a painting by Gauguin. The clothes she wore that day were from Bali, Indonesia, a place she adored and loved to visit. Akiko brought the craft of weaving to Iriomote from her home island of Taketomi, a neighbouring island especially renowned for its weaving. Since moving to lriomote, Ishigaki has played an important role in reac­tivating traditional weaving, which she also taught to others. My work is a craft. Of course it's artistic, but it's also practical. Any locality and the environment around it naturally produce crafts. It's a natural spontaneous urge that brings out craft. To me, rootedness is very important. Ishigaki's deep interest in local history and tradition shows in her weaving. She took us on a tour of her stunningly beautiful studio, a lovely open shedlike structure surrounded by the gardens in which she grows the plants she uses to make dyes. She is almost completely self-sufficient. Her way of working is time-consuming and utterly cost-ineffective in a world of mass production. But here, it is clearly the only true way of doing things. All materials used are natural. You grow the plant, make threads, and you dye them. The dyes are made from leaves, insects, and seeds, using up to one hundred different kinds of plants. It's the original way. Ishigaki uses traditional weaving techniques that were popular in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. The areas of Yaiyama and Miyako were especially famous for their weaving, called jofo, or high-class clothes. The designs themselves were standardized by the lords of the royal castle in the capital, Shuri. If the new work wasn't a perfect match with the standard, the weavers were punished. The women had to work hard, eight to ten hours a day. A single piece of clothing could take up to two months. From Shuri, clothing was sent to the mainland of Japan and distributed all over the rest of the nation. At one time, all women wove, but today almost no one does because it is such hard work and there is such a low return. Ishigaki told us: Scientifically produced things are used anywhere by anybody. Okinawa designs were used for tools for everyday use, and the patterns came from nature—wind, bird, water, cloud, butterfly, flowers. The patterns symbolized things and were transmitted as traditions from Okinawa. The patterns bear the names of their inventors. Symbols can be combined in many different patterns. A cloth-making craft that began in Okinawa flowed north and influenced centres in Japan. Today, with the expansion of machines and chemicals, there are ways to mass-produce materials and new synthetic dyes and fibres. We asked Ishigaki how her work fit in with this trend, if at all. I'm going against the trend now, but maybe later we'll be part of a different movement. We have to compromise. We can't cut ourselves off completely from commercialization, but at the same time, we can't lose our sense of balance. I must maintain a sense of balance or I'm lost. We can mass-produce things that most ordinary people cannot tell from my kind of work. But a few people know and can tell the difference. People who were once part of that mass-production world have cut their links and come here to reconnect. Ishigaki's work became more widely recognized since the famous Japanese designer Issei Miyake discovered her. But her success hasn't gone to her head. Ishigaki's search for cultural independence from Japan and from material needs from outside is a form of parochialism or local chauvinism. Yet she still feels connected to cities and urban life. Her son from her first marriage lives in Tokyo, and from time to time, she visits him there. She also places her work in exhibitions in Tokyo a few times a year. We shouldn't be completely separated from what goes on in the cities. We get a lot of information from the city. We have to learn to select what is important. I understand that. Communication between urban dwellers and us is becoming more and more important. We should learn what is important in their lives, like their increased desire for natural products, and respond to that. We need to know what kind of person is wearing the kimono we are making. Today people aren't interested in production. Consumption is everything. The silk, linen, textile industry are all dead. We don't produce things to eat. We destroy the environment to make things to consume. This trend must be reversed. Another connection Sonai has with tradition are its festivities. Twice a year, the normally sleepy village erupts into a pageant of colour and song, festivals to reassert the community and, more importantly, to ask the gods for a good harvest in the following year. This area is rich in rituals and festivals. A festival is an offering to gods, spirits, and ancestors. There is a saying that you should offer the gods two flowers. The flower of the hands (weaving) and the flower of the body (dance). So, handicraft and rituals are inseparable. Women play the central role in both handicrafts and festivals. What is most important in life is what you can't see—for example, the weaving that makes the clothes. The same is true of the festival. The centre of the festival is not the men's drinking or spectacular dance, but the women's cooking and praying. From ancient times, women were central in religious rituals. The main island of Okinawa is losing that tradition, but here in Iriomote it's still alive. For Ishigaki, what has been important is connecting herself with the traditional knowledge passed down by the elders, then handing it down accurately to the next generation. It is very important for her to ensure that everything is accurate. Her motto for weaving is, quite simply, quality not quantity. Even university graduates don't know the difference between silk and plant material. It's strange, but even craftspeople don't know the source of their material. The craftspeople are like the flowers of society, but many don't know their roots. Nature and weaving are a common environment for Okinawans; they are part of life, not something separate. I tell the people who come here to weave that they should come when it feels right. Some people are married, some work. They should just find three hours. As long as people are comfortable, they'll come when they can. According to Ishigaki, nature, women, and the art of weaving are inseparably intertwined. She told us how the cycles and rhythms of nature affect her work. It's hot in the summer and we don't have air-conditioning or fans, so weavers complain about the heat. Our materials depend on the seasons and the plants that are available, so we're very aware of the cycles. When you work with natural materials, you know that they are sensitive to heat, season, humidity, time of day. I use banana-leaf fibre only when it's wet or raining. The material is sq sensitive to humidity. It can't be worked in air­conditioning. I can't work on it when the sun is out. On the other hand, dyes like mangrove or indigo work well when the sun is out. Synthetic material doesn't depend on natural conditions. It can imitate material but is never real. That's why it can be mass­produced. Natural colours and synthetic colours, when done, look exactly the same. But as they age, they change. Natural colour becomes more beautiful, artificial becomes ugly. There is a sense of time and the way material is used in products. Natural things become more beautiful as they're used. Ishigaki also believes that weaving is primarily women's art. I would like to see weaving as part of the daily life of women. Weavers are invariably women, and it may be that they're more sensitive to natural cycles and connections with food. Of course, men can become very good weavers like women. But in daily life, women take it more naturally. It's peaceful and is part of a natural rhythm. Women have a natural menstrual cycle and are used to the slowness of time and pay attention to detail. These fit with women. It's calm work, not aggressive. When I work, I entrust my existence to nature and time. To make a piece of cloth forty centimetres wide, I need 1,200 threads, which have to be threaded one by one. It's the way we deal with time. Ishigaki herself came from an even smaller island. We asked her about the younger generation, many of whom have been tempted to leave the island. Where will the future of the island culture come from? I was raised in this environment, but young people now go to school and learn about things in a formal book way. I, too, wanted to go to Tokyo and become a designer and never return. At first it seemed very convenient living in Tokyo, with its public transportation and technology, but then it became clear that urban life was very inconvenient. When I began to work in the artistic world, I realized something else: if there was material I wanted for my work, it was impossible to find sand, soil, plants, anything. But here I can always get what I need. One day in a museum, I saw a display case full of material from my home place, things my grandmother had made and we had used. I realized how precious our crafts were. There is no high school on Iriomote, so the children must now leave the island. Trying to force them to stay is futile. We must let them go, but at the same time we must work hard to create an environment to which young people would love to return. Many people take it as fate that youths do not return. It's true there is a lack of jobs here. But the most important thing is that people have lost pride and cannot teach their children. People tend to forget that living from the Earth must be the basis of our pride. Ishigaki wants to remind people of how much island culture had to offer young women from the big cities in Japan. She saw many who, when they came to lriomote Island, were under stress, their skin covered in a rash. After a few weeks, their skin cleared up and they left glowing. It was hardly surprising. We found the air over the island to be clean. And while there was evidence of building (the highway was under construction), there was no urban congestion with all of its attendant pressures. For city folk, coming to work in her studios was like coming to Paradise. There, young weavers could learn about nature and its connection to them as women. • As males raised in families in which male dominance was taken for granted, we have direct personal experience of the way our sisters were brought up since childhood to serve us. Most North American women today would not tolerate the expectations and demands once assumed. Yet Japanese women who have become activists for women's rights and equality often admit that even as enlightened people, their early conditioning often leads them to perform services for men as an automatic response to a situation. Indeed, they say that when they were teenagers, they can recall thinking that boys who offered to help with the dishes, opened doors, or did the shopping were spineless wimps. Nevertheless, traditional Japanese lore is populated with goddesses who are lustful, exuberant, and joyful. Tsurumi told us of the myth of the "stripper goddess," who shed her clothes in a seductive dance for the sheer joy of it. Sayo Kitamura was a recent case in a long line of women who achieved a following by breaking out of the traditional woman's role. Throughout this book, we introduce ordinary women doing extraordinary things in their local communities: Toshi Maruki with a lifelong commitment to using her art to deplore the horrors of war and oppres­sion (Chapter l); Meiko Chikkup, an Ainu woman who sued a publisher to protect her dignity and now communicates with a network of aboriginal people around the world (Chapter 5); Setsuko Yamazato who found her roots in the Okinawan village of Shiraho and has waged a successful battle to stop an airstrip that would have destroyed a life-giving reef (Chapter 10); Toshiko Toriyama, a teacher who has brought urban chil­dren into an understanding of their biological roots (Chapter 12). These and many others have played prominent roles in the peace, human rights, and environmental movements in Japan. The women in this chapter continue to lead lives that are deeply embedded in tradition. But in retaining their attachment to their community and customs, they have not allowed their personalities and individualism to be subsumed. Part Three Nature and Environmentalism Poisoned Waters "Shozo shares the life of all natural things. If they die, so will he. When he fell ill, it was because the rivers and forests of Ashia and Ashikaga are dying and Japan, herself too... If those who come to ask after him hope for his recovery, let them first restore the ravaged hills and rivers and forests, and then Shozo will be well again." Shozo Tanaka The love of nature was once an important part of Japanese culture and religion. Nature worship is integral to Shinto, Japan's shamanistic religious tradition with its ancestor worship. However, Shinto has been in disrepute since the end of the war because the worship of the emperor was part of the justification for Japan's military expansion. After the war, cities exploded in size and vigour, pulling people from villages and farms. Now most Japanese live in crowded conditions in concrete structures. They have become profoundly disconnected from nature, a state that makes it easier for them to tolerate the assault their lifestyles wreak on the environment. For many North American environmental activists, Japan symbolizes all that is wrong with the economic paradigm that now encompasses the world. In the pursuit of profit and short-term benefits, industries have little incentive or responsibility for long-term sustainability of communities or ecosystems. Japan's use of drift nets that each night spread more than fifty thousand kilometres across the oceans like destructive curtains of death was a chilling example of environmental shortsightedness. Japan continues to be the greatest predator of tropical hardwood, as well as a major contributor to the denuding of the boreal forests of Canada and Siberia. Japan presses for a quota for harvesting of whales while camouflaging its continued whale "harvests" as "scientific research." In Japan there is, however, a growing grassroots awareness of environmental concerns. And while it is deeply rooted to place and is a truly indigenous movement, its participants are aware of their interconnections with the rest of the world. • We investigated the roots of the modern environmental movement in Japan by travelling to the mountainous area north of Tokyo where Shozo Tanaka spent the last decades of his life fighting the source of poison in this valley. Our journey took us through a spectacular valley to the headwaters of the Watarase River, where a rich copper deposit had been mined in the last century. At the Ashio copper mine, the intimate connection between environmental health and human welfare was crystal clear. Rusting buildings clung to the side of the steep riverbanks, and a large pipe hung over the river. We wondered whether this pipe was the conduit of the poisons out of the copper mine that had such a devastating impact on the plains kilometres below. Our first stop was the local museum in Sano city. As we entered the courtyard, the first thing we saw was an imposing statue of Shozo Tanaka, a man who died more than eighty years ago and who has since become one of the strongest influences on the environmental movement in Japan today. At the turn of the century, when Japan was rushing towards westernization and modernization, Tanaka was a lone voice advocating environmental and humanist principles. The two men who had agreed to be our guides, Satoru Fukawa and Taichi Akiyama, walked down the front steps of the museum to greet us. Together they run the Shozo Tanaka College, and they believe they carry on Tanaka's struggle. Fukawa, the preeminent expert on local history, concentrates his research on Shozo Tanaka. Akiyama, a carpenter from Sano city, is involved with Dennis Banks's Sacred Run and has run on many continents. On entering the museum, we passed into the Tanaka Room, which was dominated by another large statue of the great man; Tanaka would surely never have dreamed he would become a tourist attraction! A glass case held a cloth bag, three small stones, the Bible, a book of St. Matthew, the Imperial Constitution of 1889, a diary, and what looked like a very old manuscript. Fukawa told us that these were the only possessions that Tanaka had on him when he died. Then we moved to a large map in the middle of which was that tall statue of Tanaka dressed in his travelling peasant clothes, a straw coat draped over his shoulders and a walking stick in one hand. Pointing to the map, Fukawa began to explain the history. This is the Ashio copper mine that Tanaka spent his life fighting. This is the Watarase River on which people lived for centuries. The copper mine poisoned the river, and when it flooded, the whole area was inundated. Shozo Tanaka was born in 1841, the son of the head of the Konaka village in Tochigi prefecture, dose to the northern edge of the Kanto plain, about seventy kilometres north of Tokyo. One of the reasons that Tokyo, formerly called Edo, was chosen as the nation's capital was that it was surrounded by the fertile and productive land of the Kanto plain. In his biography of Shozo Tanaka, Kenneth Strong writes: Thanks to the purity of the mountain water and its suitability for dyeing processes, a silk weaving and dyeing industry had flourished on the banks of the Watarase for over a thousand years. And that was not all. The river abounded in fish; a catch of a hundred pounds' weight in one man's net in a single night was nothing uncommon, so that a good living could be made in this way if a man had no land to grow his rice. In the mid-nineteenth century nearly 4,000 fishermen worked the Watarase and its tributaries."1 Tanaka grew up in the turmoil of the end of the feudalistic society and the birth of modern Japan, and he aspired to a political career. His philosophy was a hybrid of traditional localism and western democracy. After years as a local politician, he successfully ran in the first election for the national Diet in 1890. By then Japan was embarked on a course of rapid modernization. In 1877 Ichibei Furukawa, founder of the Furukawa Corporation, one of the giants in the financial combine called the zaibatsu, opened a new refinery at the Ashio copper mine. In seven years the Ashio mine became the largest in all of Japan. In 1885 the first report was recorded of thousands of fish dying mysteriously in the Watarase River. Just after Tanaka was elected, the Watarase River flooded over a large area of land. Once the water had receded, it was found that the land had been poisoned. Crops wouldn't grow, and farmers immediately began to demand the shutdown of the copper mine. Tanaka didn't hesitate; he took this cause up as his fight. It was the beginning of what would be a lifetime battle. The flood of 1896 caused the poisoning of 46,723 hectares of land. By then, the hills of Ashio were barren due to many years of clear-cutting and air pollution (mainly sulphurous and acid gas), which amplified the effects of erosion. It was reported that sedimentation of soil in the middle stretch of Watarase reached five feet in height at one point. In 1897 the farmers whose land had been devastated by the Ashia copper mine pollution organized their first protest march. In 1900, when they started their fourth protest march towards Tokyo, they were stopped in Kawamata and beaten by police. More than a hundred people were arrested. The following year, Tanaka resigned from his seat in the Diet and, as a last resort, wrote a letter to the emperor. It was considered a near treasonous act and there was a huge uproar. Around this time, Tanaka wrote a wry self-portrait in his diary: Beaten, buffeted By the rain and the wind, An ox drags his load Past, and is gone— Leaving only Wheel tracks in mud And the sadness of things.2 At the age of sixty, Tanaka, without any political or social status, made the fight of the farmers whose fields had been poisoned his passion and focus. By 1904 Tanaka had moved into the nearby village of Yanaka, which was scheduled to be evacuated and flooded. The next stop on our tour was the copper mine itself. In Ashio, the air was blue with pollution. Akiyama told us that it blew in from Tokyo and was trapped there by the mountains. We drove through a steep canyon surrounded by hills. There, the air was perceptibly clearer. The mountains had been clear-cut and then planted with rows of pine. Fukawa told us that the clear-cutting was one of the major causes of the repeated flooding the area had suffered. The water in the river was a milky green, a result of many years of copper pollution. Next we visited a local ghost town. Once, Akiyama told us, this was a boom area where company employees earned a good living. There was a theatre, and the food was always the freshest. Fresh sushi was even brought in from the coast. When the mine was shut down in 1973, workers were laid off en masse and the young people left. The old timers who still hung on were living in poverty. At the rusting refinery, we found the pipes that once dumped effluent straight into the river still hanging out over the chasm. The head of the valley looked like a lunar landscape—stark, desolate, almost devoid of plants. A massive chimney dominated the refinery. At one time, the owners proposed to build it much higher to send the pollution farther away. It was stopped only because that would have polluted Nikko, with its beautiful national park, resort, and historic monuments from the Edo Period on the other side of the mountain. The line that the emissions once followed was marked by environmental destruction. The refinery and the surrounding area were a sad monument to the lives of people and other creatures that had been devastated. At a lookout, a recorded female voice informed us, "Sometimes technology has harmful effects, so we have to be more careful. But now look around—we are restoring nature. The challenge is to show that science and technology can manage the land better." We had seen one of the government's attempts to regreen the mountains earlier. A single helicopter carrying a bucket underneath had shuttled back and forth in the valley. Akiyama had explained that after mining and logging, so little soil was left on the rock that the government was actually trying to replace it! After ten years of work, there was still little evidence of success. A busload of children scrambled about the lookout posing for pictures and sightseeing. What did the youngsters see, we wondered, as they looked down the length of the valley? Did they see progress and the wonder of development, or destruction and the horror of development gone mad? Our guides next took us to a huge marsh. We walked along a small path surrounded by reeds and came to a slightly raised area, the former site of Yanaka village, which had been Tanaka's stronghold from which to fight the government and the company. Fukawa told us: When Tanaka quit the Diet, he planned to organize a movement that was better than politics. He wanted to get away from the pursuit of votes. Belonging to another party would not do any good either. So he quit. In his diary near the end, he said that having nothing was better; it liberated him. Politics was going in the opposite direction. Human rights of the individual were sacrificed for the emperor or the state. Respect for ordinary people's rights and happiness and small villages like Yanaka were not a part of the agenda. Tanaka spent the last part of his life in Yanaka, and his message became simpler and stronger: "To kill the people is to kill the nation. To destroy a village means to destroy the country."3 On June 29, 1907, the forced destruction of Yanaka village finally began. More than two hundred police with dozens of construction workers came to the village to demolish it. They spent seven days pulling down all the houses and buildings. While protesting vehemently, Tanaka convinced the people to remain calm. Tanaka declared to the head of the police that, henceforth, he would live as a beggar. The villagers set up temporary shelters in their determination to remain. Unfortunately it was in the middle of the rainy season, and a big flood swept the shelters away, forcing the villagers to move to higher ground. According to our guides, after the village was flooded, Tanaka's fight became more and more focused, and he evolved into an environmental philosopher. We walked up to a small rise that was spared at the time of the flood. The village head man's house used to stand on this spot. As we moved into the shade of a large tree, we had a pleasant surprise. There stood a mulberry tree, heavy with ripe berries. In this devastated valley, this one tree at least was thriving and healthy. In his final years, Tanaka became increasingly religious. He said: In their work the young men of Yanaka must respect what their elders say and value the advice of the fine spirits that you have among you. If you worship the God of Heaven, he is there in your homes. But there are gods among men, too. For Yanaka folk, to revere the noble ones among you is the same as to revere the gods and Buddhas whose shrines you keep in your homes. The people of Yanaka are God. Though Japan is bent on destroying herself, the spirit of the people of Yanaka will not die. ... The people of Yanaka have no learning, no money, no food, no houses; but they are God."4 We next visited Konaka, the village of Tanaka's birth. The house where he was born and grew up has been largely preserved. Our guide, Tatsuo Sakahara, the director of the Shozo Tanaka College, told us that the college had been started in this old house. We have regular classes and fieldwork. His house is the centre from which we create a network. The central issue is the environment. But we also focus on cultural groups and education. We see him as a pioneer in human rights and local autonomy. Sakahara was also born in the town. When I had a critical crisis in my life, I discovered Tanaka. I left my town to go to college in Tokyo, but after learning about Tanaka I came back. Tanaka gave me pride as someone who was born and grew up in this region. Fukawa added: What's important is not that he died poor. You have to see him in the context of growing Japanese imperialism and modernization. His ideal from the start was to recognize each individual's right to live with dignity. Sakahara replied: From birth to death, he raised many questions: he kicked out bad administrators, he was part of the movement leading to the first Imperial parliament established in 1890 and the constitution of 1889, helping put democracy into practice, and he fought the Ashio copper pollution. We learn from these three aspects and ask how we can apply them today. Tanaka died in 1913, but until the end he fought pollution. For a long time he had stopped caring about his appearance. He spent much of his time walking like a madman along the river and across the valley. Seeing him in his shabby peasant clothes and carrying a walking stick, many people thought he'd gone completely mad. But he was actually studying the catchment of the river system to show its complexity in his search for ecological understanding and protection of the environment. At his death, his hair and beard were long and unkempt, and his possessions few. In contrast to this abject physical state, his philosophies and views on nature were getting clearer and more profound every day. In his last days he wrote in his diary: I often see people washing and rinsing their hands. Not their minds. They wash their faces, their bodies, their mouths, eyes, noses. But these are only the branches, not the root. So with rivers. If a man thinks clearing a river's passage and helping it flow is conservation, that's because he knows only the branches and not the root; the root of river­care lies at the source, in the mountains, lakes and forests.5 Referring to himself in the third person, Tanaka also wrote about his illness and the people who came to comfort him. Shozo shares the life of all natural things. If they die, so will he. When he fell ill, it was because the rivers and forests of Ashio and Ashikaga are dying and Japan herself too .... If those who come to ask after him hope for his recovery, let them first restore the ravaged hills and rivers and forests, and then Shozo will be well again.6 Fukawa commented to us that, unlike Jesus Christ or Buddha, Tanaka at his death was surrounded by lots of sympathizers but few disciples who would carry on his fight. From his deathbed Tanaka called an assistant who was in charge of visitors. There seem to be a lot of them outside, but they're no comfort to me. They sympathize with Shozo, but not a single one of them believes in his work. Go outside and tell them so!7 Before we left the region, we wanted to visit Isoyama Shinto Shrine, a local memorial on the hill overlooking the village. It was known for its worship of snakes, which symbolize the flowing water of a river. At the foot of the hill was a sacred fountain. Akiyama told us that because the mountain was made of limestone, the water was the purest in the world. Akiyama remarked that in his grandparents' day people respected the sacredness of nature. But once that respect was gone, there seemed no point resisting development. Whenever I come here, I feel revived. There are special places where you go and feel good; I think it's because we're animals. There used to be such places all over, but now there are hardly any. Instead, we have pachinko parlours and electronic game centres. Tanaka said the force of destruction resides in us. If the conflict is between us and corporations or government, that's simple. But within every individual is the force of destruction. Therefore, the struggle is to change ourselves and the system at the same time. We have to restore a good relationship with the land and also the sacred things in ourselves. We looked down on what was once a lovely valley surrounded by picturesque mountains; now houses and roads take up at least three-quarters of the land, while farms occupy the rest. Akiyama added pointedly, ''Another thing Tanaka taught me was not to look at progress in terms of technology. Now I look from the standpoint of Mother Earth and assess science and technology that way." • Tanaka's legacy has not died. People are taking up the cause and are willing to suffer the consequences. We visited one such man in Okinawa. When Professor Jun Ui and his wife, Noriko, arrived at the resort hotel in Okinawa, we were waiting in the large lobby. Ui, one of the leading minds of Japan's environmental movement today, had spent twenty-one years as an assistant researcher at Tokyo University, but had never been promoted. When we met him, he was a professor at a small private university in Naha, Okinawa. For mainstream Japanese academics this job would have been considered a great career downfall, but Ui told us that coming to Okinawa had brought him closer to Asia and the Third World. Ui's career was held back because of his activism in environmental issues, the most notorious being the case of mercury poisoning at Minamata. While he admitted this was a factor, he added that the bureaucracy of a large university had also contributed to his problems. Like many academic departments, the one where Ui had been valued theoretical work over the practical. When we asked Ui's wife, Noriko, if she knew he had a nonconformist streak, she replied that when they married, she had expected he would go through the normal steps of promotion up the academic ladder. Thinking about it more, she recalled that while he was courting her ("It was a standard arranged marriage," he interjected), he wrote a column under a pseudonym attacking the establishment. Ui graduated from the undergraduate school at Tokyo University in 1956 and took a job with a plastics company producing PVC (polyvinyl chloride) used to make a wide variety of products from pipes to shopping bags. The chemical process required mercury catalysts, and he occasionally discarded the spent catalysts into the river—but only at night under the cover of darkness. I had never intended to stay working with one company for the rest of my life, so after four years, I went back to Tokyo University to study synthetic polymers. Then I heard the news about Minamata and the terrible diseases in which mercury was suspected. I worried that perhaps it might be my mercury. I began to investigate the known effects but encountered strong pressure against my investigation. The university supported the suspected polluting company and tried to suppress the truth. Minamata disease is caused by an accumulation of methyl mercury in the body's internal systems, mainly the central nervous system and peripheral nerves. Its symptoms include sensory disturbances, lack of coordination, dysphasia, impaired vision, loss of hearing, and tremors. It is a devastating, debilitating, and ultimately lethal condition. If loss of mental function and debilitation isn't bad enough, it is made worse by the terribly contorted limbs and face that accompany the tightening muscles. Ui searched for another department where he could study pollution. He chose civil engineering and earned a PhD. In 1959 the Chisso Company, a large chemical company in Minamata prefecture, already knew from experiments being performed by its own scientists, led by Dr. Hajime Hosokawa of the company hospital, that mercury caused Minamata-like disease in cats. The experiments were soon stopped. Ui explained: In 1962 I identified crystals of methyl mercury in wastewater, and in 1963, I discovered the company paper that proved that methyl mercury causes Minamata-like disease in cats. I went to the factory hospital to talk to Dr. Hosokawa but discovered he had retired. A young man came out and said he had worked on some of the experiments with Dr. Hosokawa. While he was talking, a secretary took him away for a phone call. When he left, I shuffled through the papers on his desk and found the article and photographed it. When the man came back, he told me he had given me all the information there was. I said, "Yes you have," thanked him and left. But I was too afraid to publish the article. Ui then confronted Dr. Hosokawa with the results in the paper and asked him if they were true. Hosokawa admitted they were but asked Ui not to release the findings because he was afraid of what might happen to him. Then, a few years later, there was news of a Minamata-like disease in Niigata prefecture on the west coast of Honshu. I asked Dr. Hosokawa to come with me and examine the patient. He agreed and confirmed that it was indeed Minamata disease. With this case, I decided to release everything. It was 1965, just a month after I had secured a position at Tokyo University. When Ui realized he would have to release the information on mercury poisoning that would implicate the Chisso Company and their cover-up attempts, he consulted his wife, offering her the opportunity to leave and avoid the controversy. Noriko Ui stayed, although it was not easy. She received threatening notes and calls, and she was warned to keep her child inside or she would be hurt. She worried about the location of a window in a new house they were building and had it reinforced with mesh wiring. In 1968 the company finally admitted causing the disease in people and officially apologized. More than 10,000 people applied for compensation, but only 2,400 were accepted. Of those, by 1995 about 1,000 were dead and about 1,400 still survived. In 1990 the United Nations Environmental Program announced that Ui had been elected to the prestigious Global 500 list, which includes leading individuals and organizations that are working on environmental issues. Many Japanese newspapers picked up the story, and it was printed without confirmation from Ui. When finally contacted by a newspaper, Ui was incredulous and said he didn't think he would receive the award "because the government wouldn't allow it." Incredible as it seems, he was right. He never received formal word from UNEP! Apparently the Japanese government was able to thwart the award. Thanks to the persistence of his nominators, however, Ui finally received the award a year later. My generation was taught that the world was reasonable in a scientific way. There was no room for spirits, no sense of the sacred or spiritual. Facing Minamata disease in 1959, we began to realize that nature had to be respected. In 1970, eighty percent of water pollution came from industry and twenty percent from sewage. Now industrial pollution is one-fifteenth of 1970 levels. This change was driven mostly by public opinion. Until Tokyo's air was polluted, people regarded Minamata as a tragedy that was simply a problem for an isolated fishing village. It didn't relate to their lives. Ui edited a book about the history of ecological thought in Japan, which collected the words of environmentalists, scholars, and activists.8 In it, Shozo Tanaka stands out as one of the giants. We asked Ui what Tanaka meant to him. For sixty years after his death, Tanaka was basically forgotten. Before the Second World War, he was thought of as very traditional, a conservative leader of a farmer's movement. After the Second World War, he remained in low repute because he was conservative and wasn't respected by the left wing. It was in the 1970s, as the pollution problem became a popular concern, that his name and theories were rediscovered. Because for sixty years as a society we failed to learn from Tanaka's message, we had to repeat history in the form of Minamata disease. Tanaka's struggle is more relevant than ever today. Ui feels his challenge is to make a clear, visible example for the rest of Japan. To him Japan's environmental future lies in a kind of localism in which community politics is combined with the initiatives of the common people. It's a job of local groups, not the central government. In cities, co-ops of housewives concerned with pollution, food, and safety are sending representatives to local governments. There is a grassroots movement. There is an air of change in politics. In Yahagi, near the industrial city of Toyota, there is an exceptionally clean river. Its condition is the result of a twenty-year effort. Farm runoff had badly polluted the river, with a major impact on the fish. So a coalition of fishermen and farmers formed to elect a person to visit all of the discharges into the catchment. Now the river is a model. After 1970 we got an improvement in water quality as a result of local regulations. The central government's laws were too vague and loose. Now eighty percent of industrial water is recycled. Economic and environmental savings came about because of regulations, a fact that is not recognized by economists who argue for deregulation. Since the 1970s Ui has travelled to Europe, Asia, and North and South America with his message from Minamata and other cases of pollution. He has visited the victims of Minamata disease in Canada and Brazil, many of whom are indigenous people. Since Ui had seen the dark side of Japan's economic miracle, it is particularly impressive that his attitude remains optimistic. He believes science can contribute beneficially to the human condition so long as we keep science in its proper place. As we bid farewell, Ui told us, "I'm a scientist, yet I'm well aware that science can be and often is a kind of religion. On the matter of scientific truth, I am a relativist." Ui is an unusual man: an academic who applied his expertise to a practical problem and then had the courage and ideals to speak out, even though he was up against the wishes of his own university, of government, and of big businesses. • Ever since Rachel Carson's seminal book, Silent Spring, appeared in 1962, people have become more aware of the hazards of pollution and have placed increasing pressure on governments and industries to reduce or stop using air, water, and soil as dumping grounds for toxic effluents. And as the residents of places directly affected—such as Grassy Narrows in Canada and Love Canal in the United States—have discovered, there are enormous health and economic consequences of long-term accumulation of toxic compounds. The immediate victims of pollution have fought for compensation for their losses, but in so doing, have found themselves accepting a system in which even a person's life is evaluated in terms of money. In other words, human life, the soul, and nature are reduced to mere commodities on which a price may be settled. People may be paid off to disappear from view and become simply a cipher or statistic, or remain locked in the perpetual role of victim. In Minamata we met a remarkable man who chose to reject the status of victim. After pursuing compensation, he realized that the very act of setting a price for a settlement merely places the victim on the marketplace, a commodity that can be paid off. Life, health, and dignity are beyond economic valuation, yet in the compensation process, they are reduced to items for sale. He chose to reject this process and seek, instead, recognition of his basic humanity. Once a week, Masato Ogata would get up before the sun rose and look towards the ocean to see whether it would be a good day. He'd pack his hibachi, charcoal, a bottle of shochu (local wine), some food, and his four rolled-up mats, then slip quietly out of the house without waking his wife and children. He would walk through his garden to the edge of his property and then down to the ocean. He'd load his stuff into his newly built wooden rowboat, called The Eternal World, and push off into the dark ocean. If there was no wind, he knew his journey to Minamata would take him only three hours. He'd stand in the back of the boat and using one oar would paddle out of the bay to the Sea of Shiranui. Looking over his shoulder, he'd see the sky over the mountains getting light. His muscles would ache, and even in the cold, he'd begin to sweat but the rhythm of his movements and the pitching and rolling of the ocean made him feel at one with nature. Ogata's wooden boat was the only one of its kind in the region. When he first ordered it, everyone in the village laughed and ridiculed him. Later he recalled: I was beginning to lose my enjoyment of being on the ocean. The water and fish were poisoned by mercury; even my boat was made of plastic, with a high-speed engine. The bow sat so high above the water I couldn't even see ahead of me. I knew in the city people were slaves to time, but even here we were now racing, and worst of all, plastic in Japan was originally made by the Chisso Company. This is the stuff that will never return to nature. Every fisherman knew how the ocean is filled with this garbage. I began to feel so bad about living on Chisso's garbage. I needed a wooden boat. Like the days of my grandfather and my father, free from time, I would be on the boat and think. On this boat I would be able to regain my sanity and know where I belonged. By the time he'd arrive in Minamata Bay, the sun would be up and the waterfront bustling with activity. He'd tie his boat and retrieve his pullcart from where he'd stored it. He would unload his supplies off the boat and onto the cart. Walking across the dock, pulling his cart behind him, he would make his way to the gates of the Chisso Company. At the front gates he'd politely greet the guards, who often smiled vague­ly. As usual he would go over to his spot beside the gates. He'd hang his father's picture on the wall and lay out straw mats to sit on. With his hibachi and supplies within reach, he would now be ready to spend the rest of the day at his spot. The first time Ogata arrived at the factory he was met by suspicion and fear by the arriving workers. But eventually they knew who he was and some even greeted and talked with him. With India ink and a brush, Ogata wrote on straw mats that he hung on the walls for the workers and company officials to read as they arrived to work. The first one said: To the Folks of Chisso Company: This incident called Minamata disease started when humans stopped seeing other humans as human beings. Isn't it about the time for you to accept the human responsibility? Please ... answer, respond to my open letter. You, the folks of Chisso, come back soon ... come home. Another one said: To the Children: It was when I was six years old my dad got ill from Minamata disease because of the poison discharged by the Chisso Company. His hands and legs trembled and shook so hard he could no longer walk. He drooled and flew into fits of madness ... and died. From that time on, I was called by other kids, "Minamata disease kid," and they would throw stones at me. That was so hard. Now, everyone please think hard about Minamata disease; it is trying to teach you something very important. At lunchtime, Ogata would light his hibachi, throw on some fish, and pour some more sake. Throughout the day, curious observers would come by to look and see what his protest was all about. At the end of the day, as the workers left the factory, Ogata would pack up his stuff and make the long journey home. We had heard about this man and decided it was important to meet him. Ogata greeted us in front of his home. A few steps from his house, across a narrow street, sat a low concrete fence, past which was the ocean. Ogata, a good-looking, slender man with a weathered face, wore a traditional monk's blue working clothes. He seemed to emanate strength, yet his huge friendly smile showed he had another side. Ogata invited us into a small one-room study and guesthouse; for the next few days, our discussion continued there over tea, beer, and his beloved shochu. His words, coloured with a local accent, were very clear and powerful. About 120 years ago, his grandfather migrated from Ryugatake on Amakusa Island, just across the Sea of Shiranui. The Ogatas were one of the first families to settle in the hamlet of Oki. His mother was from a neighbouring farming village called Akasaki. When she came to marry his father, he already had twelve children; Ogata was born in 1953, the last of his father's fifteen offspring. When he was a small child, he began helping with fishing. He told us: There was always work, even for small kids; even as a kid, I liked working on the sea. As a baby of two or three years old, I was on the sea, riding my father's back on the boats. Our family also had some small fields, just enough to feed ourselves growing rice, wheat, and miso [soy bean paste]. We had not too many things to buy. The important thing that my father had to buy was shochu; he was quite a drinker. He was literally living on the top of shochu bottles, stocked underneath the floor. But he never got drunk and lost himself. To Ogata his father meant everything. He was highly respected as a fisherman and community leader, and was so physically strong that villagers used to say that even death couldn't take him. I was always with him and he always wanted to be with me. When I woke up in the middle of the night, my father would be sitting up staring into the fire. I know now that he was in dialogue with nature. As if reading a map, he was visualizing the movements of the tide, the fish, and the wind. His father had many people working under him. He treated everyone with respect, be they Japanese, Korean, or physically or mentally handicapped. He was respected in return, but his anger, especially if someone treated the mentally handicapped workers badly, made him a truly awesome figure. This man who Ogata revered so highly died when Ogata was six. One morning I was in the garden playing and noticed my father was walking with only one sandal. A few seconds later he stumbled and said to me, "I don't feel good." That was the beginning of the end. In a few weeks his father developed violent symptoms. His whole body trembled constantly and he couldn't hold anything. He had trouble speaking and was having seizures every few minutes. He visited one hospital after another and nobody could do anything. In two months he was dead. Right away his death was classified as the thirtieth recognized case of Minamata disease. Within the same year, Ogata's nephew and niece were born with severe birth defects. Neighbours and members of his family began to get severe headaches and numbness of limbs that were typical symptoms of Minamata disease. So did Ogata. The disease had started years before, when the catch in Minamata Bay was declining rapidly. By the time Ogata was born, people began to witness the "dancing syndrome" among cats. The animals would turn and twist in the air and die soon after, frothing at the mouth. The cats were fish-eaters and, because they were higher up the food chain, the mercury was concentrated in their tissues. The cat population was soon wiped out, and in some areas, rats and mice multiplied to dangerous levels. It was in 1956 that this strange behaviour was identified as Minamata disease. But it took many more years before the cause was publicly acknowledged. "When my father died," Ogata said to us, "a part of me died too. As a schoolboy, I told myself that I would get revenge on the people who had taken my father." After finishing middle school, Ogata stayed in the village to fish with his older brother. As the fish declined so did the fortunes of the Ogata family. One day he decided to leave home. I was on my way to Osaka, but I ran out of money in Kumamoto city. When I was sleeping on a park bench, I was befriended by a young man. He invited me to his home where he was living with his girlfriend. Through them I was soon introduced to a right-wing political organization which turned out to be Yakuza [criminal underworld]. With the Yakuza, Ogata was made to feel like a member of the family. Over a short period of time, he grew close to them. Once, with a piece of lumber in my hands, I attacked a demonstration of left-wingers protesting against dispatching Self-Defence Force to Okinawa. I got arrested and sent to a juvenile correctional camp. As I look back, there was nothing ideological about what I did, I just wanted to do something wild. While in the juvenile correction centre, he learned that the Minamata patients in a protest demonstration at the Chisso headquarters in Tokyo were attacked by a group of disguised right-wingers hired by the company. The correction centre counsellor came to me and said, "You know what's happening? You may be feeling proud of being a right-winger, but you know what they are doing to the Minamata disease patients? How do you feel, as a kid who lost his father to the same disease?" I couldn't give an answer to this and the counsellor added, "Go home, you don't belong here." I was silent; it was the first time in my life that I found myself unable to talk back. When he was eighteen he returned to his village but felt very ashamed because everybody knew what he had done. I went back to fishing. It was a time when the Minamata struggle was approaching a boiling point. It didn't take too much time before I got involved in the movement. Within a year after I came back home, there was a big blockade by boats in protest against Chisso. For me, this poured the oil onto the fire. It was my personal turning point. In 1968 the Japanese government officially recognized the cause of Minamata disease to be environmental pollution. The following year the first lawsuit was launched by some of the victims. Thus began a series of long legal battles that continue to this day. In 1973 in the Kumamoto district-court ruling, the victims won. While the trial continued, supporters and victims began to protest directly to the Chisso Company. They organized repeated demonstrations and sit-ins. By the end of the trial, second and third outbreaks of Minamata disease were recorded in Ariake Bay and Tokuyama Bay respectively. The Chisso Company had deep roots in the area, beginning in 1908 with the manufacture of chemical fertilizers through which they made their fortune. The company had its headquarters and main factory complex in Minamata city, where the family ruled like a feudal lord. Minamata was under the umbrella of Chisso's economic and social supremacy. When Japan was waging the Fifteen-Year War (1931-1945), the Chisso Company thrived by manufacturing fertilizers, artificial silks, and synthetic fibres, explosives, oils, industrial chemicals, coals, and oils. Their attitude was "profits first and safety last," and in the pressure to compete with already established business combines, they pushed this policy to the extreme. In the summer of 1974, Ogata officially presented himself as a member of the movement and faced, for the first time, "the enemy" on whom he had sworn revenge so long ago. Part of his motivation was a feeling of uneasiness at not fighting while other victims were. In the meantime, lots of supporters were arriving in the region and getting involved in the struggle. The supporters were from all over Japan, and many from the student movement were my age. In this village, too, four young people had come to live and help with daily chores, fishing, and the movement. I liked them. I felt a warmth as fellow human beings. I knew my father was killed by Minamata disease caused by Chisso Company, but other than that, I was totally ignorant about the political and economic structure behind the company. We became good friends and through them I realized the universal significance of this fight. I was growing out of my sense of hatred and revenge. Ogata's parents, two of his brothers, and five of his sisters were officially recognized as Minamata-disease patients. Three brothers died without applying for official recognition. Having a high mercury level in his hair and symptoms of the disease himself, Ogata applied for recognition and soon became the leader of the organization representing the applicants. "Since two of my brothers died in their late thirties," he said, "I was quite nervous to reach their ages. Now I feel relieved that I just turned forty." As Ogata became deeply involved in the movement, he was too busy to be at home regularly, fishing. My family were losing greatly, having to sell off possessions and live off savings. They always pressured me to keep away from the movement and work harder. It wasn't easy for me. I just wished that one day they would understand me and why I had to do that. The decision confirming Chisso's responsibility to compensate the victims was in 1973, and a whole bureaucracy had to be set up to screen the applicants and "recognize" the patients. Before, it was a struggle to get Chisso to admit responsibility; now it became a fight with government bureaucracy. I spent my time arguing with government and court agents about the bureaucratic process of selection, recognition, and compensation of patients. Over ten years and through this bureaucratic process, Ogata's doubts grew. I had this question all the time, which stuck in my throat and bothered me constantly: what is this thing called compensation and why do people sell out for money? I would never sell my soul. So that was keeping me on my feet, but just barely, like a weary scarecrow suspended on a solitary post. In the meantime, he began to notice that the people recognized as patients tended to become reticent and would stop going out in public. The social pressures of their status as recognized and compensated set them apart from everybody else, and they entered into a state like self-exile. Ogata saw this as a trap. I also noticed that our movement began to develop its own bureaucracy. We tried every means, we took every opportunity to fight, but it was all procedures, a huge, constant flood of documents and regulations. The people who dealt with these were lawyers, supporters, and a few of us leaders. The patients who were the plaintiffs had no role to play except signing papers. And I began to detect a sense of induction in this tangle of bureaucratic procedures, into which the patients were being helplessly led. As he looked backed at those ten years in the movement, these doubts bothered him. At the beginning, it was simply revenge he wanted, but then what happened? He always knew he wasn't fighting for money. Yet he found himself in the position to ask for compensation. Finally we were all trapped in the system. We were now dependent on the institution called "recognition." Everybody, the whole movement, was shaped by the system. We had to go to courts with legal strategies, apply for recognition, and negotiate with government agents. In the meantime, where did Chisso go? Since 1978, when they were declared incapable of paying all the money, the government came up with the idea of prefectural bonds to back them up. Which meant that we were not dealing with Chisso anymore. The system was doing everything. In 1985, Ogata withdrew his application and quit the movement. To put it very simply, I wanted to quit this money business and find a new direction, break new ground. But if it's not money, what is it? The voices against my move didn't help either. Some called me a traitor; some said, whatever my motivation was, my move would benefit the enemy anyway. And some asked, "If not for money, then what?" I wish I could have answered more clearly. I was having a hard time emotionally, but now my true mental ordeal began. There were rumours circulating that Ogata had gone mad. People saw him wandering around in the woods talking to himself. Yes, I was insane for three months. I began to hear voices as I walked in the hills. I heard the grass, the trees, the wind inviting me to come back. In my mind I was six years old, crying as the voice told me to come back or I'd be eaten up. Then I'd find myself on my father's lap, sitting on his huge Popeye-like thigh. One day I heard the sound of running water talking to me from the earth. But sometimes it was so painful, like a weight pressing down on my brain. I wasn't sure whether I was going to survive. What I hated the most were appliances and machines. One day I went into the living room and threw the television out the window. Many times Ogata stood on the edge of the cliff looking out over the ocean. At high tide he believed he could step out and walk on water and just keep going to the other side of the world. His family said it was a miracle he got through this time alive. But those hard days were also a time of enlightenment for Ogata. Then his perspective became clear, and he saw how everything in time and space was connected. He examined all the small and seemingly insignificant details from his past and suddenly they had meaning for him. Around this time he had his wooden boat made and began his one-man protests at the front gates of the Chisso Company. Ogata laughed shyly and told us that this period caused a lot of problems for his family, but they were thankful about one thing from that time. Remember when I told you I heard the sound of running water talking to me from inside the ground? Well, I got a company to drill in that spot and they discovered one of the few fresh-water wells on the island. Another ten years passed. They weren't easy days, but now, finally, I feel much clearer about what I did. Hosho, or compensation, essentially includes a sense of oblivion. I'm not denying the merits of compensation as a part of social security and welfare, a common good necessary for social purposes, but in this particular context, money did not mean a thing to me. I'm not saying I don't need money, I'm only saying that the mind and soul cannot be exchanged for money. This is my choice; I cannot impose my decision upon anybody, yet this choice is so clear to me. You fall into a trap when you think about exchanging your soul for something else. The next day, May 1, was the anniversary of the official recognition of Minamata disease. It was unusually hot. On our way to the ceremony, we walked up a hill that overlooked the entire Minamata city and the bay. At the centre of our view was the Chisso Company, which seemed to have taken over all the flatlands. Its ominous presence reminded us that the people of the region used to refer to it as "The Company" and envied those who'd managed to find a job there. Later we attended a small memorial ceremony just outside the Chisso plant. About thirty people, dressed all in black, gathered at the floodgates. Leaning over the fence to the waterway, a group of survivors dropped flowers into the water. The water was thick, green, and sluggish in its apparent stillness. This was where Chisso dumped toxic waste. The ceremony was short and the group dispersed quickly, but the flowers moved very slowly, as if drawing a picture in long, careful strokes, showing that the deceptively solid-appearing water was indeed moving. Then we all moved to what looked like a vast plain. There had been a contaminated waterway here, where the poisons had accumulated to such an extent that the government decided just to fill it in with land, reclaiming it. On top of those buried poisons stood a massive white circus tent. This was the location of the third memorial ceremony organized by Minamata city for the Minamata victims. By 11:00 a.m., it was terribly hot inside the tent, but to our surprise, most of the three hundred seats were filled by people in black suits. The only empty seats were in the section reserved for patients and the families of victims. People were surprised to find Masato Ogata in the middle of this section. He stood out among the many older people because of his height and his healthy appearance. It was the first time in many years he had been in an official ceremony. We teased him, saying, "Yesterday you said you wouldn't wear anything formal. Now you look very sharp." "I realized that I don't have anything else to wear," he replied with a smile. "You guys look good, too," he added, referring to our travel­wrinkled jackets and blue jeans. As we spoke with him, we soon noticed that a crowd of people had gathered around us, all paying attention to Ogata; his charisma seemed to draw them in. There was a mixture of eager anticipation and apprehension. Since our visit, Ogata has been the focus of an NHK documentary, broadcast nationwide. He has begun to speak publicly in favour of placing nobotoke (popular guardian images found on roadsides) on the reclaimed land where we had stood to console the souls of the victims. In a leaflet announcing his new initiative, Ogata wrote: It is time for us to go back to where we belong. Let us return with our souls. Time is calling us. Let me say one more time that the very existence of human beings is solely responsible for Minamata disease and that we humans are all equally responsible. There is no hierarchy of responsibility. Each of us must accept our share and cherish it forever. This is the real message of the Minamata disease incident. I pray for a heartfelt confession of guilt and apology from the accused and I hope that they will join us in our effort to reveal the real nature of modern civilization and to learn the meaning of living in the spiritual world. We are native people who must not be separated from the ocean, the mountains, the rivers, grass, and trees. Minamata pinpoints the terrible dilemma created by modern technology—enormous potential benefits of products, jobs, and profit balanced by ecological and social consequences that usually can't be predicted beforehand and, once recognized, are too expensive to correct or impossible to retract. Ogata, like Tanaka almost a century before him, saw clearly that victimhood covers over our humanity, that destruction of family and community means destruction of a nation. Poisoning the Earth with our industrial debris eventually poisons all people, their communities, and their ideas. Fortunately, scientists like Ui are willing to speak out even in the face of dire consequences. Green Democracy "If you want change in environmental policies, don't look to the corporate sector or politicians like me. You have to go to the grassroots and convince them there's a problem, make them aware of what the options are and get them to demand action. Then people like me will fall all over ourselves to hop on board the bandwagon." Al Gore, while Tennessee Senator Japan is a society in which fitting in is a key social grace. Thus, it is said, "When a nail sticks out, it must be hammered down." Rugged individualism or personal idiosyncracy is not a highly valued quality where consensus and "face" dominate thinking and behaviour. There is an added feature in Japanese society: it is pyramidal, with power and influence acquired with age and experience. Political leaders tend to be older, and it is difficult for a younger person to gain access to political power. So the question is whether a grassroots model of social activism can be applied to a country like Japan. • We travelled to Zushi city, fifty kilometres south of Tokyo on the coast, to meet a politician who gave us reason to hope for a different kind of political landscape. Zushi city, with a population of about 57,000, is a bedroom community whose residents commute to white-collar jobs in Tokyo. It is right next to Kamakura, the old city that was the capital of Japan from 1192 to 1333. Zushi covers an area about one-third the size of Manhattan, but contains a large forest called lkego, which spans about fifteen percent of the town's area, the size of Central Park. In 1938 the Japanese Imperial Navy forced all people out of the lkego area to make room for an ammunition depot. The forest was cordoned off and remained virtually untouched, making it the only sanctuary near Tokyo for rare plants and birds, including eagles and falcons. When the ammunition depot was closed after the Vietnam War, the citizens of Zushi expected lkego forest to be returned to them. Instead, in 1982 the Japanese government announced a plan to bulldoze the sanctuary and construct housing for U.S. naval personnel in the ammunition depot area. Under the terms of the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty, Japan had to provide U.S. forces with modern, rent-free facilities. Defence Facilities Administration Agency (DFAA) officials told a small delegation of protesting Zushi housewives that the Americans had picked lkego because it would make a quiet, elite get-away from the small houses and the base in Yokosuka. Little did the authorities realize that this unilateral decision, just one of many made by the central government without consultation or warning, would create a movement with profound implications for the future of local government in Japan. Kiichiro Tomino met us at the Zushi train station. He had movie­-star good looks, wore casual clothing, and spoke excellent English. Before taking us to his home, he gave us a short tour of Zushi. The small city has a cozy feeling, embraced as it is by hills from behind. It sits on a bay with a sweep of sandy beach. We reached Tomino's home and were ushered into the living room, which faced a Japanese-style garden with trimmed plants and flowers. Behind the shrubs was a family shrine with a fox as a deity. On the other side of the fence was the Ikego forest. The house itself had a comfortable, warm feeling. Nanako, Tomino's wife, sat with us and took great interest in the conversation. It was obvious that Kiichiro and Nanako were partners not only in marriage but in political activities. Born in Zushi in 1944, Kiichiro Tomino came from a family that had lived there for three hundred years. He studied astronomy at a doctoral level at the prestigious Tokyo University but had to quit when his father died. He took over the family business and, for more than a decade, was the president of a company producing trash compactors. He had no interest in politics, nor, as he told us, "in human beings and social problems." As an astronomer he preferred to look skyward even during the day. In 1984, when the central government threatened to flatten the green rolling hills of the Ikego forest in front of his house to build 854 houses for U.S. Navy personnel, he realized that if he didn't act, other citizens wouldn't either. According to Tomino: The citizens of Zushi are generally conservative and pro-American. At that time, over seventy percent of them supported the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty. However, the issues of why Ikego forest, so precious to Zushi citizens, had to be destroyed while large U.S. naval housing areas in neighbouring Yokohama and Yokosuka are being returned to the Japanese government, and why no rational alternative plan to Ikego was being seriously examined, led to a grassroots movement that was to involve the entire city. Among those galvanized into opposing the development were house­wives, elders, environmentalists, and antiwar activists. The group collected 46,000 signatures opposing the development. But the mayor and council favoured construction and ignored the opposition. Three house­wives flew to Washington, D.C., to plead with Defense Secretary Caspar Weinberger, but he refused to see them. So in 1984 the group decided to support a woman who had been a housewife but considered running for mayor of lkego. Her idealism more than compensated for her lack of experience, but at the last minute she backed out and a reluctant Tomino was recruited to replace her. The national level of the Liberal Democratic Party (LOP), which supported the base, brought in some influential politicians and businessmen to wage a pro-base campaign. They insisted that the base was important for U.S.-Japanese friendship and called the anti-base group "communists" and "extremists." By taking these extreme actions, the central government, led by the ruling LOP, badly misread the feelings of the citizens of Zushi. Most of the citizens of the normally conservative city were opposed to the construction of the base, and the heavy-handed tactics created a backlash. Heading towards an almost certain win in the mayoral race, Tomino and his supporters wrote funny leaflets, held warm, community-oriented meetings, and generally ran a "very joyful" campaign. As a result Tomino handily beat Torayoshi Mishima, the incumbent mayor of twelve years, although he still faced a pro-construction majority on city council. In August 1985, members of two local groups, lkego Green Operation Centre (IGOC) and the Association for Protection of Nature and Children (APNC), accompanied by sympathetic academics, travelled to the United States to meet with American environmental organizations. Michael McCloskey, chair of the Sierra Club, wrote to several members of Congress on their behalf. He pointed out that Zushi city was not against the base but against the site of the base and that the city­-sponsored think tank (Working Group to Consider the lkego Issue, headed by professor Akiyoshi Ogata of Yokohama National University) had eight workable alternatives to building in lkego. One of the alternatives was to build the houses on land already reclaimed at the Yokosuka base. That would allow naval staff to mix freely with the locals and get to know Japan, rather than dumping them in an elite ghetto. One of the congressmen wrote to the navy. A senior officer wrote back that the "Japanese government has decided to build the housing complex at lkego and it is the Japanese side which is responsible for the assessment of its impact on the environment." In 1986 a pro-construction group forced a recall vote of the mayoral race. Tomino ran again and won. Meanwhile his group collected enough signatures to force a recall vote of the entire council. In the ensuing election, twelve anti-base candidates and fourteen pro-base candidates were elected. When one of the pros died, another anti was elected, which dead­locked the council at thirten to thirteen. In the mayoral election in 1988 Tomino won easily, and in the 1990 election of councillors, fifteen antis and eleven pros were elected. In early 1989 Tomino and other city officials went to inspect lkego forest and were refused entry by defence officials. The Defence Facilities Administration Agency had already started construction of the rainfall catchment basin. The basin began to attract a variety of bird life. Owls—longtime forest residents—were seen. Tomino wanted to keep the basin and incorporate it into long-standing Zushi-city plans to make lkego a major, walk-through life-science park with a vast seed bank and gene pool. The DFAA wanted to pave it over to make a football field for U.S. Navy personnel. In September of that same year Zushi officials sought an injunction against construction on the grounds that, under Article 25 of the River Act, the mayor was in charge of rivers and, in this case, he gave no per­mission to change the waterways. A protracted legal battle took the case to the Supreme Court where in 1993 the invariably pro-central govern­ment court ruled that the city's power over rivers was given to them by the central government and what the central government gives, the cen­tral government can take away. Tomino explained what happened next: Two other important facts were discovered as a result of an environmental-impact-assessment survey at Ikego forest. A field study led to the discovery of large-scale archaeological remains dating from over 5,000 years ago and to the excavation of a large number of wooden instruments apparently used in daily life about 2,000 years ago. The Defence Facilities Administration Agency made public a report giving the results of research on giant white-clam fossils discovered in Ikego forest. In this report scientists pointed out that for the study of plate-tectonics theory, these giant white-clam fossil beds were of immeasurable academic value. But the national government did not halt the constructon of naval housing, and announced that it would continue in spite of strong protests from the mayor and citizens of Zushi. The DFAA said that change of local government had no effect on past accords, and the only things local government should be concerned with were matters like sewage and trash disposal from the new housing site. A third term is the time when a politician's work matures to fruition and he or she can claim credit. But after two terms as mayor, Tomino happily resigned. "If two terms are enough for the president of a large country like the U.S.," he said, "then it is enough for a little city like Zushi. Change is good." He also wanted to install a female mayor—at the time there was only one other in Japan—in part because he thought it was a good way to introduce ordinary citizens to politics, and in part because most of the members of his party were women. The candidate, Mitsuyo Sawa, won along with six other women councillors. That gave Zushi the second­highest ratio of women in a Japanese government. By 1993 the first phase of construction in Ikego forest was completed. The building of 300 houses was begun, and the budget for the second phase went up before the central government for approval. It included funds to build 250 more houses. Tomino drove us to the top of a hill behind his house so we could see the extent of Ikego. The lovely forest right next to Zushi was surrounded by a huge fence and remained off-limits to the citizens. In the meantime, the Zushi Citizens' Movement has attracted nationwide attention not only for its emphasis on nature conservation, but as a new social phenomenon in Japan. The movement also brought a new dimension into the relationship between the central and local governments. These changes represented a shift to a new political reality, one that included a balance between the defence issue and nature conservation, as well as a reliance on amateur politics and democracy. Tomino told us that after the war, top priority was given to industrial development and economic prosperity. The Japanese government did not seek legislation requiring environmental assessments. When it comes to international cooperation in nature-conservation movements, as opposed to trade matters, Japan is a debtor nation with respect to American and other foreign nature conservation organizations. A Japanese member of the Diet who was keen on nature conservation once told Tomino that nature conservation did not attract votes in Japan. But as Tomino pointed out: There is now mounting concern from voters who oppose the disappearance from their immediate neighbourhood of natural settings that enrich their daily life. Since I was elected mayor of Zushi, several other mayors have won office on platforms based mainly on nature conservation. Tomino thought that this trend was growing. He told us: Japan has become a major economic power. It must use its power to improve the quality of life of its citizens and to contribute to international society from the standpoint of nature conservation. I believe that the Zushi Citizens' Movement was the first political expression of such a desire. There are 3,000 local authorities in Japan. In 1991 their budgets totalled $600-billion (U.S.), over forty percent of the U.S. federal budget and more than the Japanese central-government budget. Local authorities were recently given sweeping powers over regional social-welfare needs and were put in charge of administering those budgets. The Japanese Constitution guarantees local autonomy. The Constitution formally places the central government and local governments on an equal footing. Nevertheless, the prewar concept of okami (an inviolable superior existence) with its totalitarian ideology still has very deep roots. I believe that, in the process of pushing so strongly its policy of achieving postwar economic recovery through high-technology industrialization, the central government has been guiding and supervising local governments to the point of making them function as its hands and feet. In this process, the so-called "Japan Incorporated" concept [the notion that all business is represented by a monolithic entity that speaks with a single voice] has penetrated into the area of local government. In the 1980s the phrase "the age of localism" found an echo in people's hearts. Some forty years after the war, local governments finally acquired adequate staff to formulate their own policies and bring the relationship between the central and local governments closer to the parity specified by the Constitution. Tomino gave us this example: Zushi city maintains that it has the proper legal authority to ask the central government to make changes, to cancel projects, or even to make new proposals in those instances, such as the housing project for U.S. naval personnel at Ikego forest, where the interests of local citizens are gravely affected. Zushi believes it can do so even if such projects are part of a national policy, such as defence, for which the power of implementation is reserved solely by the central government. The entire nature of local government in Japan is changing. After Tomino's election the city council and the other citizens of Zushi have been in close communication. As Tomino said, "We consult and consult and consult until we reach a consensus. It is a very difficult process, but it is the best way, so we must overcome the difficulties. Direct democracy was a part of our administration." This policy extended to asking children for recommendations for the improvement of city parks and requesting the public to submit designs for public toilets. At the first city council meeting over which Tomino presided, he declared that every housing development, including the Ikego project, should be frozen until the City Environment Management Plan was completed, in order to protect the total integrity of the city. The council also approved one of the most radical pieces of freedom-of-information legislation in Japan, including a provision for an ombudsman system. The result was fifty-three public relations boards scattered around the city to let citizens know what was happening around town. They even discussed issues normally handled by diplomats, such as foreign aid (or Official Development Assistance, as they called it) with an eye to carrying out such programs on a human scale by local government. The city officials felt that their experience running a city would be valuable to those in developing countries. At a mayoral conference, Tomino pro­posed that all Japanese local governments devote 0.1 percent of their budget to help their counterparts in developing nations, especially in Asia and the Pacific. The aid could take the form of advice on things like sewage, social welfare, and city planning. Tomino took a very progressive stance on the government demand that Koreans submit to fingerprinting every three years (see Chapter 7). He gave the Koreans a choice—they could be fingerprinted, or they could refuse and Tomino, as mayor, would protect them. Of six who came forward, two chose to be fingerprinted and four refused. The police were too afraid to do anything. Other mayors supported the Koreans, and the law was rescinded. Tomino encountered some resistance from bureaucrats when he proposed that the unused offices in city hall be made available to citizens' groups. I told them that city hall belongs to the citizens, but they insisted that it had never been done. Since there was no use pushing them, I tried to understand their point of view. I asked what problems they anticipated, and someone said they might write graffiti on the walls. Another concern was somebody might set fire to the building. This was a great lesson to me. I realized that these people feared the citizens and were motivated by an obsession to control an otherwise uncontrollable mass. Tomino proposed that citizens' committees be established in a num­ber of areas and that anyone interested should come and volunteer. There wouldn't be any selection unless there were too many volunteers. As of 1992 there were 156 city organizations subsidized by the city to take part in everything from delivering meals for shut-ins to outdoor music concerts. These groups were allowed to use space in the city hall. The city also made a number of changes to improve environmental awareness, such as earmarking ¥5 million for educational pamphlets on the small animals of Zushi to be distributed to schoolchildren, and planting fruit trees on public land. As well, Zushi began to recycle paper, metal, glass, and paper milk cartons; it distributed free home-use compost kits and purchased an electric car for use by public officials in the city. Elderly Zushi residents got, among other assistance, free medical treatment, bus passes, and word-processing courses. Tomino set up a Public Service Company, which he believed fell between government and private companies. It hired elders to work at jobs like controlling traffic for schoolchildren, working in libraries, and driving school buses. They were paid above minimum wage, and the people expressed pride in serving their community. Another innovation, painstakingly developed as a collaborative effort between Tomino, Apple computers, Canon, Toshiba, and many scientists and citizens, was a computerized Environmental Management System. One hundred Mac computers were linked to a local area network that divided all of Zushi (except the base) into ten-by-ten metre squares (approximate size of one house). Each square was then ranked from A to D, based on twenty-two factors such as soil quality, drainage, and scenic view. The rankings were then used to determine what should be done to the land to help Zushi achieve its overall goal of sixty percent green space. When building on A-ranked land, twenty percent of the land had to be kept green; B-ranked; forty percent; C-ranked, sixty percent, and D­ranked land had to create an additional twenty percent green space. Zushi's brand of local government was so unique in Japan that other local councils regularly studied it. But most were frightened by the levels of citizen participation and government openness, fearing such a degree of devolution of power. We asked Tomino what he was most proud of during his terms as mayor. He answered: That I remained a citizen and didn't become an official. What that means is that I did my politics with common sense. When I negotiated with the central government, I always believed the citizens were the most important. I always worked with citizens to make policy. We asked what "green" meant to him. High officials of the central government have maintained an inflexibile position on defence issues, although they recently have been more flexible on questions of pure nature conservation. They say that a request of the United States government that is based on the Security Treaty must be complied with, and that the highest priority must be given to it. In other words, defence issues take precedence over all matters. One example of this attitude was the statement made by one of the most senior members of the conservative LDP [Liberal Democratic Party] in Zushi's central square during my election campaign. He said, "For the defence of the whole country, I ask for sacrifice on the part of all you Zushi citizens!" The Zushi position, as reflected by me, is that "security guarantees" and "green" carry the same weight for human beings. The primary objectives of nation building are to protect the lives of its citizens and to create a richer society. I think there are two aspects to this protection of life. One is to protect us from sudden death, namely death from natural disasters and war. But the other is to protect us from slow death, namely death from loss of personality or illness, and our children from the loss of personality because of an inadequate physical and spiritual environment. These two types of death are of equal gravity to all of us as human beings. So when demands that involve the issue of "sudden death"—in other words, security—clash with those involving "slow death"—in this case, the environment—both sets of demands must be treated with equal care. I therefore maintain that in this instance, the demand for the construction of housing at Ikego forest for U.S. naval personnel— for whom there are alternative housing possibilities—must give way to the other demand, the conservation of Ikego forest, which will be lost forever once it is bulldozed. The Zushi Citizens' Movement has called for the creation of a more peaceful and richer world and has stressed the importance of a better life and social amenities. This path may lead to a Japanese defence policy that would be both wider in scope than the present one—which has been pursued solely in the name of security—and easier for people to understand. While Tomino talked, he constantly consulted his wife, Nanako. We asked him whether women in politics are different from men, and he answered immediately: Yes. Women don't lie. Men easily resort to lies and believe that's a natural part of politics. When women came into office, they were shocked by the complexity of politics. It wasn't just a matter of fighting to save a forest or stop a development or speak of the importance of children and nature: there were all kinds of decisions about roads and sewers and telephone lines. And they were often paralysed by the immensity and complexity. But then they come out of the initial shock and some remember the reason they got elected and the issues they believed in and act on them, but others become evasive like male politicians. Japanese think that laws can't be bypassed, but we showed that the mayor and citizens could bypass them. The events in Zushi city went beyond questions about development and the environment to the very nature of democracy. The city had demonstrated what a community can accomplish when it is interested and active. As a group the residents of Zushi, symbolic perhaps of mainstream Japanese culture, were, becoming environmentally aware: they were starting to think globally, to reconsider their attitudes towards the all-powerful central government, to come to terms with the discrimination of Koreans, and to realize that true democracy was not a right but a responsibility. The awakening of the "sleeping city" of Zushi gives hope, not only to Japan, but all of humanity. Tomino is a remarkable man, enthusiastic, upbeat, optimistic, and positive. He believes passionately in the power of the grassroots. To understand what's happening in Japan, don't look at the central government. It's dead. It's all happening at the local level. Right now it's invisible, but in five years, you'll begin to see it. • Tomino's optimism for the future of political activism at the grassroots level is shared by Kazuki Kumamoto, a professor at Meiji Gakuin University in Yokohama. His scholarly work in ecological economics was based on many years of involvement in local movements to protect the environment. Two areas that Kumamoto was most concerned with were Shibushi Bay in Kagoshima prefecture and Shiraho on Okinawa's Ishigaki Island. In his recent book, Sustainable Development and Life Systems,1 Kumamoto illustrated the issues in those two places. He contended that they offered models for a new type of grassroots localism and environmental movements, in which local residents used a traditional relationship to the land unique to that area to fight against the encroachment of developers. In Shibushi Bay, officials proposed construction of a crude oil transfer station (CTS) by reclaiming land from the bay. But by dredging and dumping landfill into the bay, its ecological balance would have been destroyed. Local residents were angered and they organized to fight the proposal. They were particularly concerned about the effect of the project on the black pine forest along the beach. The trees protected the village and local farmland against the wind, tide, and the erosion of sand. More importantly, the trees were part of a complete system that ultimately enriched the ocean, a concept expressed by the term, utsokerin, or "fish attracting woods." The forest was also important to the local economy. Once a week the residents raked fallen pine needles into a pile to use as fuel and to sell as fertilizer for tobacco plants. According to Kumamoto, the gathering of pine needles had another ecological effect: to protect against overenrichment of the forest soil, which would eventually result in what ecologists call succession, and allow the black pines to be taken over by other species of trees. In other words, the pine forest was maintained by the local residents, and that environment, in turn, was sustaining the liveli­hood of the local residents. That subtle balance has been maintained for hundreds of years. Kumamoto argued this balance was dependent on the traditional notion of soyu, or "collective ownership," in which the community owns access to natural resources. This concept, which once existed throughout Japan, has been pushed aside by the modern ideas of governmental ownership, private ownership, and co-ownership. The relationship between the local residents of Shibushi Bay and the forest is comparable to that between the coral reef and the people in Shiraho, whose elders stood together to oppose the airport that would destroy their reef. The original plan to build an airport in Shiraho by destroying the coral reef was cancelled. In Shibushi Bay, although the CTS was built, only seven percent of the land originally designed for expropriation was actually taken. According to Kumamoto, the notion of soyu played a significant role in the legal battles around the disputed areas. When the local residents tried to use textbook legal terms, they were easily defeated by lawyers and government officials. But these same officials and lawyers had no legal definition for the term soyu, although they knew that it had existed as a concept for centuries. They found the notion strange, hard to grasp, and almost impossible to deal with. Kumamoto found it exciting that, instead of the local residents having to enter and understand the world of the lawyers and officials, these "experts" now had to enter their world. He told us that Shibushi and Shiraho were just the beginning. We will see many more victories like them in the future. • The central figure in the struggle to protect the reef at Shiraho was Setsuko Yamazato, whom David had met years before when he was invited to visit and lend support. It was a classic example of the way grassroots movements grow and exert their force. When the government had announced its plan in the late 1970s to build a new airport in Shiraho, a fishing community on the southwestern edge of Ishigaki Island in Okinawa, most of the villagers opposed it. For the older people the plan was no less than sacrilegious. The inhabitants of the village supported themselves from the abundance of sea life in the semicircular reef that extended out from the shore. The reef has been designated a world-heritage-class ecosystem yet would be filled in to accommodate the airport runway. The mayor of Ishigaki argued that Shiraho people were only a small group compared to all the other islanders who wanted the airport. The mayor's arrogance made the villagers even angrier. But his decision was firm, and he was already working closely with the pro-airport prefectural governor of Okinawa. Thus began a long struggle. As the Okinawan musican Shoichi Kina told us, before the name "Okinawa" was imposed by the Japanese and "Ryuku" by the Chinese, people referred to the islands as Uruma, or islands of coral. For thousands of years, the coral reefs around the islands generously supported a community of innumerable life forms of which humans were a part. Since ancient times, the people of Ishigaki Island, about 400 kilometres south­west of the Okinawan main island and only 250 kilometres from Taiwan, called the coral reef the "fountain of fish" and "life-sustaining sea." The magnificent reef near the village of Shiraho was especially renowned for its fish and coral formations, and it was there that the government planned to build the airport. At low tide, the centre of the reef was like an enchanted lake, crystal clear and filled with multicoloured fish. Fishermen walked along the reef spearing octopus. Underwater were magnificent tangles of blue and grey staghorn coral, schools of large fish that cruised the reef and scooted into deep channels, and along the ocean floor and in crevices, sea urchins and sea cucumbers were abundant. To build the proposed superport runway long enough to handle the biggest jets, the bay was to be filled in with rock created by pulverizing an entire mountain! Experts and engineers claimed there was nothing unique about the Shiraho reef and offered reassurances the plan was no threat to any important ecosystems. David recalled his trip to Shiraho in the late 1980s: At a press conference when I stated my opposition to the airport, reporters told me the government pointed to scientific claims that the airport was no threat to important ecosystems. I replied, "Those 'experts' are either stupid or liars. No biologist can claim to have knowledge that can allow such claim to be made with authority." Restoration could well be the dominant challenge for environmentalists in the next millennium. The eminent American environmentalist David Brower speaks of the need for CPR—conservation, protection and restoration. Restoration is made necessary because of the massive destruction of ecosystems all over the Earth. But human initiatives can never hope to achieve more than pale imitations of the complex communities that evolve over long periods of time. By far the best thing we can do is protect those ecosystems that remain intact. Nor was it clear why an airport was needed. There was already a major airport on the island. Several possible justifications for building a second airport were made: construction companies might simply have been creating new make-work projects, political uncertainty in the Philippines might have threatened the security of the American air base there so that Shiraho was to become a new staging area, or it might simply have been the unthinking equation of economic growth and development with progress. • Whatever the motivation of those in favour of the airport, they faced the unflinching opposition of one woman, and after ten years it appeared she might have won. In early 1980s, Setsuko Yamazato, then living in the countryside of Ishigaki, had come to Shiraho after seeing a television report showing riot police pushing around elderly protesters at a land survey. She had come with no intention of staying, but the battle and the people pulled her in and she has never left. Yamazato was deeply concerned about many threats to nature on lshigaki—erosion of the red soil, construction of dams, overdevelopment, tourism, and militarism. But on an island with only 14,000 families and almost two hundred construction companies, it was hard to organize opposition to a project that might employ your relatives. It was a bitter battle right from the beginning. Yamazato took us on a tour of lshigaki. There were seven dams on the island and more being built. Some dams were run by the Japanese government, others locally. Invariably the government dams contained more water than the local ones. Islanders, who were the rightful owners of the water, therefore suffered the humiliation of going to the government and begging them for water. A long tunnel had been built through a mountain, and it revolutionized transportation on the island. As we drove through it, Yamazato told us that it is used by perhaps fifty vehicles a day. Even during times of drought, its walls were wet with leaks. From a ridge, Yamazato pointed out eroding red soil that stained the seawater along the shore and had already choked and killed eighty to ninety percent of the coral in the bay. Yamazato then took us to Green Park, a newly opened picnic area for city dwellers. The field layout and various structures were highly reminiscent of military training fields, and they made some people suspicious. Toilets were built of concrete, low and round with glassless slit windows, looking for all the world like army pillboxes; one very small area contained five of them. At the highest point in the park was a three-storey observation tower built to look like a massive boulder. It had holes in the walls about eight inches off the ground, too high to drain rainwater and too low for a child to look through, but perfect for a gun emplacement. Were the people paranoid? Perhaps. But on his last visit, the director of the Economic Development Agency was brought in to tour the site; he landed at a helicopter port built nearby, even though there was already one a few miles away. If not a potential military installation, it was a case of rampant overdevelopment. Yamazato's English was so good we kept forgetting she came from a family of farmers on Ishigaki and was not born in North America. Her father and mother got married in Tokyo, where they lived for twenty years. Yamazato considers herself Okinawan because she was born and grew up on the island. She was left with her grandparents as an infant when her mother became ill and had to return to Tokyo. When the final stages of the war reached Okinawa, the Japanese authorities forced the Ishigaki Islanders to evacuate their homes. Yamazato and her family fled into the jungle where malaria was the biggest enemy and claimed the lives of her mother and grandfather. After the war she was raised by her father's mother. Yamazato never finished high school, but as a teenager, she got a job with a U.S. geological survey of the islands for the military. Her hope was to learn English, but she also learned valuable information about water sources, vegetation, and soil. To complete the reports, she lived for three years in Tokyo, then got a job with a small airline company. It took her to Honolulu and San Francisco. After moving back to Tokyo she became an office worker. But, nostalgic for Okinawa, she began to meet with a circle of islanders to listen to and study Okinawan music. She started a traditional dance group. We had come to appreciate the music only after leaving the islands. That made me want to come back to learn more from the elders. In 1963 I returned to Ishigaki city. I came back to a seven-month drought and it was quite a shock after Honolulu. The pineapple industry had just gotten started and I became concerned with the kogai [pollution] of the red soil from the plantations that was washing into the sea. Yamazato went back to her native village and began to collect music. I was especially fond of unaccompanied work songs, lullabies, and farmer's field songs. My cousin put me to work in his rice fields. I was so happy to go into the fields, but I found myself surrounded by other farmers listening to sumo [traditional wrestling] or baseball or European classical music on their radios. It was not the way I imagined it would be. Before we used to do all the work to songs and chants. I still remember hearing those songs when I was young. Soon she began weaving instead of farming. I love it here in Shiraho because I have elderly friends with so much to teach me. I feel more relaxed with older people, perhaps because I was raised by my grandmother. She was born in the early Meiji and could speak no Japanese. She was not Japan oriented like most of the younger generations have become. For her the war didn't end until she died because she had lost her husband, daughter-in-law and grandchild. Moving to Shiraho proved to be a major turning point in Yamazato's life. At the time she had no idea that ten years of intense political activism were about to begin. As she got involved in the movement to stop the proposed airport, Yamazato began to see the political and economic structure behind the problem. The cost of the proposed airport was said to be ¥38 billion, 95 percent of which would be paid for by the central government. Proponents of the airport suggested the island farmers and fishermen would find new markets and top prices for fresh products shipped directly to Tokyo. As well, big-spending tourists would flood the area. Thus, the prefectural government supported the airport for its claimed potential. The mayor and the governor worked together, using political manoeuvres to ram the airport through. Yamazato told us: We asked again and again for economic and environmental assessments of the new airport. But they totally ignored us, until finally they said, "As long as the local and Japanese governments admit a need for a new airport, there is no need for an assessment of its impact." Yamazato and other anti-airport villagers feared that the new airport would devastate their environment and local economy by attracting major resort developers and multinational agri-business. But their greatest concern was the impact on their traditional lifestyle and values. The elders were afraid that their children and grandchildren would be forced into the larger economic system imposed from outside and would be severed from their cultural and spiritual roots. They also feared the militaristic implications of the new airport. With a weak smile, Yamazato added: Japanese people tell us we are paranoid, but we have a different sense of reality. Originally the Shiraho harbour site was started by the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers and handed over to the Japanese at reversion. After twenty-seven years of American occupation and the subse­quent reversion to Japan in 1972, Okinawa still remained the military keystone of the U.S. presence in Asia. One-fifth of the major Okinawan islands was covered by U.S. bases, and that represented seventy-five per­cent of all bases in Japan (see chapters 1 and 2). There were young people in the movement against the airport, but we kept losing them because they were put under enormous pressure. Kiyoshi Mukaizato, a sugarcane farmer, was the head of the committee opposing the airport. He was arrested twice. I lost a lot of friends. The pro-airport people cut themselves off from me. Somebody threw stones at my house and broke my windows. It was after that incident that she got a dog. I did everything. I did posters, made announcements, held meetings. At traditional events like weddings, festivals, and dances, men are expected to be master of ceremony and that's fine with me. But at these political meetings I didn't limit myself to the traditional roles for women. A lot of other women didn't either. It is remarkable to see the parallels with other grassroots groups that have sprung up independently and spontaneously all over the world. It takes someone who becomes concerned enough to act on an issue, be it a dam, pollution, a new road, or pesticide spraying. A small group of concerned people then begins a process of informing themselves, often encountering duplicity, bribery, and threats from government and industry opponents. As support builds, media events such as demonstrations, marches, and pickets serve to inform people about the controversy. Pressure is put on vulnerable points. It may seem as if the wheel is being reinvented, but each new group adds to the public's scepticism of political and business claims, its ecological awareness, and its criticism of the claimed benefits of economic progress. It's all part of what future historians might recognize as the beginnings of a global mass movement. Although Yamazato downplayed her role in the movement, it was obvious that she had been largely responsible for the international recognition the Shiraho case has earned. With her excellent English and her experience working overseas, she played a central role in organizing a worldwide campaign from this tiny village. Since the late 1980s, the World Wildlife Fund (WWF) has been actively involved in this campaign. She travelled to Thailand in 1987, to Costa Rica in 1988, and to Australia in 1990 to present her case in international conferences. In Costa Rica, Tokyo, and Australia she met Prince Philip of England, an active patron of the WWF. These meetings resulted in the prince's visit to Shiraho in March 1992. The villagers welcomed him with a traditional lion dance. He stayed overnight and saw the reef firsthand. He said in his speech that it was not his decision where to build an airport, but how to build it should be given very careful consideration. When we visited, the struggle continued, although the pressure on Shiraho appeared to be alleviated, since Japanese authorities are hyper­sensitive to international attention and criticism. Yamazato told us: It has been a very long fight, but support from the outside has given us energy. So far it has been a success, but they now want to build the airport on another part of the island. The proposed site, near the community of Miyara, is right between two streams. The Miyara community is fighting the site. From our inn we watched the fishermen bring in the morning catch: two baskets of large black tai to be sent to market in Naha, a large crab with beautiful red spots on the carapace, a two-kilogram spiny lobster, four porcupine puffer fish prized for medicinal use and many different small reef fish. The reef that people call Ryugujo, or sea god's palace, still seemed to provide generously for the village. Later that afternoon we sat on the wooden floor in Yamazato's house, drinking tea and looking out at the fields. The house was so close to the beach we could hear the waves gently lapping the shore. Yamazato's solace came from weaving. In one room was a loom, surrounded by coils of coloured silk. She eked out a living weaving silks for kimonos, and she and a few friends had formed a co-operative to buy silkworms to make their own thread. The other room was a library and sleeping area dominated by an exuberant black puppy. We sat in the weaving room, which was bare of furniture except for a single table. From hanging lines, naturally dyed threads dried in the summer heat. Behind these lines sat a mountain of boxes filled with documents for the movement. The young woman who refilled our cups and acted as Yamazato's assistant turned out to be a visitor from Tokyo who'd arrived only the day before to get acquainted with Yamazato. Our host was calm and relaxed and talked easily about her personal problems and dreams. As an outsider, Yamazato was vulnerable to criticism and suspicion. Throughout the struggle, her health was precarious, with periodic crises her doctor couldn't diagnose. Finally after ten years, she went to the hospital for extensive tests and discovered she had tuberculosis. The high drug resistance of the disease demanded a strict regime of multiple drug treatments for a prolonged period. While reluctantly following the prescription, she also turned to traditional Okinawan medicinal plants. However, what concerned Yamazato more than her physical condition were the scars left in the minds of the people. Political conflicts divided communities and not infrequently families. We must rebuild relations in the village, reconcile those who were anti- and pro-airport. We need healing. The last ten years I have lost many friends. But now I'm finally getting some back. For Yamazato the effort to heal human relationships was similar to the attempt to heal the natural environment that human beings have damaged. The process would not be mechanical, but spiritual. Visibly weary from the struggle, Yamazato felt firmly sustained by her friends and the sense of community of which she was a part. Shima shakai (island society) refers to a communal bonding that Okinawan people still retain, a sense of identity based on a common feeling of rootedness. Yamazato told us about a traditional mutual-aid society called moyai or moai, which she believes embodies the communal bonding. Once a month we gather in someone's home to drink and talk. There are usually twelve to fifteen members. We pay in a certain amount and members can draw out money, which is then repaid at low interest. I think the business part is an excuse to have a party. I am happiest when I have a shot of awamori [local wine] with friends who like to sing and dance. Yamazato is also happiest when she is weaving. When she weaves she forgets the whole world. Weaving, singing, dancing, eating—these things came into me when I was small. Being raised by my grandparents really formed my foundation. Lots of other things entered and accumulated in me since then, but recently they have become less and less relevant, and I feel more and more confident that I can live without them. What is essential to me is what I had originally. I can no longer deceive myself. After all, that is me. Recently there was a blackout that lasted a few days. I discovered I was quite calm about it. I even started to appreciate life without electricity. I was struck by the beauty of candlelight. Yamazato taught us a beautiful expression, tinupana which literally means "flowers of hands," and refers, in the local language, to handicrafts. She recently organized a crafts group and named it Society. It is primarily an educational organization in which the younger generation can continue with traditions and learn from the elders. But it is also an economic basis for the local residents. Yamazato is therefore trying to develop a market for their products through her network of supporters all over Japan. But Yamazato has never stopped thinking about the broader implications of the Shiraho struggle. I am still very impressed with the sea here and with nature. But now over ninety percent of the water and coral reefs have been destroyed by development. I want to break out of the wall of Shiraho and establish an island-wide analysis of the environment. She also believes that the whole chain of the islands between Japan and Taiwan share a common ecological and cultural basis on which she envisioned an economic and political territory. "I even have a name for it," she said with a shy smile. "Urumania." The name stems from the ancient term uruma, meaning coral islands. Urumania is Yamazato's utopia. Studying Okinawan history, she found important clues in the traditional economic practices, such as a communal system of ownership and distribution appropriate to the local ecology. We asked her what drove her to continue, after her sickness, the alienation from old friends, and all the hardships of the battle. She answered: Something spiritual. I was raised by my grandparents from the premodern time. Imagine, the old men would wear sarongs! I grew up worshipping gods at the local utaki [sacred places]. The world of gods, spirits, nature, and festivals is what my upbringing was. And now I realize that I inherited something spiritual from my aunt, a noro [shaman]. That's why I can't tolerate when the harmonious relationship between the gods, humans, and nature is disrupted. Then I am hurt as well. On our last night in Shiraho, Yamazato took us to a meeting place so that she could introduce us to the people who fought on the front lines, braving arrest and injury to save their coral reef, the heart of their village. As they walked into the room, they seemed like fragile relics from another time. As these elders pass away, a long lineage of language, customs, and memories comes closer to being lost forever. Yamazato, at almost sixty, was one of the youngest people in the group, trying to absorb what the elders had to pass on. Yamazato, in her blue kimono, sat on the floor holding her sanshin. Her face glowed with excitement. When she began playing her instrument, a seventy-year-old man joined in with his beautiful tenor and an eighty-year-old woman with her lively dance. Every one of them turned out to be excellent singers and dancers. Mukaizato, the chairman of the protest committee, led us in a celebratory dance—a fitting end to our visit. Out of their successful opposition to the airfield in Shiraho, the villagers have regained a feeling of community and asserted the importance of their traditions. • Like people of the First Nations in North America, Tomino and Yamazato have acted out a deep feeling of attachment for the land. In building a base of popular support and keeping pressure on politicians, they are being political in the most profound way. Their success confirms the power of grassroots support to bring about change. Once the environment—air, water, soil, other living things—is central to any worldview, it becomes inseparable from people's lives, culture, and history. Modern science and technology and telecommunica­tions have fragmented the world into bits and pieces disconnected in time and space. This shattered world cries out for a renewed sense of interconnectedness. The Food Connection "It's a cycle. One life produces another and another and one life eats another and another. We are born and die and born and die. That's why there are no enemies. Everything is balanced. To live is to eat. To eat is to involve death because we are eating something's life." Yoshikazu Kawaguchi The Japanese preoccupation with food is obvious to foreigners almost from the moment they arrive in Japan. Concession stands hawk all manner of specially prepared foods, box lunches, and desserts. And a visit to the basement level of large department stores is a gustatory delight as one samples the mouthwatering tidbits offered as enticement. A special treat on a visit to Tokyo is a morning spent at Tsukiji, the largest commercial fish market in the world. Kilometres of stalls display sea life of amazing variety. The aesthetic presentation and the absolute freshness of the creatures, many still alive, attest to the central role of food for the Japanese. Global ecological degradation should be a major concern to a country that sits so high on the chain of predators. It is ironic that Japanese place a great premium on high-quality food yet the high-tech agriculture so widely used makes it impossible to avoid residues of pesticides and industrial toxins in that very food. Furthermore, the unsustainable harvesting of highly prized fish such as eels, tuna, and cod is decreasing their numbers while pushing prices sky-high. Environmentalists are not highly visible here, and there's little sense of emergency or alarm. However, there is a movement in agriculture that has at its base a recognition that industrial agriculture, with its heavy application of chemicals, use of widespread monocultures, and depen­dence on machinery, is not sustainable. • We visited one of the leaders of a radically different agriculture that looks to nature for inspiration and guidance. Yoshikazu Kawaguchi lives fifty kilometres south of Kyoto in Nara prefecture, the traditional heartland of Japan and birthplace of the first Japanese nation, called Yamato, which emerged in the fourth century. His fields are probably among the oldest in the country, and his "new" way of farming and living is an attempt to rediscover the original methods used by the first farming populations. We turned off the main road into a small alleyway with a stream beside it. Black tiles adorned the roof of the traditional-style house. Yoshikazu and Yoko, his wife, greeted us exuberantly. Kawaguchi, a thin man with an almost childlike build, wore a white cap and blue work clothes. Over the entrance to the house was a cloth curtain, which we parted, then walked through. The packed earth floor in the front hall was our first indication of the house's age. Most of the farmhouse complex, we learned, was 150 years old and had housed the Kawaguchi family for more than a century. Behind the house was a courtyard crowded with small plants. There was an old-style toilet and bathhouse, with a little wooden door that barely kept out the cold of the early morning or evening. Beyond that was the guest house, a new building very simply built with aluminum windows and wood walls. Inside, it was bare except for a kotatsu (a low table covered by a futon, which holds in the heat from an electric heater under the table, under which people put their feet to keep warm) in the middle of the floor, a table by the door with some books for sale—Kawaguchi's and others—and a Yamaha organ by the wall. Despite the main uses of the building, Kawaguchi confessed that his favourite pastime was to play table tennis with his children. We used to have a TV, but when my eldest son entered kindergarten, we decided to get rid of it. My son would sit very close to the screen and his eyesight was suffering. After we stopped TV, the children started reading passionately. At first I was happy but now I am worried about their eyes again. We all nestled into the kotatsu to eat lunch, which was served by Yoko. The table filled up with small dishes of spinach, cucumbers, daikon (white radish), carrots, and rice, as well as meat dishes. Grinning brightly and sitting perfectly straight, the inquisitive, slightly bashful Kawaguchi explained to us that the rice was actually a mixture of three different varieties, one of them an ancient strain that was reddish in colour. Almost everything on the table was from his fields. He began his story. I was born in 1939. My family has always been farmers. We had a small plot, about seven hundred square metres. I wanted to be a painter or a photographer. But since I was the eldest son, from about the age of sixteen, I was a farmer. At the beginning we didn't have chemical fertilizer or big farming machines. But they came. I used them for more than twenty years. Then I got sick. My liver was breaking down. While sick with a chronic liver disorder, Kawaguchi came across a newspaper series by Sawako Ariyoshi entitled "Fukugo Osen" (Complex Pollution). Suddenly I realized that it was the herbicides and fertilizers I had been using for years that were the main cause of my illness. I then knew that my whole form of agriculture had been a mistake. From that starting point, he discovered the seminal books of Masanobu Fukuoka, The One Straw Revolution1 and The Natural Way of Farming,2 both of which were originally published in Japanese in 1975 and 1976 respectively. It was impossible for me to go back to those forms of farming that poison our earth and bodies. I knew that no matter what obstacles or difficulties I might face, I had to start practising natural farming. For the first two years of natural farming, Kawaguchi lost his entire rice crop. But he learned from the experience and, in the third year, adopted transplanting methods of inserting young plants into small holes in the ground. Many farmers are still getting sick from pesticides without realizing the cause. It is very difficult for a farmer to get out of his routine. Enjoying nature is not part of mainstream farming. It has become an enterprise designed only to make a lot of money. Farmers are removed from the philosophy of raising life. They are surrounded by nature but they are also removed from it at the same time. The vegetables and rice we were eating were all naturally grown in Kawaguchi's fields. They had a fresh, rich taste missing in many industrially grown foods. The farmers think they are making more money by using machines and chemicals because their harvests have increased. But actually it is an illusion. They have to buy the machines, pay for the fuel, and constantly purchase more and more fertilizers and pesticides. Their vegetable and rice harvest may be large, but their crops lack nutrients and are quite tasteless. Worst of all, these farmers are destroying the earth and harming people's health. In grade five here, students learn about farming. But the textbooks all talk about highly mechanized farms. When children come here, they find there are no machines. When they first pull a plant from the soil, they are afraid of the dirt clinging to the roots, so they hold the plant with their fingertips as far away as possible and hold their noses saying, "It stinks." But out of a class, there are two or three who absolutely revel in feeling the soil and have to be rounded up to leave. The enjoyment of the soil, the foods it produces, and the life it gives is an important part of Kawaguchi's philosophy. I don't like the word agriculture because "culture" implies human interference. That leads to moneymaking and enterprise. The main purpose is not money or enterprise but to improve people's health. The yield is smaller with natural farming, but the food is real, it has more life. It's not artificially pumped up. You need less of it to live. After our lunch, Kawaguchi took us on a tour. As we walked through the fields, it was obvious that Kawaguchi's fields were nothing like his neighbours'. The rice paddy felt more like a nature preserve than an agricultural concern. The biggest practical difference between natural and organic farming is whether or not you till the land. That is also a fundamental philosophical difference. I think the basis of tilling is scientific, western thinking. It puts Man and nature in conflict. It says nature can't do it properly without man. In natural farming, Man is part of nature. Farming is a practice in nature; it is a part of nature. It is the difference between producing and growing. Kawaguchi makes a distinction between the standard agricultural practice, which focuses on fruits and vegetables as products, and natural farming, which views the growth of life as the goal from which humans may derive a living. Organic farmers believe that humans have to do something. For example, they use fertilizer, albeit organic. Natural farming says we don't have to use fertilizer, we don't have to till. We don't see insects and weeds as enemies. There are no definite rules for natural farming. It depends on the place and season. Instead of memorizing rules, however, we will always be fine as long as we have wisdom. Between twenty-eight and forty days after germination, the rice plants need some help. They are forming their bodies. After forty days in September, the plant works on making the seed. So between twenty-eight and forty days, I help by cutting back the competition. Winter grass can be left because it will die anyway. Summer grass is cut and let lie. The soil forms the way a forest floor does, by the vegetation that piles up. Early November is harvest time. Other life forms are coming out of the carcasses of old life. We get an overlap of one season's life with the next. When North American aboriginal people saw European settlers ploughing for the first time, they looked on in amazement. Realizing the plough was turning the top under, they said, "You are doing it upside down." The Europeans laughed at the ignorance of the "savages," but today's massive crisis of soil erosion suggests the native people may have been right. As a natural farmer, Kawaguchi does not plough the soil or use chemical fertilizers or pesticides. If the ground has to be partially cleared, he cuts rather than uproots the offending plants, leaving the tops where they fall to decompose and reinvigorate the earth's life cycle. He plunged his hands into the soil to show us its overtly healthy composition, handling it not with pride or disdain, but naturally. His soil was black and sticky with decaying plants, and we agreed that it smelled like the soil and farmland of our childhoods. Kawaguchi called it "the smell of life." Natural farming was developed by Japanese agricultural philosophers, not farmers. One of the main proponents was a member of a religious order. Natural farming was a pillar of their religious thought. Because these people were not really farmers, the practical techniques needed a lot of experimentation. Within two or three years, most people who tried to implement it gave up and went back to other methods. Only a few of us still practise natural farming. According to Kawaguchi's philosophy, nature is a complex community of living things, which humans do not understand. It is impossible to define one or a few species of plants or insects as good or bad when we have so little knowledge about their role in the entire ecosystem. When we looked more closely, we realized that the variety of plants on his fields was reminiscent of a bog. Bogs don't appear as impressive as a majestic stand of trees in a forest, but when you bend down and examine the tiny plants closely, you discover a stunning variety of species. In contrast to his neighbours' biological deserts, Kawaguchi's field was a virtual wilderness. There was a profusion of plants, many small ones flattening out along the ground and others forming fuzzy clumps and thrusting strawlike stems upwards in a bouquet. Indeed, he called them "my forest" and the area actually smelled like a forest. In a normal rice paddy, the water is devoid of life. Methane is produced by decaying vegetation, and the soil is like clay. Many people want my rice. People know it is good. But there is more demand than product. Nature is designed so that one farmer cannot make enough food for many people. Rice is a profoundly local product. It is not heavily traded on the stock markets because more than ninety-five percent of all rice in the world is consumed where it is grown. Japan-grown rice is heavily subsidized by the government, which also imposes steep tariffs to keep out foreign competition. There is a widely held belief that Japanese rice is superior to imported rice in nutrition and taste. We asked Kawaguchi what he thought of the 1993-94 "rice crisis" in Japan, which many people felt was fabricated to cause panic among the population. A group of political parties used it as an opportunity to promote free trade, with the backing of the United States. The opposing group reaffirmed the nationalist sentiment arising from the "rice is sacred" ideology, even resorting to racially slanted attacks on the quality of Thai rice. The ideal situation is to grow what you eat and to eat what is grown in your area. Free trade sounds good. We say we should go beyond state borderlines, but we are still talking about what is profitable for consumers or producers. We have to go beyond that, too, and talk about life forms. From that point of view, I don't think life forms should be transported long distances. Health should be maintained by eating things grown locally. Otherwise, you are disturbing regional interdependence. If you eat things grown far away, it won't fit perfectly into your local system. It can be detrimental. But I am not rice-centred like some Japanese farmers. In Japan, rice happens to be our staple. Elsewhere, it could be wheat or corn. Rice is not sacred. As a local product, rice could be a model for other crops. Like rice they should be kept diverse and locally grown and consumed. There should be a strong move away from monocultures of highly inbred stocks. Inbred strains can become extremely vulnerable to disease, insect predation, and climate change, because they lack the genetic flexibility to adapt to new pests or environmental conditions. Growing diverse local crops is the best way to maximize land use and productivity while minimizing vulnerability to environmental surprises. Kawaguchi showed us over every inch of his three fields. He cut off a few flowers of broccoli, which we put straight into our mouths and happily munched. Then he yanked out two daikon, which we polished on our pants and bit into. Along the way, he pulled satoimo (Japanese taro) from the soil and tore off a leaf for us to sample. Food should be eaten this way, we remarked, directly from the field with no fear of poisons. These days the word "dirt" is equated with uncleanliness, but dirt is part of soil, the giver of life itself. Although Kawaguchi walked gracefully and lightly, he had an unassuming self-assuredness, as if he was very comfortable in his world. From time to time he exposed small patches among the vegetation and revealed potatoes and onions sprouting. He showed us the wheat that he'd sown over the rice paddies. (Wheat was harvested in early June, then rice was planted in the same area and harvested in November.) It was mid-spring now, and as we moved through the fields, we came in contact with crickets, frogs, and dragonflies in the underbrush. Kawaguchi told us that we might even find an eel in the rice paddy. Going against the modern farming practices of his own family and neighbours hasn't been easy, he told us. We have been seeing other life forms as our enemies. But if we see them as friends, it changes how we act. The more we learn about what's happening in soil, the more we learn about life. After ten years, professional farmers realized what was happening and that my rice was wonderful. But they still didn't change. These days, they are informed by television of what is happening, so the level of understanding is higher. On every level, people are realizing that natural farming is good, but they can't shift. I guess they are afraid of changing their habits, but they say, "We are shy to try something different." We need about three out of ten people to overcome this inertia. After that, when five out of ten are doing it the rest will be shy about being left out. When weeds and insect pests are allowed to grow freely without imposed control and the fields are contiguous and small, neighbours are understandably upset. In a country where conformity and harmony are high priorities, the pressures on Kawaguchi must have been intense. He explained calmly with a small smile playing around his lips. Fifteen years ago, they probably thought I had gone mad. They accused me of letting weeds and insects get into their fields. I didn't say anything about what their insecticides were doing to my fields. In a natural system, deadly mutations don't break out. That happens when there is a monoculture and we spray chemicals. When I began, other farmers were afraid my fields would become hotbeds for pests. When they came around five or ten times a year, I would listen. I never tried to tell them my way was better or argue with them. Then when they stopped, I would thank them, tell them I heard their concerns, say I would do my best, and carry on the same way. When they complained that weed seeds spread from my fields to theirs, I cut the weeds in a small area. But the important thing is to continue my way of farming, and not to compete with others. We have long been conditioned to look on neatly groomed fields as desirable and aesthetically pleasing. But as we walked back to the guest house, we looked over at the neighbouring fields and realized our perception had changed. Now the carefully groomed rows seemed sterile and empty. At this point we expected that our visit was at an end, but suddenly we were presented with another meal, this one comprising even more dishes than the one at lunchtime. After spending the day in the country air, it felt good to eat and enjoy ourselves. Unfortunately for Kawaguchi, we kept peppering him with so many questions he hardly had time to eat. His wife, Yoko, told us not to worry. Kawaguchi, she said, doesn't eat much normally. Kawaguchi agreed, saying that when you find something that is so much fun and that you can be so passionate about, you don't have to eat. Eating shouldn't be a rule or an obsession. We should eat as it pleases us. He smiled and told us that on that day eating was not his number-one priority. We asked how Kawaguchi selected his plants. Did he breed for specific traits, as farmers have done since the agricultural revolution began some ten millennia ago? It's a difficult problem. It's true that we can go back to the very early plants, but they wouldn't feed us. Now the more we select, the weaker the plant becomes. Some people are against that. They say it's discrimination against other plants. But how far do we go? We eat other life, that's a form of discrimination. I accept that, but with respect. We don't become greedy. Selecting healthy plants is not from a greedy mind. Yes, I do select in that sense. But if pesticides are not used and biological controls are not deliberately encouraged, what stops predators from exploding like a plague on his fields? All kinds of life forms thrive. Some small animals survive in the soil. Dead life forms accumulate and many things live on them. Some insects will eat rice and their droppings nourish the soil. This will be absorbed into the rice and the rice will survive. Rice will die and become a part of this cycle too. The accumulation of dead plants and animals becomes the stage for new life to grow. Actually, I learned dead bodies are more important than the soil itself. There are rice eaters and eaters of the rice field. It's a killing field. There's territoriality—the strong ones will win. That, too, is a fact of life. So in the real world, animals and plants are helping each other live and also killing each other. Those two aspects make one big totality. We were so inspired by Kawaguchi's knowledge and enthusiasm we hardly noticed the passing of time. Keibo asked Kawaguchi about EM (effective microorganisms), a technique of spraying large quantities of microorganisms onto fields.3 EM was developed by Professor Teruo Higa at the University of the Ryukus. Its premise is the notion that oxidation, the process that causes rust and corrosion, is the basis of environmental degradation. Its adherents claim that microorganisms that check oxidation can enrich soil, purify water, and deodorize barns. The theory has received a lot of publicity as a way of significantly increasing crop yields. Its advocates believe it will solve the problem of world food production. Kawaguchi replied: EM is still not free from trying to apply a scientific way of thinking. What science can find is part of something, but just a part. So the person working with EM found a part and is drawing on that part. But in the totality of soil, air, water, and living things, it's too simplified an approach. First, he distinguishes between "good" and "bad" organisms. That is wrong. Each microorganism has a much wider range of activities than just the one he's looking at. So you can't pull out just one function; there are many more microorganisms than science knows, and each one is complete in its existence and part of a totality. So to find just one wonderful function of one organism and bring it into the field disrupts the harmony of the field. The basic thing is to trust life and let it live in the natural world. Kawaguchi's insights are simple but profound. Scientists are understandably enthusiastic about how much has been learned in this century. But in their exuberance, they lead us to believe that the curtains of ignorance have been pulled back to reveal nature's deepest secrets. The application of knowledge to create powerful technologies creates an impression of understanding and control. But it is illusory because the time reference is so short. Chemicals that will kill insects can be synthesized, thus giving the impression that pests like mosquitoes and flies can be controlled. But our ignorance is so vast that "biomagnification," the process whereby chemicals are concentrated hundreds of thousands of times up the food chain, was discovered only when birds began to go extinct after DDT spraying. Kawaguchi continued: The rivers, the soil, the Earth are polluted. We did it. People using EM think we can solve the problem. But this, too, is wrong. The diseased Earth must be allowed to live. This is the quickest and best remedy. Kawaguchi's sage advice is a striking contrast to the "technological fix" beloved of engineers and experts. He makes us realize that so little is known about the workings of nature, new technologies inevitably create unanticipated problems, whether from dams, petrochemicals, antibiotics, or cars. The tendency then is to carry on with the offending technology because it has become so deeply integrated into our economic and social systems. Instead of halting the troublesome technology, we try to create another technological solution to the problems created by the technology in the first place. Certain proposed "scientific" solutions to global warming illustrate this tendency. Instead of doing the obvious, which is to cut back on greenhouse gas emission and hope nature can recover, some scientists propose, among other things, seeding the upper atmosphere with sulphur dioxide from a fleet of jumbo jets; putting huge amounts of iron, a limiting growth factor for algae, into the Antarctic Ocean to stimulate carbon dioxide-consuming plants; and spreading a massive plastic sheet in space to partially shield the Earth from the sun. These proposed megaprojects indicate a mentality that fails to acknowledge our ignorance or show respect for the complexity of the biophysical features of the planet and, instead, has faith in human inventiveness and creativity to control our destinies. We asked Kawaguchi what was wrong with using our intellectual ability to increase yields and quality of products. He replied: EM and organic farming are variations of technique. Each one has a sense of wonder over one aspect of nature. But they have no idea of the wonder of the totality. So EM shows wonderful effects, but once it is applied in nature, we have no idea what it will do. EM might be effective in the short term, but its effects will disappear because nature is always changing and will overwhelm it. If they use a lot, I am sure it will cause problems in plants. Every life form is based on so many elements that they can't be reduced to one or two. You can never say one microorganism is good or bad; that can be possible only in one environment. Australian scientist Bill Mollison has recently successfully promoted an indigenous agriculture called "permaculture."4 It involves using plants specifically belonging to that area for farming. We asked Kawaguchi how it differed from natural farming. Mollison's approach is almost there, but it's not there. Permaculturists understand ecosystems very well and speak of sustainable lifestyles within this ecosystem. But Mollison's followers are trying to use locally found plants in standard farming. It's like a garden. It's still human controlled. They are still trying to apply science. But natural farming philosophy attempts to follow nature. We don't try to make nature do what we want. When we interjected that Mollison does make a step forward by showing respect for local flora and fauna, Kawaguchi continued: But he hasn't taken the big step of acknowledging that he doesn't know everything and that we must live within nature. The land lets you live. The seasons give you the food from the land. The belief that scientific and technological knowledge is so powerful that nature can be "managed" finds its most striking expression in the language of industrial forestry. Foresters and the forest industry refer to the tree plantations that grow up after the "liquidation" of old growth or "wild" forests as "normal" forests. Forests are assessed in terms of "harvestable timber." Trees are called "stems" while non-economic species are "weeds." An ancient forest is called "decadent" and, if allowed to fall down, will "go to waste." The complex community of living and nonliving things that make up a forest is described simply as a potential crop. The idea that an ecosystem like a forest is analogous to a farmer's field is a bizarre rationale for modern forestry practice. Kawaguchi agreed. We never touch forests and mountains with our knowledge. We never bring our knowledge into the mountains. Of course, natural farming is not nature. We have our goals. We want crops. My farm looks like a forest but it is not. I have an objective—I want a crop—but we never do that with forests and mountains. All living forms are dependent on mountains and forests. They are sacred. Here in the fields, the most basic component is not rice, it is air and water. The intimate connection with the Earth and dependence on water, seasons, and natural rhythms provide a constant affirmation of the cycles of our own life and death, as Kawaguchi reminded us again: Life and death are just different forms of life. In the field, the maximum life span for a rice plant is half a year. You can't go beyond that. Human life, too, must end. Some people try to find medicine that will cure death. They see death as an enemy. I won't say that I am not afraid of death, but if I don't accept it, I can never really live or accomplish my work. Life cannot exist without eating other life. One life produces another and another and one life eats another and another. We are born and die and are born and die. That is why there are no enemies. Everything is balanced. To live is to eat. To eat is to involve death because we are eating something's life. As Kawaguchi puts a fresh vegetable into his mouth, he smiled. "But I don't think about that while I eat." Natural farming, as Kawaguchi stressed repeatedly, is more than just a way of growing fruits and vegetables. It is the practical embodiment of a worldview that sees human beings deeply embedded in the natural order and subservient to it. Natural farmers accept the enormity of their ignorance but trust the generosity of nature when approached with respect and humility. Natural farming methods are not fixed. The natural farmer should be constantly flexible and must learn intimately about the soil, insects, and natural conditions of the area. We must acknowledge and work with these variables and thus adapt our methods to encourage growth with minimal interference in the natural cycle. This philosophical outlook extends to every aspect of Kawaguchi's life. He is deeply absorbed in traditional Chinese medicine and treats family members and about fifty friends and neighbours, much to the consternation of his wife; she fears he'll be prosecuted for practising medicine without a licence. In many ways, he is an indigenous person, his knowledge and way of life derived from his body and the earth. I use medicine from China that is 8,000 years old. I regard it as wisdom of humanity. Everything is from nature. Synthetic things are not used. Two or three thousand years ago, China had a superb, well­rounded, integrated system of medical knowledge. It would be impossible for me to come to that knowledge by myself. I am only beginning to understand through reading. The development of mainstream medicine has paralleled the devel­opment of mainstream agriculture. Modern technological medicine attempts to cure sickness the same way modern agriculture tackles farming problems. In medicine and in agriculture alike, there must be a true way that respects life as it is. Unless we discover it, there is no future. We must go back to our original state and regain lost knowledge. Aboriginal people remind us of what we have lost. I am not denying scientific knowledge, but we must go beyond that and reach knowledge that can grasp the nature of life. I believe we all used to have that systematic body of knowledge. Each place, each locality, each ethnic group had a system of medicine. In India and Thailand it can still be found. The basic principles of farming and health are the same, Kawaguchi believes. We cannot comprehend nature, only assist it as best we can. Nature recreates and heals itself. ''As I learned how to grow rice," he said, "I learned how to heal myself after twenty years of mechanized farming." Twenty years ago, when Kawaguchi's liver stopped functioning, he went to hospitals, but no one could help him with the cysts growing on his face and body, his inability to urinate, and the yellowing of his skin. So he turned to Chinese medicine. An acupuncturist introduced me to ancient Chinese traditions. I learned that my health and my family's health had to be dealt with by ourselves. Since I changed to natural farming and ancient wisdom eighteen years ago, no member of my family has been to a hospital. In modern medicine there is no cure for the common cold or for cancer, but in this system the answers are there. The body and mind cannot be separated. It is almost impossible to have a sick body and a healthy mind. Both must be healthy. Kawaguchi believes that being self-sufficient in food and health is essential. The more I learn, the more I understand that ancient people had a deep understanding of life and that we know little about it. Sometimes I am scared about practising my medicine because, strictly speaking, it is illegal. But we must realize human laws don't apply to nature. There is a place beyond human laws. As long as I am not making any money and limit my patients to my friends, I don't think it will be a problem. Kawaguchi feels he is evolving towards an understanding of our complete immersion in nature. We must trust in nature, both outside in our surroundings and within ourselves. We need respect, awe, and humility. As we helped Kawaguchi's wife put the dinner dishes away, he set up his slide projector. We settled in for the show. Like a quiet missionary with a magic lantern show, Kawaguchi used stunning slides, which he himself had taken, to illustrate his philosophy. There was no preaching, just explanation. The pictures were mostly of his fields and his travels. His logic, like his writing, was simple, original, poetic, relentlessly cohesive and persuasive. Towards the end, the pictures showed a shocking contrast between natural life and the concrete paved world most of us live in. It was almost as if he was showing us the approaching autumn and winter of human existence. The most remarkable movement in the twentieth century has surely been the shift of people from agrarian societies to cities. From fewer than fifteen cities of more than a million people in 1900, humanity now occupies more than four hundred! More than half of our species now resides in cities, and the flow of people into them has become a raging torrent. But in such human-created environments, in which the only contact many have with food is at the supermarket, we become increasingly alienated from the biological world that supports us. It has been suggested that the profound alienation and loneliness within the highly pressured city life in Japan has caused a search for other values. The shocking discovery that well-educated young people were attracted to the doomsday cult Aum Shinrikyo has led to a radical re­examination of Japanese values. Almost all the people who tried natural farming were urban dwellers, salarymen who decided to change their way of living. Some people come to learn a philosophy of life, others child-rearing, education, or medicine. But some move from cities to the country and start farming. A few use natural farming, but many are landless. So we rented a piece of land that was unused and practised on it. There are 200 to 250 people learning there. There are now about five natural farms where we learn together. To Kawaguchi the next stage of civilization will be based on the value of life. You can see this feeble sprout coming out. In the natural world, everything starts out weak, forests or fields look feeble. It starts under the shade of the trees or in the leaf litter, and with light it can grow and replace the forest. As Kawaguchi walked us to the train station, the moon was high over Miwa Mountain. Our day should have been exhausting, but we found ourselves still energized by Kawaguchi's spirit. It was only after I started natural farming that I felt happy to be a farmer. Before, I felt as if I was standing in a deadly world. My rice and vegetables were growing, but I watched insects dying in agony and my fields become silent places devoid of any other forms of life. The natural, almost spiritual way that Kawaguchi has lived his life left us with a feeling of timelessness. It confirmed for us that he was on the threshold of something almost religious. I've tried many forms of spiritual discipline and meditation, but ultimately I realized I am a farmer and have accepted the Earth and nature as my teachers. After all, the goal in life is to discover how we can be truly happy and saved from fear and uneasiness. Actually in this sense, farming is secondary for me. My biggest motivation is to find peace of mind and to become more aware of the cycle of life and nature. In natural farming, we can never be experts; everything is a succession of discovery and surprise as we come to realize that nothing is permanent or fixed but is always in a constant state of change. As my understanding of life and nature grows deeper, so my mind becomes more and more peaceful. As we said goodbye to the Kawaguchi family, we reflected on the transformation in society in the past century. With lightning speed, humanity has undergone a fundamental shift in our connection with the Earth. Large parts of the population now work in factories and offices far removed from the life-sustaining activity of growing or gathering food. Natural farming signals a shift from large-scale industrial farming based on the notion of our ability to control food output. Kawaguchi uses a fundamentally different mindset, beginning with respect for the complexity of nature and humility about the extent of human understanding of that complexity. From that position, he has created a way of life built around nature's ability to sustain it. It is an important lesson in a world in which our lifestyle and demands contribute to clearing of forests for land, depletion of soil fertility, and chemical pollution of water and air. For Kawaguchi the change was mandated by practices that threatened his life. We wondered whether humankind has to be pushed to that brink before we will seriously begin to alter our agricultural practices. • The Japanese, like the citizens of all industrialized nations, are an urban people. Tokyo, Osaka, and even Kyoto are dominated by concrete, glass, and asphalt, the hallmarks of modern cities. And to city folk, food is what is available in shops and restaurants. Often highly processed and manipulated, it is hardly recognizable from its natural state. But some young people are finding new meaning in life, one that springs from a different attitude towards food. We travelled to Kamakura, the old city that was the capital of Japan in the thirteenth century, to speak with Shonosuke Okura, a "modern" noh drummer. The house belonged to friends of Okura's, but we agreed to meet him there because it was close to where he was performing that evening. We had already had dinner, but when we got to the beautiful old house, we found the dining table filled with different and unusual types of seafood. Okura encouraged us to eat. He explained that he'd received the food for a performance he'd given earlier that day in Ibaragi prefecture. In the traditional world he inhabited, food was often the form of payment. Again he urged us to dig in, saying: When I was eighteen years old, I ate naturally grown vegetables for the first time. I was shocked because I never knew vegetables could taste like this. The vegetable itself had this flavour. I began to see that vegetables sold in stores were not real vegetables. At the time I wasn't sure I wanted to go on with noh drumming. Noh is traditional Japanese theatre with at least six hundred years of history. The dancer-actors wear masks and move slowly and subtly to the accompaniment of musicians and drummers. The most important instrument is the drum called tsuzumi. Okura was a direct descendant of a family that has kept the tradition of noh drumming alive for centuries. Noh theatre is extremely stylized and formal. The people involved in noh theatre tend to be very conservative and traditional in their outlooks. We wondered about Okura. I felt I had to carry on the tradition, but there was always a gap between what I wanted to do and what I had to do. When I encountered natural food, I realized there was an animal in me. Until then, I had thought food was something people bought at the store, but now it is something I grow myself. At first Okura learned from a religious group that grew natural food. Later on he became an apprentice to a farmer who showed him how to plant and tend vegetables. I took up farming full-time. The second year I became independent as a farmer and leased an orange field in Issu to grow vegetables and rice. I sent the products to my family and others outside. They couldn't believe the flavour. My father, who had been depressed by my decision to quit drumming, realized what I was doing once he ate my food. They were so happy that they bought a piece of land in the mountains. I cleared the forest, cut trees, and began to farm, but it didn't work because the soil wasn't ready. So I had to use organic fertilizer and learn how to make soil. It was very depressing. I'd plant seeds, young shoots would stick up, and then they'd disappear. But I learned from these experiences, and the next year, I got a crop. As our conversation continued, we were concerned that Okura might have forgotten about his performance. It was already close to midnight, but he told us not to worry, that we still had plenty of time. While I was struggling, I found a daikon that was growing where I had dropped it accidentally. And it was huge and beautiful. It was perfectly shaped and had a beautiful symmetry of leaves. When I cut it open, the insides were beautiful. And it had grown without any help from me. So I realized that the idea that I am making these was simply not true. Ninety-nine percent is grown by nature. What I do is a tiny part. As he became more involved in farming, Okura found that agriculture was a tightly organized industry. The farmers' co-op would even establish the amount of fertilizer to be used. He was familiar with this kind of tight control from his experiences with noh theatre and drumming. I realized in the world of agriculture, the situation was such that young people had no future, no chance to succeed their parents in the work. I met farmers who were surprised to see me working in the field. They told me, "It's great you are farming. My kids don't want to." It was then that Okura realized that many of the problems plaguing the farming world were similar or parallel to what the world of noh was experiencing. This insight allowed him to think back to the world he was ready to give up. The drum and its rhythm have their roots directly in the heartbeat of human beings. It is rooted in our souls. While he was living on the farm, music slowly came back to him. One day it became clear that he was back in the world of noh. Finally Okura told us it was time to go to the Full Moon Gathering, an event Okura organized once a month at Chojagahama beach. Considering the dinner we had eaten earlier and all the seafood we had consumed since, it was surprising we were able to get through the door. We looked up into the sky to see a bright full moon, which was occasionally eclipsed by fast-flying, dark clouds. At around midnight, motorcycle riders began arriving in large groups. Okura was a well-known rider and had travelled all over the world on his bike. In North America he'd crossed the continent with Native Americans, playing his drum while they played theirs. At last, around one in the morning, Okura began to play his tsuzumi. He was dressed in formal attire, a black kimono with family crests and loose pants called hakama. As he beat the drum, he chanted in a low voice that rose slowly to a high-pitched yell. It was not a familiar sound to us, but he was obviously very well trained. A modern dancer in a loose and colourful traditional kimono danced wildly on the sand. As the dancer flew around him like a butterfly and as the drumming became more furious, suddenly with a loud crack the skies opened up and rain began to fall. But Okura's expression and drumming didn't change. The motorcycle riders who were standing watching the performance, their jackets shining slickly from the rain, hardly seemed to notice the downpour. Everyone's attention was riveted on Okura and his partner. Once the performance was done, even though the rain had turned to a torrential downpour, the ceremony continued. The leader of the motorcyclists welcomed David as their guest of honour. Women in kimonos sat on the sand. As the guest of honour, David was asked to participate in a traditional tea ceremony. Until recently, breaking tradition and performing noh like this on the beach in the middle of the night was unthinkable to the traditionalists in Okura's family. By the end of the ceremony, Okura appeared beside us in leather motorcycle gear. Now I know that my playing is expressing my experiences as a farmer, but at the time I didn't know that. The full-moon ceremony shows our relation between wind, the beach, sand, and the moon. These are part of my music. I can always go back to these things. We asked Okura if he had been inspired by indigenous people. Yes, but instead of seeing indigenousness as something special, I see it as something normal. It's in all of us. We must not resist the effort to keep indigenous culture going. We can learn from it. Instead of seeing it as foreign or special, even we modern people may have a kind of wisdom, so we have to work together. He then mounted his "wheels" and with his unlikely group of biker friends, disappeared into the misty curtain of light rain. • In all parts of the world, human beings are undergoing a dramatic shift from rural village life to urban city living. In Japan's rugged landscape, this transition is especially striking as cities spread out to cover over rice paddies and farmland. In cities, people buy their food packaged, often highly processed, with little to remind them of the food's source or ori­gins as farm produce. Okura took us back to the wellsprings of life, our nutrition from the Earth, while Kawaguchi went even further to an appreciation of the natural world's incomprehensible gift of bounty. Teaching for a Future "I get them to imagine being soil, being water. They imagine all kinds of things: water in a cup, the ocean, rivers. They travel through the water. They move their bodies or they sleep and listen to music. Sometimes I show pictures and lead them. Other times I let them imagine on their own. Sometimes I use just words. I get them to imagine being a pig. They are in the womb, they grow, they are born. Life then begins as a pig until it is finally killed." Toshiko Toriyama, Teacher The global degradation of the environment is a consequence of human activity that springs from a mindset—beliefs and assumptions that shape our priorities and the way we perceive our surroundings. For most of human existence, our brains were our critical edge for survival, conferring an ability to organize information and to use this knowledge base to exploit our surroundings. But for most of our history, we lived in small family groups of hunter-gatherers or small-scale agriculturalists with limited technologies and minimal consumption. The human imprint on the earth was light. Today we are the planet's most numbrous large mammal, with the added gift of science and technology muscle power, and an insatiable appetite for more and novel consumer goods. Driven by a global economy, we are perceptibly altering the biophysical makeup of the Earth, to the detriment of much of its biodiversity and our own societies. In thus human-dominated world, education plays a crucial role. In the past, each new generation acquired life skills by observing and copying their elders—an apprenticeship system. In modern society, formal education has replaced the elders in transmitting social, economic, and historical values of the dominant institutions. State-controlled education has played a seemingly contradictory role, reinforcing social standards and beliefs while simultaneously encouraging young minds to explore ideas at the leading edge of human thought. It is not an accident that universities have often been the most volatile foci of radical and revolutionary fervour. In Japan, education is the dominant means of imposing expectations and socially acceptable behaviour. Beginning with preschool, there are strong incentives to gain admission to the best schools and to do well, because at every level, performance will shape a child's career options in the future. North American educations compare their student performance with Asian students and suggest the country's postwar economic success is a reflection of its educational institutions. But critics like Katsuichi Honda (see Chapter 2) accuse Japanese education of producing hardworking automatons who parrot back what they've memorized. He characterized Japanese people as medaka, fish that cluster in schools and seem driven by an overriding need to stay within that group. Environmental journalist Hiroshi Ishi (see Chapter 2) claims that industrial Japan is driven by a rigid underlying militarism. Japanese learn to approach their work with military dedication and to go to war with their competitors. Others informed us of the growing phenomenon in schools of ijime, schoolyard bullying that seems to persecute children who fail to conform to schoolyard standards and can be cruel enough to drive such children to suicide. Given the enormous parental, teacher and peer-group pressure on Japanese schoolchildren, it takes an exceptional child to do something extraordinarily different. Aika Tsubota was one such. She created a comic book, Secrets of the Earth,1 just before she died in 1991 of a brain hemorrhage at the age of twelve. When her teacher assigned an elective project, Tsubota spent two months drawing and creating a guide to the Earth. Her main character was Earth, which had the head of a blue globe and the body of a human. Throughout the book, Earth explains to a sixth-grade boy and girl about the history of the Earth and the equilibrium of the ecosystem. The children talk with Earth about the problems of environmental destruction and learn some practices such as recycling and conservation to curb these problems. On the last page of the book Aika wrote: While writing this book I was thinking about the people in Africa and Southeast Asia. In those places children even younger than I am are working. I feel sorry that they can't study. To correct such problems we first must get rid of wars. I am so lucky that I have a home and am able to go to school and learn. I'd like to study hard and help eliminate the gap between the rich countries and the poor countries. I want to become a doctor and save lives. To improve our environment I decided to stop being selfish and do something about it. If everybody in the world thinks selfishly, the Earth won't last long. If everyone helps each other to create a beautiful world, it will be wonderful. It has been many years since Aika's sudden and tragic death. In that time "Secrets of the Earth" has been read in more than sixty countries. It has been made into a musical, and two theatre groups in Japan are presenting plays based on the book. The white paper put out by Japan's Envirnmental Agency, textbooks, and educational videos now feature the characters Aika created. Aika's parents traveled to Beijing in 1993 to accept a certificate of her posthumous election to the prestigious Global 500 Honour Roll of the United Nations Environmental Program. Despite her brief life, Aika has left something to inspire future generations. In education, a teacher's influence on children is often second only to that of parents, and in Japan teaching is one of the nation's most honoured professions. Although sensei means teacher, the title carries far more reverence than its English translation conveys. In Japanese society, teachers have an obligation to live up to this respect. In a rigid state education system where the emphasis on rote memory and correctness of performance and behavior, few teachers dare to be idiosyncratic or original. Toshiko Toriyama is one of those rare individuals who have survived within that system while bringing a fundamentally different approach to teaching. The day we met Toriyama was bleak and rainy. As we entered the coffee shop in the Tokyo headquarters of Sony, we saw her looking expectantly in our direction. She had a bright smile, a simple haircut, no makeup, and despite her age looked like a teenager. We had barely finished greeting each other when she dramatically recited a well-known poem by Kenji Miyazawa. neither yielding to rain nor yielding to wind yielding neither to snow nor the summer heat with a stout body like that without greed never getting angry always smiling quietly...2 As other patrons in the coffee shop stared in our direction, Toriyama seemed completely unselfconscious. Perhaps sometimes overly dramatic, but always concise and passionate, Toriyama stands out in a crowd. "I read this famous poem for the first time when I was ten years old," she said. The poet, Kenji Miyazawa (1896-1933) was a teacher of farming and a philosopher who wrote children's stories. Although he died at thirty-seven, he had such a full life that Toriyama thought that if she could achieve only half of what he had, she could die at thirty-seven and be happy. Kenji's philosophy was that without the world becoming happy there was no personal happiness. He had a vision for a new kind of education: We are all peasants; very busy, our work grueling We wish to discover a way to live with the zest and vigor of our ancestors I wish to discuss this within the context of the proofs of modern science, the experiments of truth seekers, and the unity of our institutions Individual happiness is impossible until the entire world gains happiness The awareness of Self will gradually evolve away from the individual to the group, society and the cosmos Is not this direction the path trodden and taught by the saints of old? The new era is to be found in a world which has become a single consciousness and a living thing Living properly and strongly means having an awareness of the galactic system within oneself, and acting in response to it Let us seek the world's true happiness The seeker's path is already a path.3 After we sat down together, Toriyama told us about some of her unique teaching methods. We would take children to a slaughterhouse to pigs actually be killed and butchered. Then we take them to a pig farm and see how piglets are grown under crowded, dark conditions. Children are shocked to see how different it is from what they imagined. It is dark and the rooms don't even have windows. Every hour the piglets are showered with a horrible antiseptic solution. There is no family life. All the pigs are separated. Everything is controlled. The children begin to see from the pig's point of view. For the children, pigs were nothing but meat that they saw wrapped in cellophane in the supermarket. Suddenly everything is connected in a very immediate fashion. Under Toriyama's tutelage, children learned to appreciate animals and see that life comes from other life, and for that, they should have a deep respect and appreciation. When she began teaching, she was surprised to find that some of her pupils thought that fish were born and lived in what they were packaged in at the supermarket. Toriyaka told a story about the parents who gave their child a beetle as a pet. When it died, the boy looked at it and said, "The battery has run out." After Toriyama's lessons, her students approached life differently. The children taste more carefully when they are eating. One boy said, "Now I realize how precious life is because that animal is the only one of its kind in the entire world." A girl said, "My mother is surprised because I began to eat a lot of fish. I feel I must eat more fish than meat because fish is whole with eyes." A boy wrote, "Before this, I didn't know how pigs were feeling, so I ate meat without a thought. But now I can't treat food in a careless way that would match the sadness of the pig." After a turbulent career teaching in the formal education system, Toriyama quit and decided to strike out on her own. I want to start a Kenji school based on his ideas. In his world there were all kinds of creatures and they all talked—even acorns and foxes. He used to quote the Buddhist teaching that everything is the universe is connected with a fine thread that extends out in all directions. At the center is a previous stone, and everything in the web is like a crystal. All over the universe from one end to the other are threads extending in all directions. Wherever they intersect, there is a crystal, and every entity, every grain of sand, raindrop, bird, insect—not just on Earth but everywhere in the universe—is represented. Then light enters and hits every crystal and reflects back onto every other crystal. We told Toriyama that this seemed reminiscent of astronomer Carl Sagan's work. He wrote that the latest ideas in astrophysics tell us a big bang occurred fifteen billion years ago, when there must have been a brilliant flash as matter itself was being formed in this unimaginably hot and dense cauldron. As the universe exploded outward, different states of particles formed, gradually cooling and forming the different elements of the universe. Today, through the history of stellar and biological evolution, we, like all other things in the universe, are made of the same stardust. Toriyama agreed. "So if one crystal is destroyed," she said, "it affects every other one. It means if we lose dragonflies, we lose human beings. It is urgent to put Kenji's ideas into practice." Throughout human history, people have understood the interconnectedness of everything—the past, present and future, the rocks, stars, trees, and ourselves. Therefore everything we do has repercussions that ripple throughout the universe. Modern science has tended to fragment our view of the world, but now physics is restoring the notion of interconnectedness. The chaos theory suggests that a butterfly's flight or a stone tossed into the ocean reverberates around the Earth. Toriyama was the editor of Hito (human being), one of the leading magazines for teachers. She has been using that as a voice to advocate her ideas. When we spoke to her, she was planning to launch a new magazine called Kenji's School. After we looked at the animated, vivacious woman sitting before us, it was hard to believe she was born in 1941, the eldest of five children in a family living in Kure in Hiroshima prefecture. During the war, her father worked as an engineer in a bullet factory on a large naval base. After it was bombed by the Americans, the family was forced to moved away. If they hadn't moved, they probably would have been in Hiroshima when the atomic bomb was dropped. When I was a child, I loved making flower gardens. I planted seeds and watered them every day and would watch them grow. I started when I was four years old and have never stopped. Seeds were my playthings. If I ate something that had a seed, I'd plant it. In 1960 Toriyama became active in a student movement that opposed resigning the U.S.-Japan Security Treaty. Her parents asked her not to take a prominent role in the movement. She could still be involved, they said, but they wanted her to stand in the back, out of sight. Instead, she stayed active in the movement but decided to move out of her parents' house. I worked for four years as a tutor while going to school. I was not living well. I had very little money and was eating very badly. By the time of graduation, I was critically ill. My teachers liked me, so they eventually helped me find a job. I ended up in Tokyo prefecture, far enough away that my background in the student movement wouldn't be known. She took the job on condition that she be surrounded by good air, good water, and good earth. She spent five years teaching at a school in a removed part of Tokyo prefecture next to a national park. There were sixty-three children in the whole school. It was "so remote that some families still didn't have electricity. Our classroom was the mountains and the rivers." This location suited Toriyama. As a girl she'd spent her time swimming in the mountain streams, and she recalled swimming alongside snakes and having fish nibble at her feet. I gathered mountain vegetables and mushrooms. We would collect wood and dead leaves for making cooking fires. Even today, when I see piles of dead leaves, I want to pick them up and take them home. Eventually she moved to a school near the American military base in Yokota, Tokyo. The Vietnam War was raging at the time and there were always jets flying ahead. "I used to cry because it was so noisy. I couldn't hear the rain dripping on the roof. I made a rice paddy in the corner of the schoolyard and planted a vegetable and flower garden." Every two months, she took her pupils and their parents to the mountains where they fished and parents composed haiku poems. I loved fishing. When I was a girl, I'd make my own rod and line and tie hooks on. In rice paddies, there were lots of fish in the irrigation ponds and ditches. I would use a screen on a bamboo frame and scoop things in the ditches. My grandmother often told me, "If you collect those living things they'll come back to haunt you at obon [the day to welcome souls of the deceased]." So I was afraid of obon, but I continued. The school itself was a surprise to her. It was the first time I saw a school with more than one section per grade. The problem was that in the Japanese system, one section can't stand out or get ahead of another. So each week we were told exactly what pages to cover in the books. As a result she was always fighting the school officials and only lasted three years at Yokota. She married when she was twenty-four. The couple soon had two daughters, and Toriyama continued to teach while raising them. While still a teacher in conventional schools, Toriyama used a variety of teaching methods, most of which didn't conform to the subscribed curriculum of other Japanese schools and teachers. We taught about the Ainu and North American Indians living harmoniously with nature. Throughout the year we had a theatre on Okikurumi [the god that was said to have descended on the Ainu community of Nibutani in Hokkaido] and the devil. We learned how the Ainu lived. I also had what I called Imagination Class. I had children act out being a praying mantis. They'd feel themselves born out of an egg mass, seeing the world for the first time, wriggling out of the shell, eating each other, sleeping, catching prey, laying eggs, dying. When they were tired, children asked for an Imagination Class. It energized them and stimulated them to do lots of writing. Not only did Toriyama have the children imagine they were animals and experience what they were feeling and what they must go through, she included inanimate objects. She had one Imagination Class where the children became pencils. She asked them how many people it took for them to become a pencil. The trees began to grow, people have to cut them down, transport them to the factory. There are ships built for transportation, iron to make the ships, and miners to get the iron. Through this process they realized what it takes to make a pencil. One kind of pencil is made from incense cedar from North America. I had the students therefore become a seed buried in the soil in the mountains of the American West. It begins to rain. We feel the moisture drenching us and feel the water as it seeps into our seed coat. We sprout. Then comes spring, summer, autumn, winter. One year, two years, three years. One metre, two metres, three metres. Finally twenty metres and one day we see a man coming toward us, he puts a chain saw on our trunk—oh, we're being cut. We're being cut down and it hurts. They also learned the history of pencils. That a hundred years ago a Mr. Yamazaki saw pencils being made in France. He studied the process there, then returned to make them in Japan. The children became Mr. Yamazaki. Toriyama took them to a pencil factory. Afterwards, the children really appreciated each pencil. Toriyama once took her grade three class on a field trip to the countryside, something almost unheard of in Japan. By midday the pupils were all hungry and asking to be fed. As they gathered around, Toriyama produced a live chicken. As they studied the chicken, feeling the sharpness of its claws, and looking into its beady little eyes, she announced that this was their meal. The children were horrified. Some even began to cry, and all of them begged her not to hurt the chicken. Toriyama began to tell them about their food and where it comes from. For the first time they realized that the cooked meat they ate so often at home had once been a live animal. Eventually hunger overcame their reluctance and the children agreed to eat the chicken. They participated in killing the bird, plucking it, cleaning it, cutting it up, and eventually cooking it. Hearing about this field trip, the school authorities were furious. But the parents were astounded to see a marked change in their children's attitude towards food. The youngsters had become deeply aware that they depend on living things for their own nourishment. We invited a "nuclear gypsy," a person who goes from one nuclear plant to another to work in the reactor, to come and talk in the classroom. We had all heard about nuclear plants but had no idea what they were or what the wastes were about. We have always been led to believe that we never have enough electricity. So we started asking, "Are we making the best use of electricity?" We learned that electricity is sent by people who work with and are exposed to radiation. Since all these plants are built in the countryside, we in cities get all of the advantages while these workers are affected. If it's really safe, why not build them in the backyard of the president of the electric company or in the middle of a big city? The children were shocked that adults would act like this. If we chose a theme like ocean, river, or forest, the students came up with ideas. They imagined they were plankton, the fish, the trees. They had to study what was in it. They learned how everything is interconnected. They looked at the life of coral, dinosaurs, the birth of the Earth. Children get very interested in nature. Their bodies come into resonance with the Earth. We learned how Ainu lives were destroyed by the Japanese. The ways Ainu and North American Indians were treated are so similar. The aboriginal people presented different ways of thinking: they didn't think about possessions. Imagination is very important in the way we teach. Toriyama produced three films. Body, Life, Food, subtitled "One month of Children with Toshiko," was done in 1985. The second film, The Teacher Who Jumped into the Universe with Joy, is about the former students of Kenji Miyazawa. According to his students, when he saw the beautiful sky, the poet would jump with joy. He would fly with the birds or he would come in and say that he had been swimming in the flowers. The third film is called Everyone Is a Monkey King. Monkey King us the hero in a Chinese folk story who resisted the teaching of Buddha and was imprisoned in a rock for five hundred years. When a great monk came by, the Monkey King became a disciple and followed him to India. The moral of the story is that only by good teaching could he see the way. Toriyama saw a direct link between this story and some of the problems that children face now. We are imprisoned in rocks. How can we come out and find a way of life? Children's bodies today are being destroyed both physically and mentally. Both the body and the soul are sick. They have skin problems and allergic reactions that didn't exist twenty years ago. Reactions to pollen became so bad that one study stated that up to forty percent of all children have problems. As well, there is asthma, children who refuse to go to school, anorexia, violence, bullying, and suicide. Parents and teachers don't know what's going on. In Japan everyone has to conform or they become a target. How can they be made healthy? I think the education policy went wrong, but it's mainly the parents. One night, she showed Everyone Is a Monkey King to two hundred parents. "After watching the film, some of them were crying. I told them that destroying the Earth is the same as destroying your children." The last stage of destruction of nature is the health of our bodies and those of our children. Without healthy children to grow into contributing members of society, the future looks bleak. But Toriyama refuses to give up. "Look at the story of the Monkey King," she said. "He was released from the rock after five hundred years, and there must be a way for us to come out of our rock." The solution may not be in a faraway place, but within ourselves: the body may be the final battleground. Like the Monkey King we have the ability to find the answers, find the way out. We just have to look in the right places. Toriyama held a workshop for parents whose children were sick. She showed them films and magazines and discussed alternatives and solutions. Parents were challenged to face their problems and begin to heal themselves as a first step to helping their children. When Japan was poor, people had to work hard together, but now they seem to have lost their purpose. They need something that binds human beings together in a profound way, or we can't go on. Until now, parents blamed the minister of education or the school or the teachers. But they need to face themselves. Some of the best teachers have left because they're too burned out or discouraged. This film urges parents to change themselves. After seventeen years, Toriyama and her husband parted. Then, after thirty years, she resigned as a teacher in the formal education system. At my farewell, I asked the children, "Eight years from now, who thinks the air will be cleaner?" No one put up their hands. "Who thinks it will be worse?" Most put up their hands. Then I asked about the water, soil, trees, oceans, rivers. Everyone responded negatively. We human beings have never gone through this kind of environmental crisis. So our children are having to go through it without being taught what to do. How painful it is. I want to tell adults to wake up. I tell children, "Don't give up. We have to work together. Will you work with me?" Soon it will be the next century. I'll be sixty years old. It's my target to reach that age. Since childhood, Toriyama has been interested in Kenji Miyazawa's ideas. One of the poet's dreams was to create a school, but he died before he could realize it. Today Kenji is one of the most popular poets in Japan, but Toriyama wonders how many people understand what he was trying to accomplish: an environment where young people could learn the values of nature and farming. A Kenji school doesn't have to be confined in permanent buildings, she explained. The school could be freely spread by individual supporters—teachers, parents, even students—all over Japan. The ideas could be applied in different forms. For example, children going to public school could attend classes by taking breaks from public school, or they could attend after school. The Kenji way is not a passive form of education; Toriyama had already tested it while she was still teaching. We would participate and become things—we would be rivers, trees, flowers in Kenji's world. And a Kenji school is not just for children, but also for the parents. It is crucial for parents and youngsters to think together about their lives and about nature. The schools would form a network of people in which everybody would be connected. Toriyama's radical approach is much more than a way to educate children about the facts of life. It is an attempt to reconnect these children to their biological roots. To her, nourishment, sexuality and death are natural and must be accepted and appreciated. And it's important, she feels, to reach the source of the children—their parents. Through her magazine and film, she is slowly gaining support for her message that somehow we have to look at and repair a world that is sick and dying. People seem to be giving up, but we have to do something about the environmental crisis. The rate of destruction is so fast there is no time to waste. So we need lots of people doing something. Adults work hard to send children to good schools and to get good marks, but what are they studying for? Is there anything more important than working for the health of the Earth and the health of people? I'm happy that children have told me, "I'd like to do something about it." We reflected on the enormity of the challenge Toriyama has accepted as we big farewell and entered the subway station. Many of the large, industrialized cities of Japan are ecological nightmares, biological deserts entombed in concrete and asphalt, air thick with exhaust fumes and factory emissions. The pollution became more intense the closer we got to Tokyo. The problems here can be seen as much a failure of education as of politics and business. • Our investigative journey began in Okinawa at the southernmost tip of the Japanese archipelago and over two years took us through the country to Hokkaido, the northernmost major island. Everywhere, after we penetrated the curtain of ritual greetings and politeness, we found an amazing array of diverse, creative, and original people, which suggests a massive potential for innovation. The blanket of social expectation and approbation that restricts individualist behavior and nonconformity is pierced by those who somehow find the strength and courage to think and act on their own observations and beliefs. Around the world, social structures are collapsing under the weight of explosive population growth and massive shifts in where this population lives. There are enormous pressures of widespread poverty, ecological collapse, civil strife, and the increase in new and old diseases—AIDS, malaria, tuberculosis. Highly industrialized countries like Japan, which depend on global resources and markets, are beginning to confront the reality of their dependence on renewable and nonrenewable products, of the planet's finite limits, and of the ecological and social unsustainability of our high-consumption lifestyle. It is from the turmoil within the Japanese that we now seen that new paradigms, priorities, lifestyles, and goals are emerging. They provide an important source of new ways of perceiving, thinking and acting for all of us in the global village who strive to find ways to achieve social, economic and environmental balance. Epilogue by Keibo Oiwa Our journey has come to an end. On the way, we encountered many remarkable individuals who showed us the unfamiliar faces of a complex society. Their unique ways of thinking and acting, their ethnic, cultural, historical, and ecological diversity, challenged our image of the Japanese monolith, a people all conforming to a single identity. Some might argue that the people we met are nothing but dots scattered throughout Japan. And that, for us, finding the dots was often more a personal and instinctive act than a scientific and methodological one. Both of these suggestions are true. But when we connected the dots, we were astonished to see a meaningful shape emerge. These idiosyncratic individuals share some common traits: they are remarkably uninfluenced by the thoughts and ideologies that dominate the Japanese intellectual world, both left and right, liberal and conservative; they have a special relationship to a particular place, whether a remote Okinawan island or a crowded neighbourhood in Osaka; and they enjoy a sense of connectedness to their natural, cultural, and communal environment. They also seem to share a different sense of time. The process of swift modernization has left most Japanese with a profound contempt and disgust towards their own cultural tradition. Such an atmosphere of self­-hate, supplemented by an inferiority complex towards Americans, successfully drove the nation towards the postwar economic reconstruction. But the people we met in our journey somehow survived without losing their roots in the past; they still make good use of cultural tradition, as if, to use a Japanese expression, drawing fresh water from the well. They are not traditionalist in the narrow sense of the term, however. Their imagination and creativity have not been restricted or hampered by the past. Rather, their connectedness and rootedness drive their imaginations and creativity. They are radical in the original sense of the term. None of the people in this book is merely a dreamer or a thinker, for all are traditional in the sense that they live up to the old teaching that thoughts and action are inseparable. They are practical, yet sensitive to spirituality. They are humble, yet proud of who they are. And, probably most importantly, they are fun to be with. • Every journey has a personal side. Ours was no exception. Travelling together, David and I rediscovered Japan through each other's fresh viewpoint. In March 1994, as we started a trip to the western part of Japan, we began to talk about our individual pasts. In hotel rooms across Japan, at my home, and on a boat to Okinawa, David told me how uncomfortable and sometimes unbearable it had been for him to grow up with a Japanese name and an Asian face in a racist society. His stories about Japanese-Canadians who struggled with their own sense of identity were moving, some funny, some sad. While he found their loss of identity and assimilation tragic, he also felt that trying to identify himself with ethnicity was artificial and strange. David was most comfortable when he spoke about one Japanese­Canadian in particular: his father, Carr Suzuki. At the time, Mr. Suzuki, who lived in Vancouver, was critically ill with cancer. I cherish the mem­ory of David's wonderful stories about this man whom, it turned out, I would never meet. Also at that time, I began to talk about my own father, but soon realized I didn't have much to say. What was most curious to David was that, until I turned thirty, I hadn't known for sure that my father was Korean, and I had grown up with no Korean cultural background. David asked me, "So, is he ashamed of being Korean?" I responded, "Are you kidding? He's so proud he's almost racist." Another thing that perplexed David was my delight with my newly discovered Korean background. "But you're not Korean," David pointed out, "so how can you be pleased?" To this I said, "It's like securing a foothold," but I could not clearly explain what it meant to me to be connected with my father and his experiences as part of a minority. For David, a Japanese-Canadian sansei, travelling in his grandparents' homeland was an odyssey into a foreign culture, but in many ways it was the same for me. I had been away more than fourteen years. That absence and discovery of my Korean background made Japan look exotic to me. Moreover, as I met people in minority communities, I increasingly realized the strength that came from a minority position. I even thought it was better to be a minority. The vast majority of people rarely question their identity, nor are they conscious of it. Their understanding of the past and their imagina­tion about the future are limited. The oppressed minorities of the Ainu, the Okinawans, the burakumin, and the Koreans often stand on the crossroads where the crisis of humanity meets with the crises of animals, plants, oceans, rivers, and mountains. Because they are restricted to these critical places, their environmental understanding becomes deeper and their vision of the future clearer. In April 1994 David returned to Canada and moved into his father's home to care for him. Carr Suzuki's final days passed rapidly, and in brief faxed messages, David told me what those days were like. His descrip­tions struck me as strangely joyful, a son sharing a final sacred ritual with his father: "My father is becoming rapidly weaker, but his mind and his spirit are so strong that he is hanging on. Last weekend, I drove him up to our cottage on Quadra Island. I thought he might die, but he became stronger and I wheeled him around in a wheelchair. He kept saying, 'This is paradise,' and was so happy to have seen it once more." Soon I received another fax. His father had passed away. David wrote in his father's obituary: Carr Kaoru Suzuki died peacefully on May 8th. He was eighty-five. His ashes will be spread on the winds of Quadra Island. He found great strength in the Japanese tradition of nature-worship. Shortly before he died, he said: "I will return to nature where I came from. I will be part of the fish, the trees, the birds—that's my reincarnation. I have had a rich and full life and have no regrets. I will live on in your memories of me and through my grandchildren." Two weeks after his father's passing, David decided to come back for another trip to the eastern part of Japan. I asked him to meet my father. I was deeply moved by David's relationship with his, and I wished to begin a new relationship with mine. I had a hunch that, in David's presence, my father, who had always been painfully reticent when speaking to me, might be more comfortable talking about himself. And I was right. In a meeting with David and me, my father eloquently told us about his personal history: his childhood in North Korea under Japanese rule, his voyage to Japan, and his youthful aspiration to fight for the emancipation of his nation. He told us that he got stuck in Japan after the end of the Second World War and had never been back to his native country. All his family members were wiped out during the Korean War. At the end of our meeting, my father added that he would return to his homeland to spend his last years there. Much of what he said then was new to me and my family. The taped record of the meeting has since become an invaluable part of his legacy. He passed away one and a half years later in Japan, without fulfilling his dream to go back to Korea. The period during which David and I travelled, interviewed, and wrote this book was a time of caring for our fathers, parting from them, and mourning for them. I feel that our journey has given me an opportunity to explore my own sense of identity, an area my father left behind for me to explore. In this sense, the journey, to me, is continuing. • For Japan, also, change is ongoing. After so many years, the myth of a monolithic Japan is crumbling. Signs of change may still look small and feeble, yet they are everywhere. Diversity is surely the key to a better future for Japan. And for me, it is also the key to a new self, one that is no longer lost and disconnected. Our journey and the people we met taught me that Japan has much more to offer than I used to think. With their wisdom, we still might be able to regain our connection to our own past and to our future. Notes and Bibliography Chapter 1: The Legacy of War Books of Interest Chibana, Shoichi. Burning the Rising Sun: From Yomitan Village, Okinawa, Islands of US. Bases. Translated by South Wind. Matsuyama city: South Wind, 1992. Field, Norma. In the Realm of a Dying Emperor. New York: Pantheon Books, 1991. Maruki, lri, and Toshi Maruki. The Hiroshima Panels: Joint Works of Iri Maruki and Toshi Maruki. Saitama: Maruki Museum, 1988. Tsurumi, Patricia E., ed., The Other Japan: Postwar Realities. Armonk, N.Y.: M. E. Sharpe, 1988. Chapter 2: Remembering the Past 1 Japan Times, 10 June, 1995. 2 San Francisco Chronicle, 20 June 1994, and New York Times, 23 January 1994. 3 Hazel O'Leary, letter to U.S. Secretary of Energy, to the President of Power Reactor and Nuclear Fuel Development Corporation, 7 February 1993. 4 The Impoverished Spirit in Contemporary Japan: Selected Essays of Honda Katuichi, ed. John Lie (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1993), 1. 5 ibid., pp. 50-51. 6 ibid., 54. 7 ibid., 55-56. 8 ibid., 56-57. 9 ibid., 95. lO ibid., 171-73. 11 ibid., 174. 12 ibid., 178-79. 13 ibid., 180. 14 ibid., 179. 15 ibid., 158. 16 ibid., 129-130. 17 ibid., 143. Book of Interest Japan's Plutonium: A Major Threat to the Planet. Berkeley, Cal.: Plutonium Free Future, 1992. Chapter 3: Life is the Treasure 1 Shoko Ahagon, The Island Where People Live, ed. and trans. C. Harold Rickard (Hong Kong: CCA, 1989), vi. Book of Interest Ahagon, Shoko. Inochi koso takara (Life Is the Treasure). Tokyo: lwanami­-shoten, 1992. Chapter 4: A Sense of Place 1 Jun Ui, ed., Yanaka-mura kara Minamata Sanrizuka e (From Yanaka Village to Minamata, Sanrizuka: Sourcebook of Japan's Ecological Philosophy) (Tokyo: Shakai-hyoron­sha, 1991). 2 Gerard Piel and Osborn Segerberg, Jr., The World of Rene Dubos (New York: Henry Holt, 1990). 3 Michiko Ishimure, Paradise in the Sea of Sorrow, trans. Livia Monnet (Kyoto: Yamaguchi Publ. House, 1990). Book of Interest Higa, Yasuo. Kamigami no koso (Gods Underneath). 12 volumes. Okinawa: Nirai-sha, 1989-92. Chapter 5: The Original People 1 Shigeru Kayano, Our Land Was a Forest (San Francisco: Westview Press, 1994). 2 ibid., 18. 3 Shin'ichiro Takakura et al., eds., Ethnography of Ainu (Ainu Minzoku­shi) (Tokyo: Daiichi Hoki Shuppan, 1969). Book of Interest Exhibition Organizing Committee. Exhibition of Ainu Pictures to Promote Human Rights. Sapporo: Exhibition Organizing Committee, 1993. Chapter 6: Shared Blood, Different Futures 1 Norma Field, "Beyond Envy, Boredom, and Suffering: Toward an Emancipatory Politics for Resident Koreans and Other Japanese" in Positions 1:3 (winter 1993) Durham: Duke University Press. Byung-ho Chung, Childcare Politics: Life and Power in Japanese Day Care Centres (PhD thesis, University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign, 1992). Books of Interest Buraku Liberation League, ed. The Road to a Discrimination-Free Future: The World Struggle and the Buraku Liberation Movement. Osaka: Buraku Liberation League, 1983. Buraku Liberation Research Institute, ed. The Literacy Work and Discrimination in Japan. Osaka: Buraku Liberation League, 1990. Hane, Mikiso. Peasants, Rebels and Outcasts: The Underside of Modern Japan. New York: Pantheon Books, 1982. Tanaka, Hiroshi. Zainichi gaikokujin (Foreigners in Japan). Tokyo: lwanami­shoten, 1995. Chapter 7: The Korean Mirror 1 Japan's Subtle Apartheid—The Korean Minority Now (Tokyo: Research and Action Institute for Koreans in Japan, 1990). 2 ibid. 3 ibid. 4 Hiroshi Tanaka, Report in Shosusha kara mieru nippon (Yokohama: Meiji Gakuin University, Institute for International Studies, 1995). Seisanareta rekishi o tou, Zainichi no sengohosho o motomeru kai (Tokyo: 1994). Pamphlet (in Japanese). 5 Time magazine, 12 September 1994. The Australian, 28 November 1994. The Australian, 12 December 1994. 6 Japan Times, 6 June 1995. 7 Japan Times, 7 June 1995. 8 ibid. 9 Shijong Kim, "Mienai machi" (The Invisible Town), in Gen'ya no shi (Poems of Wilderness) (Tokyo: Rippu­shobo, 1991). Book of Interest Tanaka, Hiroshi. Zainichi gaikokujin (Foreigners in Japan). Tokyo: lwanami­shoten, 1995. Chapter 8: Voices from the Belly 1 Shunsuke Tsurumi, Amenouzume-den (The Legacy of Amenouzume) (Tokyo: Heibon-sha, 1991), 145-64. Book of Interest Tsurumi, Shunsuke. A Cultural History of Postwar Japan: 1945-1980. London: KPI, 1987. Chapter 9: Poisoned Waters 1 Kenneth Strong, Ox Against the Storm: A Biography of Tanaka Shozo (United Kingdom: Paul Norbury Publications, 1985). 2 ibid., 122. 3 ibid., 119. 4 ibid., 201. 5 ibid., 206. 6 ibid., 211. 7 ibid., 211. 8 Jun, Ui, ed., Yanaka-mura kara Minamata Sanrizuka e (From Yanaka Village to Minamata, Sanrizuka: Sourcebook of Japan's Ecological Philosophy) (Tokyo: Shakai-hyoron­sha, 1991). Book of Interest Ishimure, Michiko. Paradise in the Sea of Sorrow, trans. Livia Monnet. Kyoto: Yamaguchi Publ. House, 1990. Ui, Jun, ed. Industrial Pollution in Japan. Tokyo: United Nations University Press, 1992. Chapter 10: Green Democracy 1 Kazuki Kumamoto, Jizokuteki Kajhatsu to seimeikei (Sustainable Development and Life System) (Tokyo: Gakuyo-shobo, 1995), 18. Book of Interest Tomino, Kiichiro. Gurin Demokurashi (Green Democracy). Tokyo: Hakusui­sha, 1991. Chapter 11: The Food Connection 1 Masanobu Fukuoka, The One Straw Revolution: An Introduction to Natural Farming (Emmaus: Rodale Press, 1978). 2 Masanobu Fukuoka, The Natural Way of Farming: The Theory and Practice of Green Philosophy (Tokyo: Japan Publications, 1987). 3 Teruo Higa, Chikyu o sukuu dai­henkaku (EM: The Revolution That Will Save the Earth), vols. 1 and 2 (Tokyo: Sanmaku shuppan, 1994-95). 4 Bill Mollison and Reny Mia Slay, Introduction to Permaculture (Tyalgum, Australia: Tagari Publications, 1994). Book of Interest Kawaguchi, Yoshikazu. Taenaru hatake ni tachite (Standing in the Godly Field). Hirosaki: Yasosha, 1990. Chapter 12: Teaching for a Future 1 Aika Tsubota, Secrets of the Earth (Tokyo: Chikyu kankyo heiwa zaidan, 1992). 2 Hiroaki Sato and Burton Watson, eds. and trans., From the Country of Eight Islands: An Anthology of Japanese Poetry (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1981), 505-6. 3 Mallory Blake Fromm, Miyazawa Kenji no riso (The Ideals of Kenji Miyazawa) (Tokyo: Shobunsha, 1984). Books of Interest Kogo, Motohiko. Midori no boken (Green Adventure). Tokyo: Iwanami­shoten, 1988. Miyazawa, Kenji. Winds from Afar, Stories by Kenji Miyazawa. Translated by John Bester. Tokyo and Palo Alto: Kodansha International, 1972. Toriyama, Toshiko. Shizen o ikuru jugyo (To Live Nature in the Classroom). Tokyo: Bansei-shobo, 1991. Toriyama, Toshiko. Minna ga songoku (Everyone Is a Monkey King). Tokyo: Taro-jiro-sha, 1994. Periods in Japanese History Jomon Pottery Culture (8000 B.c.-300 B.c.) Rice Cultivation introduced Yayoi Pottery Culture (300 B.C.-A.D. 300) Yamato State (A.D. 350-7th century) Buddhism introduced Nara Period (710-794) Heian Period (794-1185) Kamakura Period (1192-1333) Muromachi Period (1338-1573) 1543 — Portuguese arrived on Tanegashima Island and introduced firearms to Japan 1592 — Hideyoshi invades Korea Edo Tokugawa Period (1603-1867) 1633 — First stage of policy of isolation from world 1639 — Portuguese ships banned from Japan Genroku Era (1688-1703) Bunka-Bunsei Era (1804-1829) 1853 - U.S. Commander Perry arrives Modernization Period (1867-present) Meiji Era (1868-1912) 1889 — Promulgation of the Imperial Constitution of Japan 1894 — Sino-Japanese War 1904 — Russo-Japanese War 1910 — Annexation of Korea Taisho Era (1912-1926) 1914 — Japan declares war on Germany (First World War) 1923 — Great Tokyo earthquake Showa Era (1926-1989) 1931 — Mukden incident, Japan occupies Manchuria, beginning the Fifteen-Year War 1937 — Japan invades China 1940 — Tripartite Pact signed by Japan, Germany, and Italy 1941 — Japan attacks Pearl Harbor 1945 — Atomic bombs dropped on Hiroshima and Nagasaki, war ends as Japan surrenders 1946 — Promulgation of the Constitution of Japan 1950 — Creation of National Police Reserve, renamed the Self Defence Force in 1954 1950 — Korean War begins 1951— San Francisco Peace Treaty and Japan-U.S. Security Pact (Anpo) are signed 1960 — Anpo Movement against the renewal of the Japan-U.S. Security Pact 1972 - Reversion of Okinawa Normalization of relations with People's Republic of China Heisei Era (1989-present) 1995 — 50th anniversary of the end of Second World War (Source: Japan Almanac 1994, Tokyo Asahi Newspaper) Acknowledgments This book is a chronicle of the four trips we made over a two-year period. During that time we crossed Japan from the southwestern islands of Okinawa to northeastern Hokkaido and interviewed more than sixty-five people known for their grassroots activities. The interests of our interviewees fell into three broad areas— peace, civil liberties, and environment—and this is essentially how we have organized our book. All these people gave generously and freely of their time and interest, and we are very grateful to them. Many of them were sufficiently fluent in English to allow us to carry out our entire interview in English. When interviewees spoke only Japanese, Keibo translated. We hope we have presented all those we have quoted faithfully and respectfully. That is our way of thanking them for their generous gift of time and ideas. As well, there were others we interviewed but could not fit easily into this format. They included Jung-do Bae, Konosuke Fujii, Akiko Fujimoto, Susumu Fujimoto, Miwako Kaizawa, Kazuto Kato, Shinya Kim, Shokichi Kina and the Champloos, Reiko Ko, Motohiki Kogo, Shigeru Koyama, Shigeyoshi Matsumoto, Miki Matsuo, Kazuko Murata, Kiyoshi Mukaizato, Kinhide Mushakoji, Keiko Nakamura, Tadao Osawa, Luis Toguchi, Sumio Yamamoto, and Sogil Yan. We are grateful for the time they spent with us and regret their exclusion from the final product. Some who went beyond the bounds of hospitality and courtesy deserve special mention. We thank the incredible generosity of Shigeki Takeo, Yumiko Horikoshi, Yuriko and Masamitsu Takiguchi, all of whom accompanied, guided, and hosted us at different points along our journey. Shun Oiwa was an excellent chauffeur who navigated some terrifying streets and also served as a photographer. We were fortunate to have journalist Cleo Pascal as a research assistant and Thom Richardson as an editing assistant. We have no idea how we could have pulled things together and kept focused on what we were writing without the heroic efforts of our editor, Jennifer Glossop. We also thank the Institute for International Studies at Meiji Gakuin University in Yokohama and the David Suzuki Foundation in Vancouver for providing us with the space, staff support, and materials as we were working on this book. We are grateful to the authors who generously gave us permission to quote from their work. Finally, without the enthusiastic support and hard work at home of our wives, Tara Cullis and Mari Sato, while we were travelling and working on the book, it would not have been written.

The National Rifle Association demanded Phil Bredesen, the Democratic nominee in the 2018 Tennessee Senate race, retract an ad touting an outdated rating from the organization. "Phil Bredesen is a ‘D' rated candidate, and he will not protect our constitutional rights in Washington, D.C.," Chris W. Cox, chairman of the NRA's Political Victory Fund, said in a statement. "Tennesseans should not be fooled by his false and misleading campaign ads." The gun-rights group called on Bredesen to retract the ad he posted yesterday touting his A rating from his time as governor. Real independence and not party politics — that’s what’s right for Tennessee. pic.twitter.com/BmyyvJGL2e — Phil Bredesen (@PhilBredesen) September 19, 2018 "It's not 2002, you're not governor and you're not A-rated by the NRA," Cox tweeted at Bredesen in response to the ad. "It's 2018, you have earned a D rating for turning your back on self-defense and supporting the Hillary/Schumer/Bloomberg gun control agenda. @VoteMarsha is a 2A champion. You're not." Cox finished the tweet with the hashtag "#stoplying." The Bredesen campaign did not immediately reply to a request for reaction to the NRA's comments. The campaign of Bredesen's opponent, Republican Marsha Blackburn, didn't immediately respond to a request for comment. The Tennessee Republican Party, however, accused Bredesen of misleading voters. "Phony Phil is caught talking out of both sides of his mouth once again, and the NRA is right to call out Bredesen for his false claims," Scott Golden, Tennessee Republican Party chairman, told the Washington Free Beacon. "Gun owners and all Tennesseans who care about our Second Amendment freedoms recognize that Marsha Blackburn is the only one in this race who will stand up to the national Democrats' radical anti-gun agenda." The NRA announced on Wednesday they endorsed Blackburn. "Marsha Blackburn is the only candidate in this race who will defend our Second Amendment rights in Washington, D.C.," Cox said on Wednesday. "The NRA encourages all freedom-loving Tennesseans to vote Marsha Blackburn for Senate in November." The group said on Thursday that Bredesen's ad reinforced their decision to endorse Blackburn. "Bredesen will vote against Tennessee values in Washington," Cox said. "He will kowtow to the gun control elitists and support Chuck Schumer and Nancy Pelosi's anti-freedom agenda. His new ad is a shameful attempt to fool the voters in his home state, and NRA members won't be fooled."

Q: How to control fan speed in Dell Inspiron 5010 (15R)? How can I control fan speed on Inspiron 15R? I installed i8kutils as instructed on ubuntuforums but don't know how to use it. Fan makes quite a noise and runs all the time. A: So doing the research on this, it looks like the way to control the fan is to issue the following command: i8kctl fan R L Where R is the right fan mode and L is the left fan mode. The modes are as follows: 0 turn the fan off 1 set low speed 2 set high speed - don't change the state of this fan You should install sensors-applet which contains an applet you can add to your gnome panel. This keeps track of the temperature of your cpu and system and you should certainly keep a track on it if you are going to change the fan speed. Once you've got the applet installed, you just have to right click on your gnome panel and click Add to panel... look down the list for Hardware Sensors Applet

About Me Brian Leiter is Karl N. Llewellyn Professor of Jurisprudence and Director of the Center for Law, Philosophy, & Human Values at the University of Chicago. He works on a variety of topics in moral, political, and legal philosophy. His current Nietzsche-related work concerns Nietzsche's theory of agency and its intersection with recent work in empirical psychology; Nietzsche's arguments for moral skepticism; and the role of naturalism in Nietzsche's philosophy.

Q: const enum in typescript (tsc.js vs typescript.js) I have a const enum in typescript: const enum LogLevel { TRACE = 0, DEBUG = 1, INFO = 2, WARN = 3, ERROR = 4, SILENT = 5 } Based on the typescript spec the following field: private foo: number = LogLevel.DEBUG; should be compiled as: this.foo = 1 /* DEBUG */; When I use tsc from the command line (Windows) it works as expected. But when it is compiled with awesome-typescript-loader in a webpack project (which uses the typescript.js from node_modules as opposed to the tsc.js which is used by tsc), then the enum constant is not getting inlined: this.foo = LogLevel.DEBUG; Both the tsc and the node module version are the same (2.0.2). I think there should not be a difference between the two. Does anybody know why? A: It turned out it was caused by the declaration option in tsconfig.json. If it is set to false, the two compilations produce the above inconsistent result. But when it is set to true, it works as expected. Not sure why this flag has such an effect on the outcome.

package net.anotheria.moskito.core.tracer; import net.anotheria.moskito.core.config.MoskitoConfigurationHolder; import net.anotheria.moskito.core.config.tracing.TracingConfiguration; import net.anotheria.moskito.core.journey.JourneyManager; import net.anotheria.moskito.core.journey.JourneyManagerFactory; import net.anotheria.util.sorter.StaticQuickSorter; import java.util.List; import java.util.concurrent.CopyOnWriteArrayList; import java.util.concurrent.locks.ReadWriteLock; import java.util.concurrent.locks.ReentrantReadWriteLock; /** * TODO comment this class * * @author lrosenberg * @since 04.05.15 17:40 */ public class Tracer { /** * Associated producer for this tracer. */ private String producerId; /** * If true the tracer is currently enabled. Disabled tracer doesn't collect any futher traces. */ private boolean enabled; /** * Journey manager is used to add remove journey-steps. */ private static JourneyManager journeyManager = JourneyManagerFactory.getJourneyManager(); /** * Sorttype for keep longest strategy. */ private TraceSortType sortTypeForKeepLongest = new TraceSortType(TraceSortType.SORT_BY_DURATION, TraceSortType.DESC); /** * Lock for deletion of traces in case we gather too many traces. */ private ReadWriteLock resizeLock = new ReentrantReadWriteLock(); private List<Trace> traces; private int totalEntryCount; public Tracer(String aProducerId){ producerId = aProducerId; enabled = true; traces = new CopyOnWriteArrayList<Trace>(); } public String getProducerId(){ return producerId; } public boolean isEnabled() { return enabled; } public void setEnabled(boolean enabled) { this.enabled = enabled; } public int getEntryCount(){ return traces == null ? 0 : traces.size(); } public void addTrace(Trace aTrace, int toleratedAmount, int maxAmount){ totalEntryCount++; try { resizeLock.writeLock().lock(); traces.add(aTrace); if (traces.size() <= toleratedAmount) return; TracingConfiguration config = MoskitoConfigurationHolder.getConfiguration().getTracingConfig(); List<Trace> oldTraces; switch (config.getShrinkingStrategy()) { case KEEPLONGEST: oldTraces = StaticQuickSorter.sort(traces, sortTypeForKeepLongest); traces = new CopyOnWriteArrayList<Trace>(); for (int i = 0; i < oldTraces.size(); i++) { if (i < maxAmount) { traces.add(oldTraces.get(i)); } else { journeyManager.getOrCreateJourney(Tracers.getJourneyNameForTracers(producerId)).removeStepByName(Tracers.getCallName(oldTraces.get(i))); } } break; case FIFO: oldTraces = traces; traces = new CopyOnWriteArrayList<Trace>(); int offset = toleratedAmount - maxAmount; for (int i=0; i<oldTraces.size(); i++){ if (i>=(1+offset) && i<=(maxAmount+offset)){ traces.add(oldTraces.get(i)); }else{ journeyManager.getOrCreateJourney(Tracers.getJourneyNameForTracers(producerId)).removeStepByName(Tracers.getCallName(oldTraces.get(i))); } } break; default: throw new IllegalArgumentException("Shrinking strategy " + config.getShrinkingStrategy() + " is not supported"); } }finally{ resizeLock.writeLock().unlock(); } } public List<Trace> getTraces(){ try{ resizeLock.readLock().lock(); return traces; }finally { resizeLock.readLock().unlock(); } } public int getTotalEntryCount() { return totalEntryCount; } public void setTotalEntryCount(int totalEntryCount) { this.totalEntryCount = totalEntryCount; } }

Q: Fix AAPT2 ERROR in Android Studio with non-ASCII characters in Windows user name I installed the latest Android Studio and started to play around it. I created a new navigationbar project and put a gridview into it. Then when I try to build and run it I get this really annoying AAPT2 error, see logs for details. I've found several "fixes" for this saying to set android.enableAapt2 = false If I have understood correctly, that does not actually fix the problem, but just reverts the building back to aapt, am I right? And because AAPT2 is going to be the actual base builder from now on, I'd like to stick with it. So how do I actual fix this problem then? First what and where are the logs the error is pointing to? And second, what is actually going wrong with the build? I get this error even, if I just initialize a brand new Android Studio example project. Edit: Run the gradlew clean assembleDebug command in Android Studio Terminal and then got this insanely long output. I clipped it here, because it's repeating this same pattern: C:\Users\M?tz\.gradle\caches\transforms-1\files-1.1\appcompat-v7-27.1.1.aar\ff82df9d8c1253200bf8902d44d783bd\res\drawable-xxhdpi-v4\abc_ic_star_black_48dp.png: error: file not found. C:\Users\M?tz\.gradle\caches\transforms-1\files-1.1\appcompat-v7-27.1.1.aar\ff82df9d8c1253200bf8902d44d783bd\res\drawable-mdpi-v4\abc_list_pressed_holo_light.9.png: error: file not found. C:\Users\M?tz\.gradle\caches\transforms-1\files-1.1\appcompat-v7-27.1.1.aar\ff82df9d8c1253200bf8902d44d783bd\res\drawable-xxxhdpi-v4\abc_ic_menu_selectall_mtrl_alpha.png: error: file not found. C:\Users\M?tz\.gradle\caches\transforms-1\files-1.1\appcompat-v7-27.1.1.aar\ff82df9d8c1253200bf8902d44d783bd\res\drawable-mdpi-v4\abc_ab_share_pack_mtrl_alpha.9.png: error: file not found. C:\Users\M?tz\.gradle\caches\transforms-1\files-1.1\appcompat-v7-27.1.1.aar\ff82df9d8c1253200bf8902d44d783bd\res\drawable-hdpi-v4\abc_scrubber_primary_mtrl_alpha.9.png: error: file not found. C:\Users\M?tz\.gradle\caches\transforms-1\files-1.1\appcompat-v7-27.1.1.aar\ff82df9d8c1253200bf8902d44d783bd\res\drawable-hdpi-v4\abc_textfield_activated_mtrl_alpha.9.png: error: file not found. C:\Users\M?tz\.gradle\caches\transforms-1\files-1.1\design-27.1.1.aar\ccb9f9993808b605fecf0f43596e26e5\res\layout\design_navigation_menu.xml: error: file not found. C:\Users\M?tz\.gradle\caches\transforms-1\files-1.1\appcompat-v7-27.1.1.aar\ff82df9d8c1253200bf8902d44d783bd\res\drawable-hdpi-v4\abc_list_pressed_holo_light.9.png: error: file not found. C:\Users\M?tz\.gradle\caches\transforms-1\files-1.1\appcompat-v7-27.1.1.aar\ff82df9d8c1253200bf8902d44d783bd\res\drawable-xxhdpi-v4\abc_btn_switch_to_on_mtrl_00001.9.png: error: file not found. 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C:\Users\M?tz\.gradle\caches\transforms-1\files-1.1\appcompat-v7-27.1.1.aar\ff82df9d8c1253200bf8902d44d783bd\res\drawable-mdpi-v4\abc_switch_track_mtrl_alpha.9.png: error: file not found. C:\Users\M?tz\.gradle\caches\transforms-1\files-1.1\appcompat-v7-27.1.1.aar\ff82df9d8c1253200bf8902d44d783bd\res\drawable-xxhdpi-v4\abc_ic_star_half_black_48dp.png: error: file not found. C:\Users\M?tz\.gradle\caches\transforms-1\files-1.1\support-compat-27.1.1.aar\caef404a17c5959b4adfcdd5b4226763\res\drawable-xhdpi-v4\notification_bg_low_pressed.9.png: error: file not found. C:\Users\M?tz\.gradle\caches\transforms-1\files-1.1\appcompat-v7-27.1.1.aar\ff82df9d8c1253200bf8902d44d783bd\res\drawable-hdpi-v4\abc_btn_check_to_on_mtrl_015.png: error: file not found. C:\Users\M?tz\.gradle\caches\transforms-1\files-1.1\appcompat-v7-27.1.1.aar\ff82df9d8c1253200bf8902d44d783bd\res\drawable-hdpi-v4\abc_btn_check_to_on_mtrl_000.png: error: file not found. C:\Users\M?tz\.gradle\caches\transforms-1\files-1.1\appcompat-v7-27.1.1.aar\ff82df9d8c1253200bf8902d44d783bd\res\drawable-hdpi-v4\abc_list_focused_holo.9.png: error: file not found. C:\Users\M?tz\.gradle\caches\transforms-1\files-1.1\appcompat-v7-27.1.1.aar\ff82df9d8c1253200bf8902d44d783bd\res\drawable-mdpi-v4\abc_ic_star_half_black_36dp.png: error: file not found. C:\Users\M?tz\.gradle\caches\transforms-1\files-1.1\appcompat-v7-27.1.1.aar\ff82df9d8c1253200bf8902d44d783bd\res\anim\abc_grow_fade_in_from_bottom.xml: error: file not found. C:\Users\M?tz\.gradle\caches\transforms-1\files-1.1\appcompat-v7-27.1.1.aar\ff82df9d8c1253200bf8902d44d783bd\res\drawable-hdpi-v4\abc_text_select_handle_right_mtrl_dark.png: error: file not found. C:\Users\M?tz\.gradle\caches\transforms-1\files-1.1\design-27.1.1.aar\ccb9f9993808b605fecf0f43596e26e5\res\layout\design_layout_snackbar.xml: error: file not found. The problem here is, I assume, that I have non-ASCII characters in my username in Windows. Even though I have pointed Android Studio to use different folders than anything under the C:\Users\\, gradle still needs to do something there and clearly doesn't like the 'ä' letter in my username. If this is the case, then I'd need somehow to tell gradle to use those other folders as well or change my username in Windows. I've tried the latter, but only managed to change the visible name, not the underlying one that's actually used in Windows and in the folder structure. Edit2: Renaming the windows user folder is not possible without reinstalling the whole system and that's not an option for me this time. So is there a way to change the folder gradle is using? A: The problem in this case was that I have non-ASCII characters in my Windows user name and thus in my user folder and gradle was set to use a folder under this user folder. You can change your visible user name in Windows, but you can not change your user name from your user folder without reinstalling. Luckily you can change the folder gradle is using from Android Studio settings. First make a .gradle folder somewhere in your file system where you don't have those non-ASCII characters. (I chose to use C:\android-sdk\.gradle) Open File -> Settings -> Gradle and there you can choose the "Service directory path" that Gradle is using. Change this to the folder you created and this problem should be solved. NOTE! I've faced this same problem when building react-native android apps too, so if you came here, because you got this same AAPT2 error with RN as well, try to change the gradle folder from you RN project's gradle files. At the moment I don't know how to do that and that's another question and topic too.

--- abstract: 'By relating the number of images of a function with finite domain to a certain parameter, we obtain both an upper and lower bound for the image set. Even though the arguments are elementary, the bounds are, in some sense, best possible. These bounds are then applied in several contexts. In particular, we obtain the first non-trivial upper bound for the image set of a planar function over a finite field.' address: - | Ewing Hall\ Department of Mathematical Sciences\ University of Delaware\ Newark, DE 19716, USA - | Ewing Hall\ Department of Mathematical Sciences\ University of Delaware\ Newark, DE 19716, USA author: - 'Robert S. Coulter' - Steven Senger title: On the number of distinct values of a class of functions with finite domain --- Introduction ============ Let $A$ and $B$ be sets, with $A$ finite of order $n$, and let $f:A\rightarrow B$. We define the following notation, which will be used throughout this article. - The number of distinct images of $f$ is denoted by $V(f)$. That is, $V(f)=|f(A)|$. - For $r\in{\mathbb N}$, $M_r(f)$ is the number of $y\in B$ for which $f(x)=y$ has $r$ solutions. - Since $A$ is finite, clearly $M_r(f)=0$ for all sufficiently large $r$. We therefore define $m$ to be the largest integer for which $M_m>0$. - For each integer $r\ge 2$, $N_r(f)$ is the number of $r$-tuples $(x_1,\ldots,x_r)$ with $x_i=x_j$ if and only if $i=j$ which satisfy $f(x_1)=f(x_2)=\cdots=f(x_r)$. Several identities follow immediately from these definitions. 1. $V(f) = \sum_{r=1}^m M_r(f)$. 2. $n = \sum_{r=1}^m r M_r(f)$. 3. $N_s(f) = \sum_{r=s}^m P(r,s) M_r(f)$. (Here $P(r,s)$ denotes the number of $s$-permutations from $r$ distinct objects. Recall $P(r,s)=0$ when $r<s$.) In this paper we are interested in the relationship between $V(f)$ and $N_s(f)$ for a fixed $s$. Intuitively, knowledge of $N_s(f)$ should imply some knowledge on $V(f)$, and knowledge of $N_s(f)$ should yield more knowledge concerning $V(f)$ than $N_{s'}(f)$ would for $s'>s$. Our main result is to obtain bounds for $V(f)$ in terms of $N_s(f)$ which confirm this intuition. Moreover, when $s=2$, our lower bound is tight for any value of $N_2(f)$, while our upper bound is tight in infinitely many cases. Our main theorem can be given in the following form. \[mainthm\] Let $f:A\rightarrow B$ with $|A|=n$. Then $$\frac{1}{s-1}\left(n - \frac{N_s(f)}{s!}\right) \le V(f) \le n - N_s(f)^{1/s} + O(N_s(f)^{1/(s+1)}).$$ We pay particular attention to the case $s=2$ because it is more likely that one has information on pairs of elements with the same image than, say, $3$-tuples or $4$-tuples. In addition, the upper bound can be made explicit in this case. \[seq2thm\] Let $f:A\rightarrow B$ with $|A|=n$ and set $N_2(f)=t$. Then $M_1(f)\ge {{\rm Max}}(0,n-t)$ and $$n - \frac{t}{2} \le M_1(f)+M_2(f)\le V(f) \le n - \frac{2t}{1+\sqrt{4t+1}}$$ Interestingly, the upper bound in Theorem \[seq2thm\] is related to triangular numbers, and a slight improvement of this bound, in some cases, could be obtained by resolving a problem on them. Theorems \[mainthm\] and \[seq2thm\] can be applied in a variety of settings. We choose to limit ourselves to just one main application – to polynomials over finite fields. Let $q$ be a positive power of some prime $p$. We use the standard notation of $\ff{q}$ for the finite field of $q$ elements, $\ffs{q}$ for the non-zero elements of $\ff{q}$, and $\ffx{q}$ for the ring of polynomials over $\ff{q}$ in $X$. We prove that for a polynomial $f\in\ffx{q}$, the expected value of $N_2(f)$ is $q-1$. Consequently, we obtain the following corollary to Theorem \[seq2thm\]. \[polyversion\] Suppose $f\in\ffx{q}$ is a polynomial for which $N_2(f)=q-1$, the expected value. Then $$\frac{q+1}{2} \le V(f) \le q - \frac{2(q-1)}{1+\sqrt{4q-3}}.$$ Several classes of polynomials which obtain the expected value for $N_2(f)$ are then described; these include the class of planar polynomials (for further definitions, see Section \[polysection\]). Planar polynomials are closely related to affine planes [@coulter97a; @dembowski68], semifields [@coulter08], and difference sets [@ding06; @qiu07]. Consequently, they have received a significant amount of attention. However, the bound given by Theorem \[polyversion\] constitutes the first non-trivial upper bound obtained on the size of the image set of a planar function. We suspect that, for planar functions, our upper bound can still be improved as we do not utilise the full set of restrictions implied by the planar property. The lower bound is, for planar functions, tight, and has been derived previously by several authors, see [@coulter11; @kyureghyan08; @qiu07]. Our result, in this sense, constitutes a generalisation of the respective results given in each of those three papers. The paper is set out as follows. In the next section we prove Theorems \[mainthm\] and \[seq2thm\]. We also discuss briefly the connection between Theorem \[seq2thm\] and triangular numbers. In Section 3 we apply our results to polynomials over finite fields. The paper ends with some observations in arithmetic combinatorics and coding theory. Bounding $V(f)$ when $N_s(f)$ is known ====================================== For convenience, we set $N_s(f) = t$. By the definitions above, $$\sum_{r=1}^{s-1} r M_r = n - t + \sum_{r=s}^m \left(P(r,s)-r\right) M_r. \label{aneq}$$ (We note that, since the sum on the right is at least $m(m-2)$, we must have $\sum_{r=1}^{s-1} r M_r \ge {{\rm Max}}(0, n - t + m(m-2))$.) We may manipulate (\[aneq\]) as follows: $$\begin{aligned} \sum_{r=1}^{s-1} r M_r &= n - t + \sum_{r=s}^m \left(P(r,s)-r\right) M_r\\ &= n - t + (s! -s) M_s + \sum_{r=s+1}^m \left(P(r,s)-r\right) M_r\\ &\ge n - t + (s!-s) M_s + (s!-1) \sum_{r=s+1}^m r M_r\\ &= n - t + (s!-s) M_s\\ &\quad+ (s!-1) \sum_{r=1}^m r M_r - (s!-1)\sum_{r=1}^{s-1} rM_r - (s!-1) sM_s\\ &= s!\, n - t + s!\, (1-s) M_s - (s! -1) \sum_{r=1}^{s-1} r M_r.\end{aligned}$$ Rearranging, we find $$\begin{aligned} s! \, n - t &\le s! \sum_{r=1}^{s-1} rM_r + s!\,(s-1) M_s\\ &\le s!\, (s-1) \sum_{r=1}^{s-1} M_r + s!\,(s-1)M_s\\ &= s!\, (s-1) \sum_{r=1}^s M_r\\ &\le s!\, (s-1) \, V(f),\end{aligned}$$ which establishes the lower bound in Theorem \[mainthm\]. (We mention, in passing, that this proof is a generalisation of the lower bound obtained by Matthews and the first author [@coulter11]; it was that note that formed the motivation for this article.) We now move to determine the upper bound. First, we note that $M_m>0$, and so $P(m,s)\leq t$, which yields $$\label{tUpper} m\leq t^\frac{1}{s}+O(t^\frac{1}{s+1}).$$ Now, we apply the definitions above to obtain $$\begin{aligned} t &= N_s(f)\\ &= \sum_{r=s}^m P(r,s)M_r = \sum_{r=1}^m P(r,s) M_r\\ &\leq m\sum_{r=1}^m P(r-1,s-1) M_r\\ &\leq m\cdot P(m-2,s-2) \sum_{r=1}^m (r-1)M_r,\\\end{aligned}$$ from which we deduce $$\label{mUpper} \sum_{r=1}^m (r-1) M_r \geq \frac{t}{m\cdot P(m-2,s-2)}.$$ Combining and , we get $$\label{sumBound} \sum_{r=1}^m (r-1) M_r \geq t^\frac{1}{s} - O(t^\frac{1}{s+1}).$$ We can now estimate $V(f)$ using this sum: $$\begin{aligned} V(f) &= n - n + V(f)\\ &= n - \sum_{r=1}^m r M_r - \sum_{r=1}^m M_r\\ &= n - \sum_{r=1}^m (r-1) M_r\\\end{aligned}$$ Applying yields $$\label{mainUpper} V(f) \leq n - t^\frac{1}{s} + O(t^\frac{1}{s+1}),$$ as claimed. The proof of Theorem \[seq2thm\] is no more difficult; in fact, the lower bound is precisely that from before, while the upper bound follows from a careful re-working of the proof of the upper bound. We omit the details. It is easy to see that, provided $N_2(f) < 2n$, this lower bound is tight, as one can easily construct functions that meet this bound. Set $N_2(f)=t$. Randomly choose $t$ distinct elements $x_1,x_2,\ldots,x_t\in A$ and $t/2$ distinct elements $y_1,y_2,\ldots,y_{t/2}\in B$. For $1\le i\le t/2$, assign $f(x_{2i-1})=f(x_{2i})=y_i$. At this point, $N_2(f)=t$, so that $f$ must be 1-1 on $A\setminus\{x_1,\ldots,x_t\}$. It follows that $V(f)=\frac{t}{2} + n-t = n - \frac{t}{2}$, which is the lower bound. It is clear from symmetry that $N_2(f)=t$ is necessarily even. Set $t=2k$. Then the bounds read $$n-k\le V(f) \le n - \frac{4k}{1+\sqrt{8k+1}}.$$ It is natural to ask when is $\sqrt{8k+1}\in{\mathbb Z}$? Interestingly, $8k+1$ is a square precisely when $k$ is a triangular number. In such cases, we have $k=u(u-1)/2$ for some integer $u$, $8k+1=\delta^2$ where $\delta=2u-1$, and the upper bound simplifies neatly to $$V(f) \le n - \frac{\delta-1}{2} = n + 1 - u.$$ In all cases where $k$ is a triangular number, there exist functions which attain this bound. To construct such a function, choose $u$ elements $x_1,x_2,\ldots,x_u\in A$ and set $f(x_1)=f(x_2)=\cdots=f(x_u)$. Now set $f$ to behave 1-1 on the remaining elements of $A$. It can be seen that $N_2(f)=2k$ and that the upper bound is attained. In all cases where $k$ is not a triangular number, our upper bound is not exact. To make our upper bound tight, one needs to solve the following problem: > Let $T_r=\binom{r}{2}$ for any $r\in{\mathbb N}$, and fix $k\in{\mathbb N}$. By a [*triangular sum of length $l$ for $k$*]{} we mean any instance of the equation $$k = \sum_{i=1}^l T_{r_i},$$ where $r_1\ge r_2\ge\cdots\ge r_l$. The [*weight*]{} of a given triangular sum is given by $-l+(\sum_{i=1}^l r_i)$. Given $k$, we define $B_k$ to be the smallest weight among all triangular sums for $k$. Find a formula for $B_k$. Clearly, when $k=T_u$, $B_k=u-1$, but we do not know of a general formula for $B_k$. While Gauss famously proved that there exists a triangular sum for any $k$ with length at most 3, it may not necessarily be the case that one such instance will provide the value for $B_k$. The connection to our bound should be clear: If $N_2(f)=2k$, then $V(f)\le n - B_k$, with equality always possible. Polynomials over finite fields and $N_2(f)$ {#polysection} =========================================== We now look to apply these bounds on $V(f)$ to polynomials over finite fields. It is, of course, well known that every function over $\ff{q}$ can be represented uniquely, via Lagrange interpolation, by a polynomial of degree less than $q$. By the [*reduced form*]{} of a polynomial $f\in\ffx{q}$ we shall mean the polynomial $g(X)$ given by $g(X) = f(X) \bmod (X^q-X)$. A polynomial $f\in\ffx{q}$ is a [*permutation polynomial*]{} over $\ff{q}$ if $V(f)=q$. Research concerning the value of $V(f)$ for polynomials over finite fields is extensive; we restrict ourselves to discussing a few outstanding general results. It is clear that, for lower bounds, there are obvious limits to the results you can expect to obtain – obviously $V(f)\ge 1$ with equality possible, while for polynomials of given degree $d$, $V(f)\ge 1+\frac{q-1}{d}$ is clear. That said, we have the following deep result by Cohen [@cohen73] concerning the average lower bound of $V(f)$. \[cohensthm\] Let $f\in\ffx{q}$ be of the form $$f(X) = X^d + \sum_{i=1}^{d-1} a_i X^i.$$ Let $t$ be any integer such that $0\le t\le d-2$ and let $a_{d-1},\ldots,a_{d-t}$ be fixed. Define $v(d,t)=\sum V(f)/q^{d-t-1}$, where the sum is over all $a_1,\ldots,a_{d-t-1}$. Set $m=\lfloor (d-t)/2\rfloor$. Then $v(d,t) > c(q,m) q$, where $$c(q,m) = 1 - \left(\sum_{r=0}^m \binom{q}{r} (q-1)^{-r}\right)^{-1}.$$ Setting $t=d-2$ in Cohen’s result, we find that, in particular, on average, $V(f)>\frac{q^2}{2q-1}>\frac{q}{2}$. A specific lower bound was obtained by Wan, Shiue, and Chen [@wan93b] under an additional condition on the polynomial. For $f\in\ffx{q}$, define $u_p(f)$ to be the smallest positive integer $k$ such that $\sum_{x\in\ff{q}} f(x)^k\ne 0$. If no such $k$ exists, define $u_p(f)=\infty$. If $u_p(f)<\infty$, then $V(f)\ge u_p(f) + 1$. The authors note that $u_p(f)\ge \lfloor\frac{q-1}{{{\rm Degree}}(f)}\rfloor$, so that under the conditions, their bound is at least as good as the obvious bound noted above. In terms of an upper bound, there is the following general bound by Wan [@wan93a], given in terms of the degree of the polynomial. \[wansthm\] Let $f\in\ffx{q}$. If $f$ is not a permutation polynomial over $\ff{q}$, then $$V(f)\le q - \left\lfloor\frac{q-1}{{{\rm Degree}}(f)}\right\rfloor.$$ A better bound was obtained in [@wan93b] using $p$-adic techniques. To avoid unnecessary technical details, we simply refer the interested reader to [@wan93b], Theorem 3.1. Integral to applying our bounds is having knowledge of $N_s(f)$ for some $s$. For simplicity, we only discuss the case $s=2$ here. We do not feel this is particularly limiting as, of the values of $N_s(f)$, knowledge of $N_2(f)$ seems most likely. We approach this issue by first establishing the expected value of $N_2(f)$ for any polynomial $f\in\ffx{q}$ and applying our bounds to polynomials with this expected value. We then consider classes of polynomials which meet this expected value. Denote the standard trace mapping from $\ff{q}{}$ to $\ff{p}{}$ by ${{\text {Tr}}}$. Let $\omega$ be a primitive $p$th root of unity. Recall that the canonical additive character, $\chi_1$, of $\ff{q}{}$ is defined by $\chi_1(x)=\omega^{{{\text {Tr}}}(x)}$ for any $x\in\ff{q}{}$, and that all additive characters of $\ff{q}{}$ are given by $\chi_h(x)=\chi_1(hx)$ for any $h\in\ff{q}{}$. The following result is a straight generalisation of a result of Carlitz [@carlitz55]. \[averagelemma\] Given a random polynomial $f\in \ffx{q}$, the expected value of $N_2(f)$ is $q-1$. Equivalently, for any $f\in\ffx{q}$, $$\label{Navg} \sum_{a\in \ff{q}} N_2(f(X)+aX) = q(q-1).$$ Fix a polynomial $f\in \ffx{q}$. By the definitions above, $$\begin{aligned} q(N_2(f)+ q) &= q (|\lbrace (x,y): f(x)=f(y), x,y\in \ff{q}, x\neq y \rbrace| \\ &\quad + |\lbrace (x: f(x)=f(x), x\in \ff{q} \rbrace|)\\ &=\sum_{h\in\ff{q}} \sum_{x,y\in \ff{q}}\chi_h(f(x)-f(y)).\end{aligned}$$ To generate our average value for $N_2(f)$, we consider the average over the set $\{ f(X)+aX \,:\, a\in\ff{q}\}$. We have $$\begin{aligned} \sum_{a\in\ff{q}} q&(N_2(f(X)+aX)+q)\\ &= \sum_{a\in\ff{q}}\sum_{h\in\ff{q}} \sum_{x,y\in \ff{q}}\chi_h(f(x)-f(y)+a(x-y))\\ &=q^3+ \sum_{h\in\ffs{q}} \sum_{x,y\in \ff{q}} \chi_h(f(x)-f(y)) \sum_{a\in\ff{q}} \chi_h(a(x-y))\\ &=q^3+ \sum_{h\in\ffs{q}} \sum_{x\in\ff{q}} q\\ &= q^3+q^2(q-1),\end{aligned}$$ where, in the second to last line, we have exploited the fact $\sum_{a\in\ff{q}} \chi(a(x-y))=0$ unless $x=y$. Comparing the left and right hand sides yields $$\label{a_1Avg} \sum_{a\in\ff{q}} N_2(f(X)+aX) = q(q-1).$$ The claimed expected value of $N_2(f)$ now follows at once, for we can, of course, partition the set of polynomials into equivalence classes, with two polynomials being equivalent if they differ only by a linear term $aX$: the average value of $N_2(f)$ for the polynomials in any equivalence class is $q-1$ by (\[a\_1Avg\]). Theorem \[polyversion\] now follows at once from Theorem \[seq2thm\] and Lemma \[averagelemma\]. Now suppose $f\in\ffx{q}$ is a polynomial for which $N_2(f)=q-1$, the expected value. For our lower bound, we find $V(f)\ge \frac{q+1}{2}$, which is more or less the same as that obtained by Cohen’s result. In the other direction, applying our upper bound to $f$, we find $$V(f) \le q - \frac{2(q-1)}{1+\sqrt{4q-3}}.$$ However, this cannot be compared directly to the result of Wan, for we do not know if $N_2(f)=q-1$ has any direct implication on ${{\rm Degree}}(f)$. Given Lemma \[averagelemma\], one obvious question arises: Is it possible to describe classes of polynomials for which the expected value for $N_2(f)$ is obtained? Are there natural conditions on $f$ which force $N_2(f)=q-1$? We now discuss, for $q$ odd, several such conditions (the case $q$ even is clearly impossible for $N_2(f)$ is necessarily even). For any $a\in\ffs{q}$, we define the [*difference polynomial*]{}, $\Delta_{f,a}(X)=\Delta_a(X)$, to be the polynomial given by $\Delta_a(X)=f(X+a)-f(X)$. A polynomial $f\in\ffx{q}$ is [*planar*]{} over $\ff{q}$ if, for every $a\in\ffs{q}$, the polynomial $\Delta_a(X)$ is a permutation polynomial over $\ff{q}$. An equivalent definition for planarity is that $|S_h(f(X)+aX)|=|\sum_{x\in\ff{q}} \chi_h(f(x)+ax)|=\sqrt{q}$ for all $a,h\in\ff{q}$, $h\ne 0$. Consider the following conditions on a polynomial $f\in\ffx{q}$: 1. $f$ is planar over $\ff{q}$. 2. For $h\in\ffs{q}$, $|S_h(f)|=|\sum_{x\in\ff{q}} \chi_h(f(x))|=\sqrt{q}$. 3. For all $a\in\ffs{q}$, the polynomial $\Delta_{f,a}(X)$ has a unique root. 4. $N_2(f)=q-1$. Clearly, $C_1 \rightarrow C_2$ and $C_1 \rightarrow C_3\rightarrow C_4$. It is shown in the proof of [@coulter11], Theorem 1, that $C_2\rightarrow C_4$, while a counting argument, also given in [@coulter11], shows $C_1 \not\equiv C_2$. The relationship between $C_2$ and $C_3$ is less clear. Computations show that they are almost certainly inequivalent for sufficiently large $q$. Over $\ff{3}$, they are equivalent; over $\ff{5}$, they are not, though $(C_2\land C_3)\rightarrow C_1$. For $q\in\{7,9\}$, they are inequivalent, and - there exist polynomials which satisfy both $C_2$ and $C_3$ but not $C_1$; for example, $f(X)=X^4+2X^2\in\ffx{7}$; and - there exist polynomials which satisfy one or other but not both conditions; for example, with $g$ a primitive element of $\ff{9}$, $X^7+gX^2$ satisfies $C_2$ but not $C_3$, while $X^8+gX^2$ satisfies $C_3$ but not $C_2$. This also shows $C_2\not\equiv C_4$ and $C_3\not\equiv C_4$. We suspect that the following statement is true, though we have no direct idea of how to establish it. For any finite field of any characteristic, the number of polynomials satisfying $C_3$ is greater than or equal to the number of polynomials satisfying $C_2$. Two further settings where the bounds apply =========================================== We end by describing two settings where our results can be applied, and where we suspect some refinements of our methods might lead to stronger results than those we give here. Arithmetic combinatorics ------------------------ Here, we present a setting where $N_2$ arises rather naturally. Let $G$ be a (not necessarily abelian) group. For subsets $A,B \subset G$, define the product set of $A$ and $B$ to be $$A\cdot B = \lbrace ab : a\in A, b \in B \rbrace.$$ Much interest revolves around the relative sizes of $A, B$, and $A\cdot B$. Some examples are the Cauchy-Davenport Theorem, the Plünnecke-Rusza inequalities, and Freiman’s Theorem; see the books by Nathanson [@bnathanson96ii] or Tao and Vu [@btaovu]. One useful tool for these questions is the concept of energy. Various types of energy bounds have been the key ingredient in many recent results, such as the current best known sums and products bound due to Solymosi [@solymosi08]. Given $G, A, $ and $B$ as above, we define the multiplicative energy, $E(A,B)$, to be $$E(A,B)= |\lbrace(a,a',b,b')\in A\times A\times B\times B:ab=a'b' \rbrace|.$$ If we consider $f:A\times B \rightarrow G, f:(a,b) \mapsto ab,$ we get a very close relationship between $N_2(f)$ and $E(A,B)$, namely $$N_2(f) = E(A,B) - |A|\cdot |B|,$$ which we obtain by removing the “diagonal" elements of the form $(a,a,b,b)$ from the energy count. With this in mind, the following is a direct application of Theorem \[seq2thm\]. Let $G$ be a group, $A,B \subset G$ and set $n = |A| \cdot |B|$. Then we have $$\label{energyBounds} \frac{3n-E(A,B)}{2} \leq |A \cdot B|\leq n - \frac{2(E(A,B)-n)}{1+\sqrt{4(E(A,B)-n)+1}}$$ Notice that these bounds are most effective when energy is small. Coding theory ------------- Our second setting is in coding theory. Much is known about the interplay between the redundancy of a given code and the amount of information that can be communicated per unit time; see Hall’s notes on coding [@HallCoding], for a good introduction. Here, we investigate messages transmitted through a noisy medium. Consider a function $f:\mathcal{C}\rightarrow \mathcal{M}$, where $\mathcal{C}$ is the codespace and $\mathcal{M}$ is the message space. In order to increase the likelihood that a message is decoded properly, even with errors in transmission, we will often give a single message word more than one code word. That is, it will often be the case that $f(c) = f(c')$ for distinct $c,c'\in\mathcal{C}$. By definition, $V(f)$ will be precisely the number of distinct words in $\mathcal{M}$, and $N_2(f)$ will be the number of times that two code words represent the same message. There are situations in which one has a particularly uneven message space, where a small number of messages have high priority, and need the best chances of being decoded correctly, while all remaining messages are less important, and their incorrect decodings would have very little consequence. For example, a message space between fire towers in a forest could have a small number of special words about the existence or severity of a fire, and the other words could describe other, less important details, like the weather, in the case that there is no fire. Similar applications exist in a variety of different contexts such as operations in hostile environments. In such situations, an application of Theorem \[seq2thm\] yields the following. In a code with a codespace $\mathcal{C},$ a message space $\mathcal{M}$, an assignment function $f:\mathcal{C} \rightarrow \mathcal{M}$, and $t=|\lbrace f(c)=f(c'): c,c'\in \mathcal{C}, c\neq c' \rbrace|$, we have $$n - \frac{t}{2} \le |\mathcal{C}| \le n - \frac{2t}{1+\sqrt{4t+1}}$$ In this setting, our bounds can be viewed as providing a guide for balancing between levels of redundancy and flexibility within the code. [10]{} L. Carlitz, *[On the number of distinct values of a polynomial with coefficients in a finite field]{}*, Proc. Japan Acad. **31** (1955), 119–120. S.D. Cohen, *The values of a polynomial over a finite field*, Glasgow Math. J. **14** (1973), 205–208. R.S. Coulter and M. Henderson, *Commutative presemifields and semifields*, Adv. Math. **217** (2008), 282–304. R.S. Coulter and R.W. Matthews, *Bent polynomials over finite fields*, Bull. Austral. Math. Soc. **56** (1997), 429–437. [to3em]{}, *[On the number of distinct values of a class of functions over a finite field]{}*, Finite Fields Appl. **17** (2011), 220–224. P. Dembowski and T.G. Ostrom, *Planes of order $n$ with collineation groups of order $n^2$*, Math. Z. **103** (1968), 239–258. C. Ding and J. Yuan, *[A family of skew Hadamard difference sets]{}*, J. Combin. Theory Ser. A **113** (2006), 1526–1535. J. Hall, *[Notes on Coding Theory]{}*,\ http://www.mth.msu.edu/$\sim$hall/classes/codenotes/coding-notes.html, 2010. G.M. Kyureghyan and A. Pott, *Some theorems on planar mappings*, Arithmetic of Finite Fields: Proceedings of the 2nd International Workshop, WAIFI 2008 (J. von zur Gathen, J.L. Iman[ã]{}, and C.K. Koç, eds.), Lecture Notes in Computer Science, vol. 5130, 2008, pp. 117–122. M. Nathanson, *[Additive Number Theory: Inverse Problems and the Geometry of Sumsets]{}*, Graduate Texts in Mathematics, vol. 165, Springer-Verlag, 1996. W. Qiu, Z. Wang, G. Weng, and Q. Xiang, *[Pseudo-Paley graphs and skew Hadamard difference sets from presemifields]{}*, Des. Codes Cryptogr. **44** (2007), 49–62. J. Solymosi, *[Bounding multiplicative energy by the sumset]{}*, Adv. Math. **222** (2009), 402–408. T. Tao and V. Vu, *Additive combinatorics*, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2006. D. Wan, *[A $p$-adic lifting lemma and its applications to permutation polynomials]{}*, Finite Fields, Coding Theory, and Advances in Communications and Computing (New York), Lecture Notes in Pure and Applied Mathematics, vol. 141, Marcel Dekker, 1993, pp. 209–216. D. Wan, P.J-S. Shiue, and C-S. Chen, *Value sets of polynomials over finite fields*, Proc. Amer. Math. Soc. **119** (1993), 711–717.

"You know, I thought to maybe drive in to the town." "You want something?" "No." "Hunter?" "Who knew they would travel in pairs, I think." "Come!" "Come on!" "What's going on?" "You have a gun?" "Why would you have a gun?" "Jack!" "Jack." "Jack." "Is he dead?" " Jack." " Go to the house and call the police." "Go!" " Yeah?" " It's Jack." "I'm here." " What do you mean 'here'?" " Rome." "There is a bar near the main station." "Cafe de Ghetto." "Wait there." " Jack." " Papo." "It's been a while." "Who was the girl?" " A friend." " A friend?" "Those were Swedes." "I'm working on that." "It's gonna take some time." "Did she set you up?" "She had nothing to do with it." "Pity." "You can't stay here." "I made arrangements for you to leave town while I sort this out." "Take a right outside the bar." "Then second left." "Near Magenta you'll find dark blue Fiat Tempra with Pescara plates." "I've marked small town on the map." "Castelvecchio." "Stay there." "Lay low till you get my call." "Don't talk to anyone." "And above all," "Don't make any friends, Jack." "You used to know that." "'Giorno!" "Hello" " Where are you from?" " I?" "Ah, you're an American." " Yes, "A American."" " Not "A American ', but' an American."" "L'americano." " Can I help you?" " I'm not good with machines" " Are you an American?" " Yes." " Speak Italian?" " A little." " On vacation?" " A working vacation." "Do you work?" "What kind of job do you have?" "I am a photographer." " Take pictures" " Yes." " What kind of photos?" " Pictures of architecture, landscape." " People?" " No people." "Just publication for magazines." "Magazines?" "Which magazines?" " Different ones." "Casa Editrice" " Okay." "You must share a glass of wine with me." " Come tonight." " I can't, no." "You want to know the truth about Abruzzo?" "The priest sees everything." " Yeah?" " It's Jack." "You don't answer the cell I gave you." "I'm not good with machines." "You don't make this easy for me, Jack." "Gotta job for you." "It's a custom fit." "You don't even have to pull the trigger." "I'll think about it." "The quality of the brandy is good." "Smooth." "The only good thing to come from the French." " You study our history?" " No." "You come to Italy to make a guidebook and you don't care about history?" " I take pictures." " Of course." "You're American." "You think you can escape history." "You live for the present." "I try to, Father." "Hello" " I would like this cheese..." " A wheel of Pecorino?" "Okay, immediately. 12 Euros." " Here." " Thank you." "Here is the change." " Thanks." " And I thank you." " Thanks." " You're welcome." " Your coffee." " Thank you." " What you want, sir?" " Bring me an Americano." "In a minute." " I am Edward." " Mathilda." " Range?" " 150 to 175 meters." " Time?" " 5 seconds. 7 at the most." " Target?" " One." " Firing rate?" " Rapid." " Magazine capacity?" " Large, Preferably a 556." "The weapon must be fairly light and compact." "How compact?" "As compact as possible." "What, an automatic weapon to fit inside of a woman's purse?" "A small vanity case would be permissible." "Small briefcase should be possible." " Noise?" " Silencer." "I can only give you a suppressor." "It will dampen the decibels and dislocate the sound source." "Reduce the muzzle flash." "I can't make you silent but I can make you invisible as long as you're willing to lose the range." "2 o'clock." "Light blue shirt." "Sunglasses." "Is he with you?" "I didn't see him." "In any case I'm alone." " Your Coffee, American." " Thank you." "I can accept a slight loss of range." "You want a weapon with a firing capacity of a sub-machine gun with the range of a rifle." "Can you do it?" " Clark." "A package." " Clark." "Of course." "I'm Clara." "Thanks." "See you tonight." "All the sheep in my flock are dear to me." "But some are dearer than the most." "Especially those that have lost the way." "Fabio, mechanic." "Car doctor." "But I think his work is not always legal." "Did you ever want to be anything but a priest?" "Have you ever wanted to be anything other than..." "photographer?" " I do what I'm good at." " You have the hands of a craftsman." "Not an artist." "You are good with machines." "Yet you told me just the opposite when we first met." "Eh?" "Journalism can not make you a rich man." "Perhaps you are rich already." "A man can be rich if he has God in his heart." "I don't think God is very interested in me, Father." "Fabio." "Got some damage to my car." " Sorry, I'm busy." " I am the friend of father Benedetto." " The American?" " Yes." "I'm taking photographs to the mountains." "Okay, okay." "You need beautiful model for your photos." "Pretty Italian girl." "No, I need tools for a broken drive shaft." " Are you a mechanic?" " It's a hobby." "My garage... your garage." " However, you want to check a bit?" " Yes, thanks." " How much?" " Nothing." "Thank you." " Where's Clara?" " Not working tonight." " Want to drink anything?" " No, thanks." "Thanks." "Got a letter from a friend." "Three dead in Dalarna" "Hello again." "Is this place getting many visitors?" "This is only way to get here." "Did you check it for footprints and tire tracks?" "Three days ago I walked the river." "Both sides." "Let's check again." " Rounds?" " I prepared two kinds." " 10 jacket and 10 expand." " I'd like 20 of each." " And then 10 explosive." " Not a problem." " Will mercury do?" " Mercury will do very nicely." "I brought my own target." "There." " Muzzle velocity?" " About 360 miles an hour." "That's including 20 miles an hour off for the sound suppression." " What model?" " M14." "I've never had one before." "You'll find it easy." "I've rebalanced it by the way due to suppressor." "The fulcrum is 2 cm forward from the grip" "But that should not matter as I suppose you'd fire it from a fixed position." "There's no major recoil issues." "You should be able to hold any target, even the smallest." "Go to the flower." "Fire into these reeds." "Say two steps away for me." "Two bursts." "Five seconds apart." "The sound suppression is superb." "I could not place the direction of fire." "I shall require the rounds and the weapon by the first of next month." "In the meantime, could you try adjusting screws on the sight?" "It's too loose." "What about the case?" "It's a Samsonite briefcase, black." "Combination locks it." "Do you have a number you prefer?" " 014." " 014." "What should I do with these?" "How thoughtful!" "Asprinio." "Don't know it." "It's Muscatto, only frizzante." "Wouldn't look good if." "The picnic wasn't touched." " You chilled the wine." " Had to be chilled." "Italian cops." "Do not move." "So beautiful!" "It's endangered." " You like coming here." " Serves the purpose." "You've never taken a woman here before?" "No." "Perhaps you do not have a woman in your life." "Thank you for a lovely day, Mr. Butterfly." "Sergio Leone." "Italian." "No." "Slowly." "God." "Everything is strange." "Weird?" "Yes." "It is as if..." "As if you can't stop thinking about something." "Or someone." "Mr. Farfalla..." "You don't have to act." "Act?" "You might have to with other clients but you don't have to with me." "I want you to be exactly who you are." "I came here to get pleasure, not to give it." "Maybe I pretend very well..." "You give me my tips that the other girls get." "I do not sleep with other girls." "Hey, Mr. Farfalla." " How are you?" " Okay, thanks." "This is my girlfriend, Anna." "Hi." "Nice to meet you, Anna." "You want to join me for some coffee?" "No, go see an American movie." "Anna is learning English." "I would love to go to America." "But perhaps we can see each other soon." "On Wednesday I'm free." "OK, I'll be there." "Where?" "The usual place." "The usual place." "I forgot." "Where is our usual place?" "Let's go someplace new." "You can decide." " Locanda Grappalli?" " Great." "Locanda Grappalli - good food." " Grappali?" " See you there?" " See you there." " At 8." "8." "Goodbye, Mr. Farfalla." "Anna, I was nice to meet you." "Two more murdered prostitutes." "Yes." "The Swedes found me." "Stay put." "Finish the job." "How the fuck did they know I was here?" "Cause you've lost your edge, Jack." "Some are greater sinners than others." "Good morning." "You're up early!" "I needed some air." "I walk here to meditate." "I thank God for certain favors he has granted me." "And ask him to look after to those of my friends who are sinners" "All men are sinners." "But those who seek peace are much sinning in the history." "Maybe." "Forgive me, this is the priest in me speaking... but you have done much sinning, Mr. Clark." "Are you still do." "Something happened here last night." "Everything I've done I had good cause to do." "Do you wish to tell me?" " To confess?" " Yes." "For what reason?" "For your sake." " Perhaps I can pray for you." " Perhaps." "I wonder how many bastards have been made here" "You work in metal..." "You were given some steel by Fabio ..." "The car doctor." "Where was he conceived, Father?" "Why do you ask me that?" "You have each others photos." "You have each other's eyes." "Was he conceived here under the trees at night like all the other bastards?" "I do not remember, sir." "It was many years ago." "In the end, it is I who confesses to you." "You want me to do the same?" "For your own good." "You can not doubt the existence of hell." "You live in it." "It is a place without love." "Perhaps I don't have the right to wear these robes..." "But I have a heart... full of a father's love." "Something close to his heart." "And for that, I'm both grateful and happy." "What do you have?" "My friend?" "On time." "I was not sure, you know, you were coming." "I was not sure you meant me to." "Of course yes." " Good evening." " Good evening." "Can you bring us a bottle of mineral water and a Montepulciano?" "English menu?" "No, thanks." "German, Dutch?" "Gentleman speaks Italian as good as me." "I repeat:" "A bottle of mineral water and a bottle of Montepulciano d'Abruzzo." " With gas?" " No" "People from the provinces..." "Can I ask you something?" "Sure." "You're married?" "No." "I was sure this was your secret." "Why do I have to have a secret?" "You're a good man, but..." "You are a secret." "Excuse me." "No." "No, thanks." "No." "He thinks that we are a couple." " It's all right." " Thank you." "Hello." "I need some more time." "You're testing my patience." "Just give me a few more days." "You have two days." "Then you make a drop." " Hi." " Hi." "Where we go?" "Someplace beautiful." "We go to a picnic?" " Picnic." " Yeah, a picnic." "I have to practice my English." "Today we're going to have a picnic." "It is a beautiful day." " Where are we going?" " You'll see." "I think it is good we stay close to the road." "Don't worry, I've been down this road many times taking photographs." " Only you come here?" " Yes." "It is a paradise." "I'm going to swim in the water." "You come?" "It is cold." "Maybe." "Come, Mr. Farfalla." "Is beautiful, no?" "We make love in water..." "What'is wrong?" "We should have lunch." "Look." "It's a bullet." "I don't think so." "Edward... is it your real name?" "Can you put this behind?" "What?" "Nothing." " Grazie - just don't understand what the hell are you doing with a gun." "A friend of mine gave it to me." "The two prostitutes were killed in Pescara, right?" "Did you see what they do to them?" "The police showed me the photographs." "I wanted to feel safe with clients." "Does it make you feel safe with me?" "You're not a client." " Then why is it in your bag?" " Because I work tonight." "It is a "procession"." " A procession?" " Yes." "Tomorrow" "Want to do this together?" "Maybe." "Really?" "And after?" "After that, tomorrow, the next day..." "I can not stay forever, Clara." " It's time to go." " Take me home with you." "I can't." "Yeah?" "I'll make the delivery, then I'm out." "Hello?" "Palo?" "Okay, Jack." "You're out" "Now you listen to me carefully..." "A coffee." "I see you've brought it in with you." "Everything is here, as we agreed." "What is this?" "Thought you might have a sweet tooth." "That's very kind of you." "I guess I'll be reading about it in the "Tribune"?" "Yes." "I expect so." "I'm just going to the ladies." "Wait here." " You okay?" " I'm fine." "You?" "Just fine." "You won't need a gun." "You never know." "Final payment." "Goodbye, Mr. Butterfly." "Hello?" "What happened?" "There wasn't any opportunity." "Find one." "I'm following it now." "I was looking for you." "I'm here." "What are you doing tonight?" "I work tonight." "Don't." "If I ask you to come away with me, would you?" "Come away with you?" "Why not?" " Together?" " Together." " Forever?" " Forever." "I want you to take this and meet me at the river." " Eduardo?" " Go!" "Go!" "Who?" "For the same man... as you Jack." "Yes" "I'm sorry, Father." "Eduardo!" "Eduardo!" "Eduardo!"

--- abstract: 'The dynamical stability of nonstationary states of homogeneous spin-2 rubidium Bose-Einstein condensates is studied. The states considered are such that the spin vector remains parallel to the magnetic field throughout the time evolution, making it possible to study the stability analytically. These states are shown to be stable in the absence of an external magnetic field, but they become unstable when a finite magnetic field is introduced. It is found that the growth rate and wavelength of the instabilities can be controlled by tuning the strength of the magnetic field and the size of the condensate.' author: - 'H. Mäkelä and E. Lundh' title: 'Stability of nonstationary states of spin-$2$ Bose-Einstein condensates' --- Introduction ============ The physics of $F=2$ spinor Bose-Einstein condensates (BECs) started to gain the attention of both theorists and experimentalists during the last decade. The interest was motivated by the structure of $F=2$ condensates: being more complex than that of $F=1$ condensates, it made possible properties and phenomena which are not present in an $F=1$ system. One example of this can been seen in the structure of the ground states. The energy functional of an $F=2$ condensate is characterized by one additional degree of freedom compared to the $F=1$ case. This leads to a rich ground state manifold as now there are two free parameters parametrizing the ground states [@Ciobanu00; @Zheng10]. This should be contrasted with an $F=1$ condensate, where the ground state is determined by the sign of the spin-dependent interaction term [@Ho98; @Ohmi98]. Another difference can be seen in the structure of topological defects. It has been shown that non-commuting vortices can exist in an $F=2$ condensate [@Makela03], while these are not possible in an $F=1$ BEC [@Ho98; @Makela03]. The topological defects of $F=2$ condensates have been studied further by the authors of Refs. [@Makela06; @Huhtamaki09; @Kobayashi09]. Experimental studies of $F=2$ BECs have been advancing in the past ten years. Experiments on $F=2$ ${}^{87}$Rb atoms cover topics such as spin dynamics [@Schmaljohann04; @Chang04; @Kuwamoto04; @Kronjager06; @Kronjager10], creation of skyrmions [@Leslie09a], spin-dependent inelastic collisions [@Tojo09], amplification of fluctuations [@Klempt09; @Klempt10], spontaneous breaking of spatial and spin symmetry [@Scherer10], and atomic homodyne detection [@Gross11]. An $F=2$ spinor condensate of ${}^{23}$Na atoms has been obtained experimentally [@Gorlitz03], but it has a much shorter lifetime than $F=2$ rubidium condensates. In this work, we study the dynamical stability of nonstationary states of homogeneous $F=2$ spinor condensates. The stability of stationary states has been examined both experimentally [@Klempt09; @Klempt10; @Scherer10] and theoretically [@Martikainen01; @Ueda02]. Interestingly, the experimental studies show that the observed instability of the $|m_F=0\rangle$ state can be used to amplify vacuum fluctuations [@Klempt10] and to analyze symmetry breaking [@Scherer10] (see Refs. [@Lamacraft07; @Leslie09b] for related studies in an $F=1$ system). The stability of nonstationary states of spinor condensates, on the other hand, has received only little attention. Previous studies on the topic concentrate on $F=1$ condensates [@Matuszewski08; @Matuszewski09; @Matuszewski10; @Zhang05; @Makela11]. Here we extend the analysis of the authors of Ref. [@Makela11] to an $F=2$ rubidium condensate and present results concerning the magnetic field dependence of the excitation spectrum and stability. Although we concentrate on the stability of ${}^{87}$Rb condensates, many of the excitation spectra and stability conditions given in this article are not specific to rubidium condensates but have a wider applicability. We show that, in comparison with an $F=1$ system, the stability analysis of an $F=2$ condensate is considerably more complicated. This is partly due to the presence of a spin-singlet term in the energy functional of the latter system, but the main reason for the increased complexity is seen to be the much larger number of states available in an $F=2$ condensate. This article is organized as follows. Section \[sec:overview\] introduces the system and presents the Hamiltonian and equations of motion. In Sec. \[sec:stability\] the Bogoliubov analysis of nonstationary states is introduced. This method is applied to study the stability both in the presence and absence of a magnetic field. In this section it is also described how Floquet theory can be used in the stability analysis. In Sec. \[sec:g2not0\] the stability is studied under the (physically motivated) assumption that one of the interaction coefficients vanishes. Finally, Sec. \[sec:conclusions\] contains the concluding remarks. Theory of a spin-2 condensate {#sec:overview} ============================= The order parameter of a spin-$2$ Bose-Einstein condensate can be written as $\psi=(\psi_2,\psi_{1},\psi_{0},\psi_{-1},\psi_{-2})^T$, where $T$ denotes the transpose. The normalization is $\sum_{m=-2}^2|\psi_{m}|^2=n$, where $n$ is the total particle density. We assume that the trap confining the condensate is such that all the components of the hyperfine spin can be trapped simultaneously and are degenerate in the absence of magnetic field. This can be readily achieved in experiments [@Stamper-Kurn98]. If the system is exposed to an external magnetic field which is parallel to the $z$ axis, the energy functional reads $$\begin{aligned} \label{energy} &E[\psi] =\!\! \int d{\bm r} \left[ \langle \hat{h}\rangle +\frac{1}{2}\left(g_0 n^2 + g_1 \langle{\hat{\mathbf{F}}}\rangle^2 + g_2 |\Theta|^2\right)\right],\end{aligned}$$ where ${\hat{\mathbf{F}}}=({\hat{F}_x},{\hat{F}_y},{\hat{F}_z})$ is the (dimensionless) spin operator of a spin-2 particle. $\Theta$ describes singlet pairs and is given by $\Theta=2\psi_2\psi_{-2}-2\psi_1\psi_{-1}+\psi_0^2$. It can also be written as $\Theta=\psi^T e^{-i\pi \hat{F}_y}\psi$. The single-particle Hamiltonian $\hat{h}$ reads $$\begin{aligned} \label{h} \hat{h}= -\frac{\hbar^2 \nabla^2}{2m} + U(\mathbf{r}) -\mu-p{\hat{F}_z}+q{\hat{F}_z}^2. \end{aligned}$$ Here $U$ is the external trapping potential, $\mu$ is the chemical potential, and $p=-g\mu_{\rm B}B$ is the linear Zeeman term. In the last of these $g$ is the Landé hyperfine $g$-factor, $\mu_{\rm B}$ is the Bohr magneton, and $B$ is the external magnetic field. The last term in Eq. (\[h\]) is the quadratic Zeeman term, $q=-(g\mu_{\rm B}B)^2/E_{\rm hf}$, where $E_{\rm hf}$ is the hyperfine splitting. The sign of $q$ can be controlled experimentally by using a linearly polarized microwave field [@Gerbier06]. In this article we consider both positive and negative values of $q$. The strength of the spin-independent interaction is characterized by $g_0=4\pi \hbar^2(4a_2+3a_4)/7m$, whereas $g_1=4\pi \hbar^2(a_4-a_2)/7m$ and $g_2=4\pi\hbar^2[(a_0-a_4)/5-2(a_2-a_4)/7]$ describe spin-dependent scattering. Here $a_F$ is the $s$-wave scattering length for two atoms colliding with total angular momentum $F$. In the case of $^{87}$Rb, we calculate $g_0$ using the scattering lengths given in Ref. [@Ciobanu00], and $g_2$ and $g_4$ are calculated using the experimentally measured scattering length differences from Ref. [@Widera06]. Two important quantities characterizing the state $\psi$ are the spin vector $$\begin{aligned} {\mathbf{f}}(\mathbf{r})= \frac{\psi^\dag(\mathbf{r}) {\hat{\mathbf{F}}}\psi(\mathbf{r})}{n(\mathbf{r})},\end{aligned}$$ and the magnetization in the direction of the magnetic field $$\begin{aligned} \label{Mz} M_z= \frac{\int d\mathbf{r}\,n(\mathbf{r}) f_z (\mathbf{r})}{\int d\mathbf{r}\,n(\mathbf{r})}.\end{aligned}$$ The length of ${\mathbf{f}}$ is denoted by $f$. For rubidium the magnetic dipole-dipole interaction is weak and consequently the magnetization is a conserved quantity. The Lagrange multiplier related to the conservation of magnetization can be included into $p$. The time evolution equation obtained from Eq. (\[energy\]) is $$\begin{aligned} i\hbar \frac{\partial }{\partial t}\psi =\hat{H}[\psi] \psi,\end{aligned}$$ where $$\begin{aligned} \label{H} \hat{H}[\psi]= \hat{h}+ g_0 \psi^\dag\psi +g_1 \langle{\hat{\mathbf{F}}}\rangle\cdot{\hat{\mathbf{F}}}+ g_2 \Theta \hat{{\mathcal{T}}}. \end{aligned}$$ Here $\hat{{\mathcal{T}}}=e^{-i\pi \hat{F}_y}\hat{C}$ is the time-reversal operator, where $\hat{C}$ is the complex conjugation operator. Stability of nonstationary states when $g_2\not=0$ {#sec:stability} ================================================== The stability analysis is performed in a basis where the state in question is time independent. This requires that the time evolution operator of the state is known. As we are interested in analytical calculations, an analytical expression for this operator has to be known. To calculate the time evolution operator analytically, the Hamiltonian has to be time independent. In particular, the singlet term $\Theta$ should not depend on time. This is clearly the case if the time evolution of the state is such that $\Theta$ vanishes at all times, and we now study this case. We define a state $$\begin{aligned} \label{eq:psiparallel} \psi_{2;-1}= \sqrt{\frac{n}{3}} \begin{pmatrix} \sqrt{1+f_z}\\ 0\\ 0\\ \sqrt{2- f_z}\\ 0 \end{pmatrix},\quad -1\leq f_z\leq 2.\end{aligned}$$ For this state $\Theta=0$, $\langle {\hat{F}_x}\rangle=\langle {\hat{F}_y}\rangle=0$, and $\langle{\hat{F}_z}\rangle =f_z$. Furthermore, the populations of the state $\psi_{2;-1}$ remain unchanged during the time evolution determined by the Hamiltonian (\[H\]). Consequently, $\Theta=0$ throughout the time evolution. The state $\psi_{2;-1}$ with $f_z=0$, called the cyclic state, is a ground state at zero magnetic field [@Ciobanu00]. The creation of vortices with fractional winding number in states of the form $\psi_{2;-1}$ has been discussed by the authors of Ref. [@Huhtamaki09]. The stability properties of the state $\psi_{1;-2}=\sqrt{n}(0,\sqrt{2+f_z},0,0,\sqrt{1-f_z})^T/\sqrt{3}$ are similar to those of $\psi_{2;-1}$ and will therefore not be studied separately. The Hamiltonian giving the time evolution of $\psi_{2;-1}$ is $$\begin{aligned} \label{eq:Hparallel} \hat{H}[\psi_{2;-1}]=g_0 n-\mu +(g_1 n f_z - p){\hat{F}_z}+q{\hat{F}_z}^2,\end{aligned}$$ where we have set $U=0$ as the system is assumed to be homogeneous. This is of the same form as the Hamiltonian of an $F=1$ system discussed by the authors of Ref. [@Makela11]. The time evolution operator of $\psi_{2;-1}$ is given by $$\begin{aligned} \label{eq:Uparallel} \hat{U}_{2;-1}(t)= e^{-i t \hat{H}[\psi_{2;-1}]/\hbar}.\end{aligned}$$ We analyze the stability in a basis where the state $\psi_{2;-1}$ is time independent. In the new basis, the energy of an arbitrary state $\phi$ is given by [@Makela11] $$\begin{aligned} \label{Erot} E^{\textrm{new}}[\phi]&=E[{\hat{U}}_{2;-1}\phi]+i\hbar\langle\phi|\left(\frac{\partial}{\partial t}{\hat{U}}^{-1}_{2;-1}\right){\hat{U}}_{2;-1}\phi\rangle, \end{aligned}$$ and the time evolution of the components of $\phi$ can be obtained from the equation $$\begin{aligned} \label{variE} i\hbar\frac{\partial\phi_\nu}{\partial t}=\frac{\delta E^{\textrm{new}}[\phi]}{\delta\phi_\nu^*},\quad \nu =-2,-1,0,1,2. \end{aligned}$$ We replace $\phi\rightarrow \psi_{2;-1} +\delta\psi$ in the time evolution equation (\[variE\]) and expand the resulting equations to first order in $\delta\psi$. The perturbation $\delta\psi=(\delta\psi_2,\delta\psi_1,\delta\psi_0,\delta\psi_{-1},\delta\psi_{-2})^T$ is written as $$\begin{aligned} \delta\psi_j=\sum_{\mathbf{k}} \left[ u_{j;\mathbf{k}}(t)\,e^{i\mathbf{k}\cdot\mathbf{r}} -v_{j;\mathbf{k}}^{*}(t)\, e^{-i\mathbf{k}\cdot\mathbf{r}}\right],\end{aligned}$$ where $j=-2,-1,0,1,2$. Straightforward calculation gives the differential equation for the time evolution of the perturbations as $$\begin{aligned} i\hbar\frac{\partial}{\partial t} \begin{pmatrix} \mathbf{u}_\mathbf{k}\\ \mathbf{v}_\mathbf{k} \end{pmatrix} &=\hat{B}_{2;-1} \begin{pmatrix} \mathbf{u}_\mathbf{k}\\ \mathbf{v}_\mathbf{k} \end{pmatrix},\\ \label{HBG} \hat{B}_{2;-1} &=\begin{pmatrix} {\hat{X}}&- {\hat{Y}}\\ {\hat{Y}}^* & -{\hat{X}}^* \end{pmatrix},\end{aligned}$$ where $\mathbf{u}_\mathbf{k}=(u_{2;\mathbf{k}},u_{1;\mathbf{k}},u_{0;\mathbf{k}},u_{-1;\mathbf{k}}, u_{-2;\mathbf{k}})^T$, $\mathbf{v}_\mathbf{k}$ is defined similarly, and the $5\times 5$ matrices ${\hat{X}}$ and ${\hat{Y}}$ are $$\begin{aligned} \nonumber {\hat{X}}=&\,\, \epsilon_k + g_0 |\psi_{2;-1}\rangle\langle\psi_{2;-1}| +g_1 \!\!\!\!\sum_{j=x,y,z} |\psi_{2;-1}^j (t)\rangle\langle\psi_{2;-1}^j (t)| \\ \label{X} &+2g_2 |\psi_{2;-1}^\textrm{s} (t)\rangle\langle\psi_{2;-1}^\textrm{s} (t)|, \\ \label{Y} {\hat{Y}}=&\,\, g_0 |\psi_{2;-1}\rangle\langle\psi^*_{2;-1}| +g_1 \!\!\!\!\sum_{j=x,y,z} |\psi_{2;-1}^j (t)\rangle\langle (\psi_{2;-1}^{j})^*(t)|.\end{aligned}$$ Here we have defined $$\begin{aligned} \label{epsilonk} \epsilon_k &= \, \frac{\hbar^2 k^2}{2m},\\ \psi_{2;-1}^j (t) &= \, {\hat{U}}_{2;-1}^\dag(t)\hat{F}_j U_{2;-1} (t)\psi_{2;-1},\quad j=x,y,z,\\ \psi_{2;-1}^\textrm{s} (t) &= \, {\hat{U}}_{2;-1}^T(t)e^{-i\pi \hat{F}_y} U_{2;-1} (t)\psi_{2;-1}. \end{aligned}$$ In the rest of the article we call the operator determining the time evolution of the perturbations the Bogoliubov matrix. In the present case, $\hat{B}_{2;-1}$ is the Bogolibov matrix of $\psi_{2;-1}$. It is possible to write $\hat{B}_{2;-1}$ as a direct sum of three operators $$\begin{aligned} \hat{B}_{2;-1} (t) &={\hat{B}_{2;-1}^{4}}\oplus {\hat{B}_{2;-1}^3}(t) \oplus {\hat{B}_{2;-1}^{3'}}(t),\\ {\hat{B}_{2;-1}^{3'}}&=-({\hat{B}_{2;-1}^3})^*. \end{aligned}$$ Here ${\hat{B}_{2;-1}^{4}}$ is a time independent $4\times 4$ matrix and ${\hat{B}_{2;-1}^3}$ is a time-dependent $3\times 3$ matrix. The bases in which these operators are defined are given in Appendix \[sec:appendixa\]. The time-dependent terms of ${\hat{B}_{2;-1}^3}$ are proportional to $e^{\pm i k q t/\hbar}$, where $k=2,4$, or $6$, and consequently the system is periodic with minimum period $T=\pi\hbar/q$. Hence it is possible to use Floquet theory to analyze the stability of the system [@Makela11]. In the following we first calculate the eigenvalues of ${\hat{B}_{2;-1}^{4}}$, then those of ${\hat{B}_{2;-1}^3}$ and $ {\hat{B}_{2;-1}^{3'}}$ in the case $q=0$, and finally we discuss the general case $q\not =0$ using Floquet theory. Eigenvalues of ${\hat{B}_{2;-1}^{4}}$ ------------------------------------- First we calculate the eigenvalues and eigenvectors of ${\hat{B}_{2;-1}^{4}}$. This operator is independent of $q$. The eigenvalues are $$\begin{aligned} \nonumber \label{psi2m1omega1234} \hbar\omega_{1,2,3,4} &=\pm\Big[\epsilon_k\Big(\epsilon_k +g_0 n+g_1 n(2+f_z)\\ &\pm n\sqrt{[g_0-g_1 (2+f_z)]^2+4 g_0 g_1 f_z^2}\Big)\Big]^{1/2}.\end{aligned}$$ Here we use a labeling such that $++,-+,+-$, and $--$ correspond to $\omega_1,\omega_2,\omega_3$, and $\omega_4$, respectively. Now $\omega_{1,2}$ have a non-vanishing imaginary part only if $g_0$ and $g_1$ are both negative, while $\omega_{3,4}$ have an imaginary component if $g_0$ and $g_1$ are not both positive. Consequently, these modes are stable for rubidium for which $g_0,g_1>0$. The eigenvectors can be calculated straightforwardly, see Appendix \[sec:appendixa\]. The eigenvectors, like the eigenvalues, are independent of $g_2$. The perturbations corresponding to the eigenvectors of ${\hat{B}_{2;-1}^{4}}$ can be written as $$\begin{aligned} \delta\psi^{1,2,3,4}(\mathbf{r},\mathbf{k};t) = C_{1,2,3,4}(\mathbf{r},\mathbf{k};t)\,\psi_{2;-1}, \end{aligned}$$ where the $C_j$’s include all position, momentum, and time dependence. These change the total density of the condensate and are therefore called density modes. Eigenvalues of ${\hat{B}_{2;-1}^3}$ and ${\hat{B}_{2;-1}^{3'}}$ at $q=0$ ------------------------------------------------------------------------ In the absence of an external magnetic field ${\hat{B}_{2;-1}^3}$ is time independent. The eigenvalues of ${\hat{B}_{2;-1}^{3'}}$ can be obtained from those of ${\hat{B}_{2;-1}^3}$ by complex conjugating and changing the sign. For this reason we give only the eigenvalues of ${\hat{B}_{2;-1}^3}$: $$\begin{aligned} \label{psi2m1omega5} \hbar\omega_{5} &= \epsilon_k +2 g_2 n,\\ \label{psi2m1omega67} \hbar\omega_{6,7} &=\frac{1}{2}\Big[g_1 n f_z \pm \sqrt{(2\epsilon_k-g_1 n f_z)^2+ 16 g_1 n\epsilon_k}\Big].\end{aligned}$$ The eigenvalues $\hbar\omega_6$ and $\hbar\omega_7$ have a non-vanishing complex part if $g_1<0$. For rubidium all eigenvalues are real. There are two gapped excitations: at $\epsilon_k=0$ we get $\hbar\omega_5=2g_2 n$ and $\hbar\omega_{6} \,(\hbar\omega_{7})=g_1 nf_z$ if $g_1 f_z>0$ $(g_1 f_z<0)$. The eigenvectors are given in Appendix A. The corresponding perturbations become $$\begin{aligned} \label{omega3} \delta\psi^{5}(\mathbf{r},\mathbf{k};t) &= C_5\, \begin{pmatrix} 0\\ \sqrt{2-f_z}\\ 0\\ 0\\ -\sqrt{1+f_z} \end{pmatrix},\\ \delta\psi^{6,7}(\mathbf{r},\mathbf{k};t) &= \sum_\mathbf{k} C_{6,7} \, \begin{pmatrix} 0\\ e^{i \mathbf{k}\cdot \mathbf{r}} g_1 n\sqrt{(2-f_z)(1+f_z)}\\ e^{-i \mathbf{k}\cdot \mathbf{r}}\sqrt{\frac{3}{2}}(\epsilon_k+2 g_1 n-\hbar\omega_{6,7})\\ 0\\ e^{i \mathbf{k}\cdot \mathbf{r}} g_1 n (2-f_z), \end{pmatrix}\end{aligned}$$ where $C_{5,6,7}$ are functions of $\mathbf{r},\mathbf{k}$, and $t$. These modes change both the direction of the spin and magnetization and are therefore called spin-magnetization modes. Non-vanishing magnetic field ---------------------------- If $q\not =0$, the stability can be analyzed using Floquet theory due to the periodicity of ${\hat{B}_{2;-1}^3}$ [@Makela11]. We denote the time evolution operator determined by ${\hat{B}_{2;-1}^3}$ by $\hat{U}_{2;-1}^3$. According to the Floquet theorem (see, e.g., Ref. [@Chicone]), $\hat{U}_{2;-1}^3$ can be written as $$\begin{aligned} {\hat{U}}_{2;-1}^3(t)=\hat{M}(t) e^{-i t \hat{K}},\end{aligned}$$ where $\hat{M}$ is a periodic matrix with minimum period $T$ and $\hat{M}(0)=\hat{\textrm{I}}$, and $\hat{K}$ is some time-independent matrix. At times $t=nT$, where $n$ is an integer, we get ${\hat{U}}_{2;-1}^3(nT)=e^{-i n T \hat{K}}$. The eigenvalues of $\hat{K}$ determine the stability of the system. We say that the system is unstable if at least one of the eigenvalues of $\hat{K}$ has a positive imaginary part. We calculate the eigenvalues $\{\hbar\omega\}$ of $\hat{K}$ from the equation $$\begin{aligned} \hbar\omega=\hbar\omega^\textrm{r}+i \hbar\omega^\textrm{i}=i\frac{\ln\lambda}{T}, \end{aligned}$$ where $\{\lambda\}$ are the eigenvalues of ${\hat{U}}_{2;-1}^3(T)$. ![(Color online) The positive imaginary part $\omega^\textrm{i}$ related to $\hat{U}_{2;-1}(T)$ for different values of the magnetic field parameter $q$. The unit of $\omega^\textrm{i}$ is $|g_1|n/\hbar$. Note that the scales of $\epsilon_k$ and $\omega^\textrm{i}$ are not equal in the top and bottom rows. Note also that the scale of the $q=5|g_1|n$ figure is shifted with respect to the scale of the $q=|g_1|n$ case. The solid white line gives the approximate location of the fastest-growing instability, and the dashed white line corresponds to the largest possible size of a stable condensate, see Eq. (\[lambda2m1\]) and Table \[table\]. \[fig:psi2m1\]](psi2m1fig_rev.eps) We plot $\omega^\textrm{i}$ for several values of the magnetic field in Fig. \[fig:psi2m1\]. By comparing this to the case of a rubidium condensate with $g_2=0$, we found that the instabilities are essentially determined by $g_1$, the effect of $g_2$ is negligible. The eigenvectors of $\hat{U}_{2;-1}^3(T)$ correspond to perturbations which affect both spin direction and magnetization. With the help of numerical results we find that a good fitting formula is given by $$\begin{aligned} \hbar\omega^\textrm{i} \approx &\textrm{Im}\Big\{ \sqrt{(\epsilon_k+q)[\epsilon_k+q+\frac{5}{3}(2-f_z) g_1 n]}\Big\}, q<0,\\ \nonumber \approx &\textrm{Im}\Big\{\sqrt{(\epsilon_k-2q+ g_1 n)^2-\frac{4}{9}|(f_z-2)(f_z+1)g_1n|}\Big\},\\ & q>0.\end{aligned}$$ We see that for $q>0$ the fastest-growing instability is located approximately at $\epsilon_k=\max\{0,2q-g_1 n\}$ regardless of the value of $f_z$. For $q<0$ the location of this instability becomes magnetization dependent and is approximately given by $\epsilon_k=\max \{0, |q|-5(2-f_z)|g_1|n/6\}$. The values of $\epsilon_k$ corresponding to unstable wavelengths are bounded above approximately by the inequality $\epsilon_k\leq (3|q|+q)/2$. Therefore, the state $\psi_{2;-1}$ is stable if the condensate is smaller than the shortest unstable wavelength $$\begin{aligned} \lambda_{2;-1} =\frac{2\pi\hbar}{\sqrt{m(3|q|+q)}}. \label{lambda2m1}\end{aligned}$$ At $q=0$ the system is stable regardless of its size. Figure \[fig:psi2m1\] shows that the shape of the unstable region depends strongly on the sign of $q$. This can be understood qualitatively with the help of the energy functional of Eq. (\[energy\]). We choose $\psi_{\textrm{ini}}=\sqrt{n}|m_F=-1\rangle$ to be the initial state of the system and assume that the final state is of the form $$\begin{aligned} \psi_{\textrm{fin}}(x,y,z)= \begin{cases} \sqrt{n}|0\rangle, & x\, \textrm{mod}\, 2L \in [0,L),\\ \sqrt{n}|-2\rangle, & x\, \textrm{mod}\, 2L \in [L,2L). \end{cases}\end{aligned}$$ Then the energy of the initial state is $E_{\textrm{ini}}=g_1 n/2+q$ (dropping constant terms), while the energy of the final configuration is $E_{\textrm{fin}}=g_1 n+ 2q$. If $g_1,q>0$, $E_{\textrm{ini}}<E_{\textrm{fin}}$ and domain formation is suppressed for energetic reasons. If, on the other hand, $g_1>0$ and $q<0$, the energy of the final state is smaller than the energy of the initial state if $q<-g_1 n/2$ and domain formation is possible. Stability of nonstationary states when $g_2=0$ {#sec:g2not0} ============================================== For rubidium the value of $g_2$ is small in comparison with $g_0$ and $g_1$. Consequently, it can be assumed that this term has only a minor effect on the stability of the system. This assumption is supported by the results of the previous section. In the following we will therefore study the stability in the limit $g_2=0$. This makes it possible to obtain an analytical expression for the time evolution operator also for states other than $\psi_{2;-1}$. First we discuss a state that has three nonzero components, and then two states that have two nonzero components. Nonzero $\psi_2$, $\psi_0$, and $\psi_{-2}$ ------------------------------------------- We consider a state of the form $$\begin{aligned} \psi_{2;0;-2}= \frac{\sqrt{n}}{2}\begin{pmatrix} \sqrt{2-2 \rho_0+f_z}\\ 0\\ 2e^{i\theta} \sqrt{\rho_0}\\ 0\\ \sqrt{2-2 \rho_0-f_z} \end{pmatrix},\quad |f_z|\leq 2-2\rho_0\end{aligned}$$ For this $\langle\hat{F}_x\rangle=\langle\hat{F}_y\rangle=0$ and $\langle\hat{F}_z\rangle= nf_z$. The Hamiltonian and time evolution operator of this state are given by Eqs. (\[eq:Hparallel\]) and (\[eq:Uparallel\]), respectively. The equations determining the time evolution of the perturbations can be obtained from Eqs. (\[X\]) and (\[Y\]) by replacing $\psi_{2;-1}$ with $\psi_{2;0;-2}$ and setting $g_2=0$. In this way, we obtain a time dependent Bogoliubov matrix $\hat{B}_{2;0;-2}$, which is a function of the population of the zero component $\rho_0$. The Bogoliubov matrix can now be written as $$\begin{aligned} \label{eq:HB20m2} \hat{B}_{2;0;-2} (t) =\hat{B}_{2;0;-2}^6\oplus \hat{B}_{2;0;-2}^4(t), \end{aligned}$$ where $\hat{B}_{2;0;-2}^6$ is time independent and $\hat{B}_{2;0;-2}^4$ is periodic in time with period $T=\pi/q$. The bases in which these operators are defined are given in Appendix B. The eigenvalues of $ \hat{B}_{2;0;-2}^6$ are $$\begin{aligned} \hbar\omega_{1,2} =& \pm\epsilon_k,\\ \nonumber \hbar\omega_{3,4,5,6} =& \pm\Big[\epsilon_k^2 +\epsilon_k [g_0+4g_1(1-\rho_0)]n \\ &\pm \epsilon_k n\sqrt{[g_0-4g_1(1-\rho_0)]^2+4 g_0 g_1 f_z^2}\Big]^{1/2}.\end{aligned}$$ Here $++,-+,+-$, and $--$ correspond to $\omega_3,\omega_4,\omega_5$, and $\omega_6$, respectively. These eigenvalues are always real if $g_0$ and $g_1$ are positive. From the eigenvectors given in Appendix \[sec:appendixb\] we see that $\omega_{3,4}$ are density modes and $\omega_{1,2}$ and $\omega_{5,6}$ are magnetization modes. All these are gapless excitations. Note that the eigenvalues are independent of $\theta$. We discuss next the stability properties determined by $\hat{B}_{2;0;-2}^4$. We consider first the special case $\rho_0=0$ and proceed then to the case $\rho_0>0$. ### Stability at $\rho_0=0$ In the case $\rho_0=0$ a complete analytical solution of the excitation spectrum can be obtained. In Appendix \[sec:appendixb\] we show that by a suitable choice of basis the time dependence of the Bogoliubov matrix can be eliminated. The eigenvalues are $$\begin{aligned} \nonumber \label{psi20m2omega78910} &\hbar\omega_{7,8,9,10} = \frac{1}{2}\Big[\pm g_1 n f_z + 6q \\ &\pm\sqrt{4(\epsilon_k+g_1 n-3 q)^2 -(4-f_z^2)(g_1 n)^2} \Big]. \end{aligned}$$ These are gapped excitations and correspond to spin-magnetization modes (see Appendix \[sec:appendixb\]). If $g_1>0$, these eigenvalues have a non-vanishing complex part when $3q-2g_1 n\leq \epsilon_k \leq 3q$. This is possible only if $q$ is positive. The location of the fastest-growing unstable mode, determined by $\epsilon_k=\max\{0,3q - g_1 n\}$, is independent of $f_z$. The maximal width of the unstable region in the $\epsilon_k$ direction, obtained at $f_z=0$, is $2|g_1|n$. The state is stable if the system is smaller than the size given by $$\begin{aligned} \label{lambda20m2} \lambda_{2;0;-2} =\frac{2\pi\hbar}{\sqrt{6mq}},\quad q>0. \end{aligned}$$ If $q<0$, the state is stable regardless of the size of the condensate. In Fig. \[fig:psi20m2\] we plot the positive imaginary part of the eigenvalues (\[psi20m2omega78910\]) for various values of $q$. ![The positive imaginary part $\omega^\textrm{i}$ related to the eigenvalues (\[psi20m2omega78910\]) and to $\hat{U}_{2;0;-2}(T)$ for various values of the quadratic Zeeman term $q$ and population $\rho_0$. The unit of $\omega^\textrm{i}$ is $|g_1|n/\hbar$. We have chosen $f_z=0$ as this choice gives the fastest-growing instabilities and the smallest size of a stable condensate. In the top row the dashed, dotted, and solid lines correspond to $q=1,2,3$, respectively, while in the bottom row they correspond to $q=-1,-2,-3$, respectively. We have set $\theta=0$ in $\psi_{2;0;-2}$ as the stability was found to be independent of $\theta$. \[fig:psi20m2\]](psi20m2fig_rev.eps) ### Stability when $\rho_0>0$ In the case $\rho_0>0$ the stability can be studied using Floquet theory. The stability properties can be shown to be independent of the sign of $f_z$. At $q=0$ the operator $\hat{B}_{2;0;-2}^4$ is time independent. The eigenvalues can be obtained analytically but are not given here. The eigenvalues show that in the absence of magnetic field the state is stable in a rubidium condensate regardless of the value of $\rho_0$. Figure \[fig:psi20m2\] illustrates how the stability depends on the value of $q$ and the population $\rho_0$. We plot only the case $f_z=0$ as it gives the fastest-growing instabilities and the smallest size of a stable condensate. We found numerically that the stability properties are independent of the value of $\theta$. We have set $\theta=0$ in the calculations described here. If $q>0$, the amplitude $\omega^\textrm{i}$ of the short-wavelength instabilities is suppressed as $\rho_0$ increases. This can be understood with the help of the energy functional $$\begin{aligned} E_{2;0;-2} = \frac{1}{2} g_1 n f_z^2 + 8q (1-\rho_0).\end{aligned}$$ If $q>0$, the energy decreases as $\rho_0$ increases. Therefore there is less energy available to be converted into the kinetic energy of the domain structure. From the top row of Fig. \[fig:psi20m2\] it can be seen that Eq. (\[lambda20m2\]) gives an upper bound for the size of a stable condensate also when the value of $\rho_0$ is larger than zero. If $q<0$, the state is stable at $\rho_0=0$. The bottom row of Fig. \[fig:psi20m2\] shows that now $\psi_{2;0;-2}$ becomes more unstable as $\rho_0$ grows. This is natural because the energy $E_{2;0;-2}$ grows as $\rho_0$ increases, the energy surplus can be converted into kinetic energy of the domains. Figure \[fig:psi20m2\] shows that Eq. (\[lambda20m2\]) gives an upper bound for the size of a stable condensate also in the case $q<0$. Nonzero $\psi_1$ and $\psi_{-1}$ -------------------------------- As the next example we consider a state of the form $$\begin{aligned} \psi_{1;-1}= \sqrt{\frac{n}{2}}\begin{pmatrix} 0\\ \sqrt{1+f_z}\\ 0\\ \sqrt{1-f_z}\\ 0 \end{pmatrix},\quad |f_z|\leq 1.\end{aligned}$$ Also for this state $\langle\hat{F}_x\rangle=\langle\hat{F}_y\rangle=0$ and $\langle\hat{F}_z\rangle= nf_z$ and therefore the Hamiltonian and time evolution operator are given by Eqs. (\[eq:Hparallel\]) and (\[eq:Uparallel\]), respectively. The Bogoliubov matrix reads $$\begin{aligned} \label{eq:HB1m1} \hat{B}_{1;-1} (t) =\hat{B}_{1;-1}^6(t)\oplus \hat{B}_{1;-1}^4. \end{aligned}$$ Here $\hat{B}_{1;-1}^6(t)$ is time dependent with period $T=\pi/q$ and $\hat{B}_{1;-1}^4$ is time independent. The eigenvalues of $\hat{B}_{1;-1}^4$ are $$\begin{aligned} \nonumber \hbar\omega_{1,2,3,4} =&\pm\Big[\epsilon_k\Big(\epsilon_k+ (g_0+g_1)n\\ & \pm n\sqrt{(g_0-g_1)^2+4 g_0 g_1 f_z^2}\Big)\Big]^{1/2}.\end{aligned}$$ Now $++,-+,+-$, and $--$ correspond to $\omega_1,\omega_2,\omega_3$, and $\omega_4$, respectively. These are all gapless modes. For rubidium the eigenvalues are real. In Appendix C we show that $\omega_{1,2}$ are density modes and $\omega_{3,4}$ are magnetization modes. We now turn to the eigenvalues of $\hat{B}_{1;-1}^6$. At $q=0$ $\hat{B}_{1;-1}^6$ becomes time independent and the eigenvalues are $$\begin{aligned} \hbar\omega_{5,6} &= \pm\epsilon_k,\\ \nonumber \hbar\omega_{7,8,9,10} &= \pm\frac{1}{\sqrt{2}} \Big[2\epsilon_k^2+10\epsilon_k g_1 n +(g_1 n f_z)^2 \\ &\pm g_1 n \sqrt{(6\epsilon_k+g_1 n f_z^2)^2-8\epsilon_k f_z^2(4\epsilon_k-g_1 n)}\Big]^{1/2}. \end{aligned}$$ For rubidium these are all real. One of the eigenvalues $\hbar\omega_{4,5}$ has an energy gap $|g_1 n f_z|$. These eigenvalues describe spin-magnetization modes. For non-zero $q$ the stability can be analyzed using Floquet theory. As in the previous section, the fastest growing instabilities are obtained at $f_z=0$. This case can be studied analytically by changing basis as described in Appendix \[sec:appendixc\]. The eigenvalues for the case $f_z=0$ are $$\begin{aligned} \label{omega1m1a} &\hbar\omega_{5,6} = -3 q\pm \sqrt{(\epsilon_k+3 q)(\epsilon_k+ 2 g_1 n+3 q)},\\ \nonumber \label{omega1m1b} &\hbar\omega_{7,8,9,10} = 3q \pm \Big[(\epsilon_k+q)^2+4(\epsilon_k g_1 n+q^2)\\ &\pm 4\sqrt{[q^2+\epsilon_k (g_1 n+q)]^2-3 g_1 n q (\epsilon_k^2-q^2)}\Big]^{1/2}.\end{aligned}$$ These are gapped excitations with a magnetic-field-dependent gap. In more detail, at $\epsilon_k=0$ we get $\hbar\omega_{5,6}=-3q\pm\sqrt{3q(2 g_1 n+3q)}$ and $\hbar\omega_{7,8,9,10}=3q\pm\sqrt{5q^2\pm 4q\sqrt{q(3 g_1 n+q)}}$. For positive $q$, the fastest-growing instability is determined by $\omega_8^{\textrm{i}}$ and is located approximately at $\epsilon_k =\textrm{max}\{0,-3+q\}.$ For negative $q$ there are three local maxima for $\omega^{\textrm{i}}$. The one with the largest amplitude is given by $\omega^{\textrm{i}}_{7}$ and $\omega^{\textrm{i}}_{10}$ and is located at $\epsilon_k\approx \textrm{max}\{0,q^2(|q|-1)/(q^2+|q|+1)\}$. The second largest is given by $\omega^{\textrm{i}}_5$ and is at $\epsilon_k\approx \textrm{max}\{0,3|q|+1\}$. Finally, the instability with the smallest amplitude is related to $\omega^{\textrm{i}}_8$ and is at $\epsilon_k\approx \textrm{max}\{0,29 (10 |q|-1)/100\}$. In Fig. \[fig:psi1m1fig\] we plot the behavior of $\omega^\textrm{i}$ for $q=6$ and $q=-3$. From Eqs. (\[omega1m1a\]) and (\[omega1m1b\]) it can be seen (see also Fig. \[fig:psi1m1fig\]) that the state is stable if the size of the condensate is smaller than $$\begin{aligned} \label{lambda1m1} \lambda_{1;-1} =\frac{2\pi\hbar}{\sqrt{2m(2|q|-q)}}.\end{aligned}$$ ![The positive imaginary part $\omega^\textrm{i}$ of the eigenvalues (\[omega1m1a\]) and (\[omega1m1b\]) related to $\psi_{1;-1}$ for $q=3$ and $q=-6$. The unit of $\omega^\textrm{i}$ is $|g_1|n/\hbar$. We have chosen $f_z=0$ as it gives the fastest-growing instabilities and the smallest size of a stable system. The solid and dashed lines correspond to $\omega_8^\textrm{i}$ and $\omega^{\textrm{i}}_5$, respectively, while the dotted line gives $\omega^{\textrm{i}}_7$ and $\omega^{\textrm{i}}_{10}$ \[see Eqs. (\[omega1m1a\]) and (\[omega1m1b\])\]. \[fig:psi1m1fig\]](psi1m1fig_rev.eps) Nonzero $\psi_2$ and $\psi_{0}$ ------------------------------- As the final example we consider a state $$\begin{aligned} \psi_{2;0}= \sqrt{\frac{n}{2}}\begin{pmatrix} \sqrt{f_z}\\ 0\\ \sqrt{2-f_z}\\ 0\\ 0 \end{pmatrix},\quad 0\leq f_z\leq 2.\end{aligned}$$ As for other states considered in this article, now $\langle\hat{F}_x\rangle=\langle\hat{F}_y\rangle=0$ and $\langle\hat{F}_z\rangle= nf_z$ and the Hamiltonian and time evolution operator are given by Eqs. (\[eq:Hparallel\]) and (\[eq:Uparallel\]), respectively. We note that the stability properties of the states $\psi_{2;0}$ and $\psi_{0;-2}=\sqrt{n}(0,0,\sqrt{2-f_z},0,\sqrt{f_z})/\sqrt{2}$ are similar. Therefore the latter state will not be discussed in more detail. The Bogoliubov matrix of $\psi_{2;0}$ reads $$\begin{aligned} \label{eq:HB20} \hat{B}_{2;0} (t) =\hat{B}_{2;0}^2\oplus\hat{B}_{2;0}^4\oplus \hat{B}_{2;0}^{4'}(t),\end{aligned}$$ where only $\hat{B}_{2;0}^{4'}$ is time dependent (with period $T=\pi/q$). The eigenvalues of $\hat{B}_{0;2}^2$ and $\hat{B}_{0;2}^4$ are $$\begin{aligned} \hbar\omega_{1,2} = &\pm \epsilon_k, \\ \nonumber \hbar\omega_{3,4,5,6} =& \pm\Big[\epsilon_k^2+ \epsilon_k( g_0 n+2 g_1 n f_z)\\ &\pm \epsilon_k n\sqrt{(g_0-2 g_1 f_z)^2+4 g_0 g_1 f_z^2} \Big]^{1/2}.\end{aligned}$$ In the lower equation, $++, -+, +-$, and $--$ correspond to $\omega_3,\omega_4,\omega_5$, and $\omega_6$, respectively. These are gapless excitations. In Appendix \[sec:appendixd\] we show that $\omega_{3,4}$ correspond to density modes, while $\omega_{1,2,5,6}$ are magnetization modes. For rubidium, these are all stable modes. After a suitable change of basis the Bogoliubov matrix $\hat{B}_{2;0}^{4'}$ becomes time independent, see Appendix \[sec:appendixd\]. The eigenvalues of the new matrix are found to be $$\begin{aligned} \label{omega20} &\hbar\omega_{7,8,9,10} = \pm\frac{1}{\sqrt{2}}\sqrt{s_1 \pm \sqrt{(2\epsilon_k+g_1 n f_z +2 q)s_2}},\end{aligned}$$ where $$\begin{aligned} \nonumber &s_1 = 2 \epsilon_k^2+(g_1 n f_z)^2 +4 \epsilon_k [(3-f_z)g_1 n +q]\\ \nonumber &\hspace{0.7cm} - 8 f_z g_1 n q +2 q (6 g_1 n+5q),\\ \nonumber & s_2 = f_z (g_1 n)^2[24(\epsilon_k+q)-10 \epsilon_k f_z -18 q f_z+ g_1 n f_z^2]\\ \nonumber &\hspace{0.7cm} +32 q^2 [q+\epsilon_k +3 g_1 n (2- f_z)] - 16 g_1 n q \epsilon_k f_z.\end{aligned}$$ Now $++,-+,+-$, and $--$ are related to $\omega_7,\omega_8,\omega_9$, and $\omega_{10}$, respectively. These are gapped excitations and correspond to spin-magnetization modes. These modes can be unstable for rubidium; an example of the behavior of the positive imaginary component of $\omega_{7,8,9,10}$ is shown in Fig. \[fig:psi20fig\]. An upper bound for the size of a stable condensate is the same as in the case of $\psi_{1;-1}$, see Eq. (\[lambda1m1\]). With the help of Eq. (\[omega20\]) it can be seen that the fastest-growing instability is approximately at $\epsilon_k=\textrm{max}\{0,-2+0.9 q+0.04 f_z (1+q)\}$ when $q>0$ and at $\epsilon_k=\textrm{max}\{0,|q|-3+1.3 f_z-0.16 f_z^2\}$ when $q<0$. ![(Color online) The positive imaginary part $\omega^\textrm{i}$ of the eigenvalues (\[omega20\]) related to $\psi_{2;0}$ for $q=5$ and $q=-2$. The unit of $\omega^\textrm{i}$ is $|g_1|n/\hbar$. The solid white line gives the approximate location of the fastest-growing instability, and the dashed white line corresponds to the largest possible size of a stable condensate, see Table (\[table\]). \[fig:psi20fig\]](psi20fig_rev.eps) State $q$ Stable size Fastest-growing instability ($\epsilon_k$) ----------------- ------ ---------------------------------- -------------------------------------------------- $\psi_{2;-1},$ $>0$ $\frac{2\pi\hbar}{\sqrt{4mq}}$ $2q-g_1 n$ $\psi_{1;-2}$ $<0$ $\frac{2\pi\hbar}{\sqrt{2m|q|}}$ $|q|-\frac{5}{6}(2\mp f_z)|g_1|n$ $\psi_{2;0;-2}$ $>0$ $\frac{2\pi\hbar}{\sqrt{6mq}}$ $3q-g_1 n$ $<0$ $\infty$ - $\psi_{1;-1}$ $>0$ $\frac{2\pi\hbar}{\sqrt{2mq}}$ $q-3g_1 n$ $<0$ $\frac{2\pi\hbar}{\sqrt{6m|q|}}$ $\frac{q^2(|q|-g_1 n)}{q^2+|q| g_1 n+(g_1 n)^2}$ $\psi_{2;0},$ $>0$ $\frac{2\pi\hbar}{\sqrt{2mq}}$ $-2+0.9 q+0.04 |f_z| (1+q)$ $\psi_{0;-2}$ $<0$ $\frac{2\pi\hbar}{\sqrt{6m|q|}}$ $|q|-3+1.3 |f_z| -0.16 f_z^2$ : Summary of the results. Stable size gives the largest possible size of a stable homogeneous condensate and the fastest-growing instability indicates the approximate value of $\epsilon_k$ corresponding to the fastest growing instability. If $q$ is such that the $\epsilon_k$ given in the table is negative, the fastest-growing instability is at $\epsilon_k=0$. On the second line of the table, the $-$ sign holds for $\psi_{2;-1}$ and the $+$ sign for $\psi_{1;-2}$. \[table\] Conclusions {#sec:conclusions} =========== In this article, we have studied the dynamical stability of some nonstationary states of homogeneous $F=2$ rubidium BECs. The states were chosen to be such that the spin vector remains parallel to the magnetic field throughout the time evolution, making it possible to study the stability analytically. The stability analysis was done using the Bogoliubov approach in a frame of reference where the states were stationary. The states considered had two or three spin components populated simultaneously. These types of states were found to be stable in a rubidium condensate in the absence of a magnetic field, but a finite magnetic field makes them unstable. The wavelength and the growth rate of the instabilities depends on the strength of the magnetic field. The locations of the fastest-growing instabilities and the upper bounds for the sizes of stable condensates are given in Table \[table\]. For positive $q$, the most unstable state, in the sense that its upper bound for the size of a stable condensate is the smallest, is $\psi_{2;0;-2}$. However, this is the only state that is stable when $q$ is negative. For $q<0$, the states giving the smallest size of a stable condensate are $\psi_{1;-1}$ and $\psi_{2;0}$. In comparison with $F=1$ condensates, the structure of the instabilities is much richer in an $F=2$ condensate. In an $F=1$ system, there is only one type of a state whose spin is parallel to the magnetic field. The excitations related to this state can be classified into spin and magnetization excitations [@Makela11]. In the present system, there are many types of states which are parallel to the magnetic field; we have discussed six of these. In addition to the spin and magnetization excitations, there exist also modes which change spin and magnetization simultaneously. The increase in the complexity can be attributed to the number of components of the spin vector. The stability properties of the states discussed in this article can be studied experimentally straightforwardly. These states had two or three non-zero components, a situation which can be readily achieved by current experimental means [@Ramanathan11]. Furthermore, the stability of these states does not depend on the relative phases of the populated components, making it unnecessary to prepare states with specific relative phases. Finally, we note that the lifetime of an $F=2$ rubidium condensate is limited by hyperfine changing collisions [@Schmaljohann04]. Consequently, the instabilities are visible only if the their growth rate is large enough compared to the lifetime of the condensate. We also remark that the stability analysis was performed for a homogeneous condensate, whereas in experiments an inhomogeneous trapping potential is used. The stability properties can be sensitive to the shape of this potential [@Klempt09]. Eigenvectors of $\hat{B}_{2;-1}$ {#sec:appendixa} ================================ Here we give the (unnormalized) eigenvectors of ${\hat{B}_{2;-1}^{4}}$, ${\hat{B}_{2;-1}^3}$, and ${\hat{B}_{2;-1}^{3'}}$. Unlike ${\hat{B}_{2;-1}^{4}}$, the operators ${\hat{B}_{2;-1}^3}$ and ${\hat{B}_{2;-1}^{3'}}$ depend on the magnetic field. The eigenvectors of the latter two are given at $q=0$. The operators ${\hat{B}_{2;-1}^{4}}$, ${\hat{B}_{2;-1}^3}$, and ${\hat{B}_{2;-1}^{3'}}$ will not be given here explicitly as they can obtained straightforwardly from Eqs. (\[X\]) and (\[Y\]). However, we give the bases with respect to which these operators and their eigenvectors are defined. The matrix ${\hat{B}_{2;-1}^{4}}$ is given in the basis $\{\mathbf{b}_1,\mathbf{b}_4,\mathbf{b}_6,\mathbf{b}_9\}$, where $\mathbf{b}_j$ is a ten-component vector with the $j$:th element equal to one and all other elements equal to zero. The eigenvectors of ${\hat{B}_{2;-1}^{4}}$ are $$\begin{aligned} \mathbf{x}_j &=((\epsilon_k +\hbar\omega_j)\alpha_j, (\epsilon_k +\hbar\omega_j),(\epsilon_k -\hbar\omega_j)\alpha_j,\epsilon_k -\hbar\omega_j),\end{aligned}$$ where $j=1,2,3,4$ and $$\begin{aligned} \alpha_j &\equiv \sqrt{\frac{1+f_z}{2-f_z}}\frac{g_0+4 g_1}{g_0-2 g_1} \left(1+\frac{6 \epsilon_k g_0 g_1 n(2-f_z)}{(g_0+4 g_1)[\epsilon_k^2-(\hbar\omega_j)^2]}\right). \end{aligned}$$ The matrix ${\hat{B}_{2;-1}^3}$ is defined in the basis $\{\mathbf{b}_2,\mathbf{b}_5,\mathbf{b}_8\}$. At $q=0$ the eigenvectors are $$\begin{aligned} \mathbf{x}_5 =&(\sqrt{2-f_z},-\sqrt{1+f_z},0),\\ \nonumber \mathbf{x}_j =&(g_1 n\sqrt{(2-f_z)(1+f_z)},g_1 n (2-f_z),\\ &-\sqrt{\frac{3}{2}}(\epsilon_k+2 g_1 n-\hbar\omega_j)),\quad j=6,7.\end{aligned}$$ By defining ${\hat{B}_{2;-1}^{3'}}$ with respect to the basis $\{\mathbf{b}_7,\mathbf{b}_{10},\mathbf{b}_3\}$ we get ${\hat{B}_{2;-1}^{3'}}=-({\hat{B}_{2;-1}^3})^*$. Therefore, the eigenvectors of ${\hat{B}_{2;-1}^{3'}}$ can be obtained from those of ${\hat{B}_{2;-1}^3}$ by complex conjugating. Eigenvectors of $\hat{B}_{2;0;-2}$ {#sec:appendixb} ================================== The operator $\hat{B}_{2;0;-2}^6$ appearing in Eq. (\[eq:HB20m2\]) is given in the basis $\{\mathbf{b}_1,\mathbf{b}_3,\mathbf{b}_5,\mathbf{b}_{6},\mathbf{b}_{8},\mathbf{b}_{10}\}$. The eigenvectors of $\hat{B}_{2;0;-2}^6$ corresponding to $\omega_{1,2}$ are $$\begin{aligned} \nonumber \mathbf{x}_1 =& (\sqrt{\rho_0 \rho_{-2}},-e^{i \theta}\sqrt{\rho_2\rho_{-2}},\sqrt{\rho_0\rho_2},0,0,0),\\ \mathbf{x}_2 =& (0,0,0,\sqrt{\rho_0 \rho_{-2}},-e^{i \theta}\sqrt{\rho_2\rho_{-2}},\sqrt{\rho_0\rho_2}). \end{aligned}$$ These are magnetization modes as they change the magnetization but not the spin direction. The exact eigenvectors corresponding to $\omega_{3,4,5,6}$ are too complicated to be given here. Therefore we approximate $g_1\approx 0$ (for rubidium $g_1/g_0\approx 0.01$) and obtain $$\begin{aligned} \nonumber \mathbf{x}_{3,4} \approx & (\sqrt{\rho_2},e^{i \theta}\sqrt{\rho_0},\sqrt{\rho_{-2}},\\ &-\gamma_\pm \sqrt{\rho_{2}},-\gamma_\pm \, e^{-i \theta} \sqrt{\rho_0}, -\gamma_\pm \sqrt{\rho_{-2}}),\\ \mathbf{x}_5 \approx & [(2-f_z)\sqrt{\rho_2},-e^{i\theta} f_z\sqrt{\rho_{0}}, -(2+f_z)\sqrt{\rho_{-2}},0,0,0],\\ \mathbf{x}_6 \approx & [0,0,0,(2-f_z)\sqrt{\rho_2},-e^{i\theta} f_z\sqrt{\rho_{0}}, -(2+f_z)\sqrt{\rho_{-2}}],\end{aligned}$$ where $$\begin{aligned} \rho_{\pm 2} = & \frac{1}{4}(2-2 \rho_0 \pm f_z),\\ \label{gammapm} \gamma_\pm = & \frac{1}{g_0 n} \left[\epsilon_k+g_0 n\pm \sqrt{\epsilon_k (\epsilon_k+2 g_0 n)}\right]. \end{aligned}$$ Of these $\mathbf{x}_{3,4}$ are density modes and $\mathbf{x}_{5,6}$ are magnetization modes. The operator $\hat{B}_{2;0;-2}^4$ is given in the basis $\{\mathbf{b}_2,\mathbf{b}_4,\mathbf{b}_7,\mathbf{b}_9\}$. $\hat{B}_{2;0;-2}^4$ is time dependent, but at $\rho_0=0$ the time evolution determined by $\hat{B}_{2;0;-2}^4$ can be solved analytically. With the help of the unitary basis transformation $$\begin{aligned} V = \frac{1}{\sqrt{2}} \begin{pmatrix} e^{-3 i t q} & e^{-3 i t q} & 0 & 0 \\ 0 & 0 & e^{-3 i t q} & e^{-3 i t q} \\ 0 & 0 & e^{3 i t q} & -e^{3 i t q}\\ e^{3 i t q} & -e^{3 i t q} & 0 & 0 \end{pmatrix},\end{aligned}$$ we obtain a new Bogoliubov operator $$\begin{aligned} \hat{\bar{B}}_{2;0;-2}^4\Big|_{\rho_0=0} \equiv V^\dag \hat{B}_{2,0;-2}^4\Big|_{\rho_0=0} V +i\hbar\left(\frac{\partial}{\partial t} V^\dag\right)V, \end{aligned}$$ which is time independent. The eigenvectors of this operator are $$\begin{aligned} \nonumber \mathbf{x}_{7,8} = &(2\hbar\omega_{4,5} -g_1 n f_z-6 q,\\ & 2\epsilon_k+[2+\sqrt{4-f_z^2}] g_1 n-6 q,0,0),\\ \nonumber \mathbf{x}_{9,10} = &(0,0,2\hbar\omega_{6,7} + g_1 n f_z -6 q,\\ & 2\epsilon_k+[2+\sqrt{4-f_z^2}] g_1 n-6 q). \end{aligned}$$ These modes change both magnetization and spin direction. Eigenvectors of $\hat{B}_{1;-1}$ {#sec:appendixc} ================================ The operator $\hat{B}_{1;-1}^4$ is defined in the basis $\{\mathbf{b}_2,\mathbf{b}_4,\mathbf{b}_7,\mathbf{b}_9\}$. The eigenvectors are (in the limit $g_1=0$) $$\begin{aligned} \mathbf{x}_1 &=(\sqrt{1+f_z},\sqrt{1-f_z}, -\gamma_-\sqrt{1+f_z},-\gamma_-\sqrt{1-f_z}),\\ \mathbf{x}_2 &=(-\gamma_- \sqrt{1+f_z},-\gamma_- \sqrt{1-f_z}, \sqrt{1+f_z},\sqrt{1-f_z}),\\ \mathbf{x}_3 &=(\sqrt{1-f_z},-\sqrt{1+f_z},0,0),\\ \mathbf{x}_4 &=(0,0,\sqrt{1-f_z},-\sqrt{1+f_z}).\end{aligned}$$ Here $\gamma_\pm$ is defined as in Eq. (\[gammapm\]). Clearly $\mathbf{x}_{1,2}$ are density modes and $\mathbf{x}_{3,4}$ are magnetization modes. The operator $\hat{B}_{2;0;-2}^6$ is defined in the basis $\{\mathbf{b}_1,\mathbf{b}_3,\mathbf{b}_5,\mathbf{b}_6,\mathbf{b}_8,\mathbf{b}_{10}\}$. Here we give the eigenvectors at $f_z=0$. $$\begin{aligned} \mathbf{x}_{5,6} &= (\epsilon_k+ g_1 n-\hbar\omega_{5,6}, g_1 n,0,0,0,0),\\ \mathbf{x}_{j} &= (0,0,\alpha_j,\beta_j,\gamma_j,\delta_j),\quad j=7,8,9,10,\end{aligned}$$ where $\alpha_j,\beta_j,\gamma_j,\delta_j$ are too complex to be given here. These modes change both spin direction and magnetization. Eigenvectors of $\hat{B}_{2;0}$ {#sec:appendixd} =============================== The operators $\hat{B}_{2;0}^2,\hat{B}_{2;0}^4$, and $\hat{B}_{2;0}^{4'}$ are defined in the bases $\{\mathbf{b}_5,\mathbf{b}_{10}\}$,$\{\mathbf{b}_1,\mathbf{b}_3,\mathbf{b}_6,\mathbf{b}_8\}$, and $\{\mathbf{b}_2,\mathbf{b}_4,\mathbf{b}_7,\mathbf{b}_9\}$, respectively. The eigenvectors of $\hat{B}_{2;0}^2$ and $\hat{B}_{2;0}^4$ read $$\begin{aligned} \mathbf{x}_{1,2} =& \mathbf{b}_{5,10},\\ \mathbf{x}_{3,4} = &(-\gamma_\pm\sqrt{f_z},-\gamma_\pm\sqrt{2-f_z},\sqrt{f_z},\sqrt{2-f_z}), \\ \mathbf{x}_{5} = & (\sqrt{2-f_z},\sqrt{f_z},0,0),\\ \mathbf{x}_{6} = & (0,0,\sqrt{2-f_z},\sqrt{f_z}).\end{aligned}$$ Here $\gamma_\pm$ is defined as in Eq. (\[gammapm\]) and the index $3$ corresponds to $\gamma_+$ and the index $4$ to $\gamma_-$. Of these $\mathbf{x}_{3,4}$ are density modes and $\mathbf{x}_{1,2,5,6}$ are magnetization modes. When calculating $\mathbf{x}_{3,4,5,6}$ we have set $g_1=0$. 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Management & Operations Cincinnati streetcar operating plan unveiled CINCINNATI — The Cincinnati streetcar's operations could be funded by increased parking meter rates and a reduction in tax abatements claimed by property in downtown and Over-the-Rhine under a plan unveiled on Wednesday, reported Cincinnati Business Courier. The increase in parking meter rates also is expected to fuel a boost to the city's general revenue fund, which already is swelling from increased income tax revenues and cuts in city spending. Another $500,000 stemming from the parking meter rate increases could go into the general revenue fund, but it could be more or less, Flynn said in an interview. The plan appears to put to rest a year of handwringing over how the city would cover the estimated $4 million operating costs, according to the report.

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For addressing the question of cardiovascular importance of hypoglycemia, it is important to clarify its context. First, hypoglycemia is a result of treatment of hyperglycemia by oral insulin secretagogues or insulin. Chronic hyperglycemia usually expressed by HbA~1c~ level is considered a risk factor for cardiovascular disease, although this epidemiological association does not necessarily mean the existence of causal association, so the possibility cannot be excluded that HbA~1c~ may be only a marker of atherosclerotic vascular disease. Thus, in the present review the evidence related to hyperglycemia and hypoglycemia as factors contributing to the development of cardiovascular events will be discussed and the main following issues will be addressed: The relationship of hyperglycemia to cardiovascular disease will be documented based on analysis of epidemiological and clinical interventional studies. Furthermore, the evidence will be summarized that hypoglycemic episodes contribute to the development of cardiovascular events in patients with type 2 diabetes treated by hypoglycemia-inducing drugs. Finally, it will be demonstrated how the conclusions from the described studies translated in practical recommendations for personalized treatment of type 2 diabetes. Is hyperglycemia related to cardiovascular disease? {#s2} =================================================== The evidence about a relationship between hyperglycemia and cardiovascular disease comes from epidemiological studies and epidemiological post hoc analyses of clinical trials. For consideration of a biological variable, e.g., HbA~1c~, as a cardiovascular risk factor, it is important to analyze its relationship with cardiovascular disease also outside the diabetic range. The epidemiological study European Prospective Investigation into Cancer in Norfolk (EPIC-Norfolk) included 4,662 men and 5,570 women. Relative risks for cardiovascular disease (nonfatal or fatal coronary heart disease and strokes) adjusted for age and risk factors were calculated after 6-year follow-up period. An increase in HbA~1c~ of 1% (11 mmol/mol) was associated with relative risk for cardiovascular disease of 1.21 (95% CI 1.13--1.29 for males and 1.11--1.31 for females; *P* \< 0.001). Moreover, the increased risk associated with diabetes seemed to be mediated entirely through HbA~1c~ level, since diabetes was no longer a significant predictor when HbA~1c~ was included into multivariate model ([@B1]). Very similar results were found by another large prospective epidemiological study---Atherosclerosis Risk in Communities (ARIC)---which included 11,092 adults without history of diabetes or cardiovascular disease. After 15-year follow-up, an increase in HbA~1c~ of 1% (11 mmol/mol) was associated with hazard ratio (HR) of 1.19 (1.11--1.27) for coronary heart disease and 1.34 (1.22--1.48) for stroke ([@B2]). Epidemiological analysis from the UK Prospective Diabetes Study (UKPDS) showed a similar association. A reduction in HbA~1c~ by 1% (11 mmol/mol) was associated with a 14% decrease in fatal and nonfatal myocardial infarction (MI) (*P* \< 0.0001), as well as 12% decrease in fatal and nonfatal stroke (*P* = 0.035). The relationship between HbA~1c~ and incidence of cardiovascular end points was linear to the level of HbA~1c~ of 5.5% (37 mmol/mol) ([@B3]). On the other hand, an epidemiological analysis from the Action in Diabetes and Vascular Disease: Preterax and Diamicron Modified Release Controlled Evaluation (ADVANCE) study showed that within the range of HbA~1c~ studied (5.5--10.5%; 37--91 mmol/mol), there was evidence for a threshold effect: While for microvascular events this value was 6.5% (48 mmol/mol), for macrovascular events and death the threshold was 7% (53 mmol/mol). Above this threshold, the risks increased significantly so that every 1% (11 mmol/mol) higher HbA~1c~ was associated with a 40% higher risk of microvascular events (*P* \< 0.0001), a 38% higher risk of macrovascular outcomes (*P* \< 0.0001), and a 38% higher risk of all-cause mortality (*P* \< 0.0001) ([@B4]). Epidemiological analysis of the Action to Control Cardiovascular Risk in Diabetes (ACCORD) study showed that 1% (11 mmol/mol) increase in average HbA~1c~ during 3.4 years' duration of the study was associated with 22% increase in mortality (*P* = 0.0001). Interestingly, the relationship between mortality and HbA~1c~ was linear in the range of 6--9% (42--75 mmol/mol) only in the intensively treated group (*P* \< 0.0001), while no significant relationship (*P* = 0.17) was observed in the standard treatment group ([@B5]). Does the reduction of high blood glucose lead to a cardiovascular benefit? {#s3} ========================================================================== Studies in newly diagnosed patients with type 2 diabetes. {#s4} --------------------------------------------------------- ### University Group Diabetes Program (UGDP). {#s5} The first study to approach this question in patients with type 2 diabetes was the UGDP. This study included 1,027 patients and was statistically underpowered (with \~200 patients in each treatment category group: placebo, tolbutamide, phenphormin, insulin standard, or insulin variable regimens) to detect beneficial effect of any treatment modality. The first analysis, published in 1970, showed that despite better glycemic control, a significantly higher cardiovascular mortality was observed in a group treated by tolbutamide in comparison with placebo and both insulin regimens ([@B6]). Further analysis from UGDP showed that patients treated with tolbutamide had significantly higher incidence of fatal MI in comparison with patients on placebo (*P* = 0.01), while patients on variable insulin regimen had borderline significantly higher incidence of fatal MI (*P* = 0.06) compared with patients treated with placebo. There was no difference in incidence of nonfatal MI events among the four groups ([@B7]). With respect to the incidence of hypoglycemia in UGDP, the number of patients who had glucose levels \<50 mg/dL was zero for placebo, four for tolbutamide, three for standard insulin regimen, and five for variable insulin regimen. ### The UK Prospective Diabetes Study (UKPDS). {#s6} The UKPDS study included 4,203 patients with newly diagnosed type 2 diabetes. The main results of the UKPDS study were published in 1998 in two articles. UKPDS 33 reports results of 3,867 patients with newly diagnosed type 2 diabetes who were randomized to intensive glycemic control policy with sulfonylureas or insulin or to conventional treatment policy---primarily with diet. More drugs were added in both groups of patients if fasting plasma glucose was ≥15 mmol/L. The patients in the intensive group had median HbA~1c~ of 7.0% (53 mmol/mol) during 10-year follow-up, while patients in the conventional group achieved median HbA~1c~ of 7.9% (63 mmol/mol) ([@B8]). While significant risk reduction by 12% (*P* = 0.029) in the incidence of any diabetes-related end point in the intensive treatment group was observed, nonfatal and fatal MI incidence was reduced by 16% with a borderline significance (*P* = 0.052) ([@B8]). Major hypoglycemic episodes defined as the mean proportion of patients per year with one or more episode occurred with chlorpropamide (1.0%), glibenclamide (1.4%), insulin (1.8%), and diet (0.7%). Interestingly, after 10-year poststudy follow-up as more events occurred, risk reductions for MI (15%, *P* = 0.01) and all-cause mortality (13%, *P* = 0.007) became significant ([@B9]). The results of subgroup analysis of 1,704 overweight patients with type 2 diabetes randomized to intensive treatment by metformin or sulfonylurea/insulin or to conventional treatment were published separately ([@B10]). Patients treated primarily by intensive metformin treatment had a median HbA~1c~ level of 7.4% (57 mmol/mol) during the follow-up, while patients in the conventional treatment group had median HbA~1c~ level of 8.0% (64 mmol/mol). Patients allocated to metformin compared with the conventional group had significantly reduced risk for diabetes related death by 42% (*P* = 0.017), as well as for fatal/nonfatal MI by 39% (*P* = 0.01). Patients allocated to metformin had lower risk for all-cause mortality (*P* = 0.021) and for stroke (*P* = 0.032) compared with patients allocated to insulin or sulfonylurea. Major hypoglycemic episodes occurred in 0.6% patients/year treated with metformin ([@B10]). One of the explanations of lower cardiovascular preventive effect of sulfonylurea or insulin treatment in comparison with metformin in UKPDS might be that metformin-treated patients had lower incidence of severe hypoglycemic episodes. ### Outcome Reduction with an Initial Glargine Intervention (ORIGIN). {#s7} The ORIGIN study included a total of 12,537 participants, among whom 88% had diabetes and 12% had prediabetic dysglycemias. Patients were assigned either to insulin glargine or to standard care treatment. After the median follow-up of 6.2 years, there was no significant difference in rates of cardiovascular outcomes between the study groups. Rates of severe hypoglycemia were higher in the glargine-treated group (1.00 vs. 0.31/100 person-years) ([@B11]). Studies in patients with long-term duration of diabetes and macrovascular disease. {#s8} ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------- ### Prospective Pioglitazone Clinical Trial in Macrovascular Events (PROactive). {#s9} The PROactive study included 5,238 patients with previous macrovascular disease. The interventional study group patients were given pioglitazone in addition to the previous treatment. This resulted in an on-study difference of HbA~1c~ level by 0.6% (7 mmol/mol) between the pioglitazone-treated and control groups. The patients on pioglitazone had nonsignificantly reduced incidence of a widely defined primary end point (the composite of all-cause mortality, nonfatal MI, stroke, acute coronary syndrome, vascular interventions in the coronary or leg arteries, and amputations above ankle) by 10% (*P* = 0.095). The incidence of a more commonly used (in the other studies) main secondary end point (total mortality, nonfatal MI, and stroke), which was not predefined in the design of the study, was significantly reduced by 16% (*P* = 0.027) in the pioglitazone-treated patients. Symptoms compatible with hypoglycemia arose in 28% on pioglitazone and 20% on placebo (*P* \< 0.0001) ([@B12]). ### ACCORD. {#s10} In the ACCORD trial, 10,251 patients were randomized to receive intensive glucose-lowering treatment aiming for HbA~1c~ \<6% (42 mmol/mol) or standard diabetes treatment targeting HbA~1c~ level in the range 7.0--7.9% (53--63 mmol/mol). No specific treatment was requested in either of the study groups, and multiple drug combinations were allowed to achieve the defined target. In the intensive treatment group a median HbA~1c~ of 6.4% (46 mmol/mol) and in the standard treatment group a median of 7.5% (58 mmol/mol) were achieved, respectively. The study was prematurely stopped after 3.5 years of follow-up in 2008 because of an observed 22% significant increase in all-cause mortality (*P* = 0.04) and 35% increase in cardiovascular mortality (*P* = 0.02) in patients with intensive glycemic control ([@B13]). The primary end point of the study (nonfatal MI, nonfatal stroke, or death from cardiovascular causes) was nonsignificantly reduced in the intensive treatment group by 10% (*P* = 0.16). Significant reduction in the incidence of nonfatal MI by 24% (*P* = 0.004) was observed in the intensive therapy group. The subgroup analysis revealed a significantly more beneficial effect on primary end point reduction in the intensive treatment group in the patients without previous cardiovascular disease and with better diabetes control with HbA~1c~ \<8%, (64 mmol/mol). Hypoglycemia requiring medical assistance was three times more frequent in the intensive therapy group in comparison with standard therapy (10.5 vs. 3.5%, *P* \< 0.001) ([@B13]). ### ADVANCE. {#s11} In the ADVANCE trial, 11,140 patients were randomized to intensive treatment defined as use of gliclazide along with other drugs with a target of HbA~1c~ \<6.5% (48 mmol/mol) or standard treatment. The standard treatment strategy was based on local guidelines. Median follow-up of patients was 5 years. A nonsignificant 6% reduction in the incidence of macrovascular events---nonfatal MI, nonfatal stroke, and death from cardiovascular causes---was observed ([@B14]). In contrast with the ACCORD trial, no significant increase in all-cause or cardiovascular mortality was observed. Subgroup analysis suggested that there might be a more pronounced effect on primary end point reduction in the subgroup of patients with no history of macrovascular disease. However, the test of heterogeneity between the groups with and without history of macrovascular disease was not significant. Severe hypoglycemia was much less frequent than in the ACCORD study. However, it was more common in the intensive control group than in the standard control group (2.7 vs. 1.5%, *P* \< 0.001) ([@B14]). ### Veterans Affairs Diabetes Trial (VADT). {#s12} The VADT had a design similar to those of the ACCORD and ADVANCE trials. A total of 1,791 patients were randomized to intensive diabetes treatment aiming for HbA~1c~ \<6% (42 mmol/mol) and to standard treatment aiming for HbA~1c~ \<9% (75 mmol/mol). The goal for HbA~1c~ between-group difference was 1.5% (17 mmol/mol). The on-treatment median HbA~1c~ was 6.9% (52 mmol/mol) for the intensive-treatment group and 8.4% (68 mmol/mol) for the standard treatment group ([@B15]). The primary end point was any major cardiovascular event (a composite of MI, stroke, death from cardiovascular disease, congestive heart failure, surgery for vascular disease, inoperable coronary disease, and amputation for ischemic gangrene). After the median follow-up of 5.6 years, a nonsignificant reduction in primary end point in the intensive therapy group by 12% (*P* = 0.14) was observed. Incidence of none of the end points included in the primary end point did not differ significantly between the study groups. Similarly to the ACCORD and ADVANCE studies, significantly more episodes of hypoglycemia were reported in the intensive therapy group than in standard therapy (*P* \< 0.001) ([@B15]). In a subgroup of 301 patients, coronary artery calcium (CAC) was measured by computed tomography. Those with low CAC, i.e., less extensive calcified coronary atherosclerosis, had significant benefit from glucose-lowering treatment (HR 0.08 \[95% CI 0.01--0.77\]; *P* = 0.03), while in the patients with CAC \>100 no significant benefit of treatment was observed ([@B16]). Studies in patients with type 2 diabetes and recent MI. {#s13} ------------------------------------------------------- ### Diabetes Mellitus, Insulin Glucose Infusion in Acute Myocardial Infarction 2 (DIGAMI 2). {#s14} The hypothesis that insulin treatment in the postinfarction period prolongs survival of patients was tested in DIGAMI 2 study, which was performed in Scandinavian countries, the Netherlands, and U.K. and included 1,253 patients with type 2 diabetes. Three treatment strategies were compared: Group 1 included patients in whom insulin-glucose infusion was followed by long-term insulin-based regimen. Group 2 included patients who received insulin-glucose infusion followed by standard glucose control, while group 3 had routine metabolic management according to local practice both in hospital and during the posthospitalization period. The median study duration was 2.1 years. After 24 h of hospitalization, blood glucose was significantly reduced in both groups with insulin-glucose infusion to 9.1 mmol/L, while in group 3 it was reduced to 10.0 mmol/L. Hypoglycemia \<3 mmol/L with and without symptoms was more frequent during the initial 24 h in groups 1 and 2 than in group 3. Long-term follow-up data on hypoglycemia incidence were not published in this study. By the end of follow-up, HbA~1c~ levels were reduced in all three groups similarly by 0.5% (6 mmol/mol) to final 6.8% (51 mmol/mol) ([@B17]). Difference in mortality between groups 1 (23.4%) and 2 (22.6%) was the primary end point of the study, and this difference was not statistically significant. The difference in mortality between group 1 and group 3 (19.3%), which was the secondary end point of the study, also was not significant. There were no significant differences in the incidence of reinfarctions or strokes among all three study groups ([@B17]). ### Hyperglycemia and Its Effect After Acute Myocardial Infarction on Cardiovascular Outcomes in Type 2 Diabetes Mellitus (HEART2D). {#s15} HEART2D enrolled 1,115 patients with type 2 diabetes and acute MI. Patients were followed on average 2.7 years. The study was designed to compare two treatment strategies: the first strategy was based on use of basal insulin, while the second strategy aimed to achieve the lowest possible postprandial glucose by use of prandial insulins. Patients in the prandial group experienced 174 events, and patients in the basal group experienced 181 events, with HR of 0.98 (95% CI 0.80--1.21). Secondary analyses included various combinations of cardiovascular outcomes, with hard end points such as cardiovascular death, MI, or stroke being of major interest. The groups did not show any difference with respect to these individual outcomes or combinations of outcomes ([@B18]). The two treatment groups had similar HbA~1c~ throughout the trial: 7.7% (61 mmol/mol) vs. 7.8% (62 mmol/mol). Patients in the prandial group had on average lower postprandial blood glucose, while patients in the basal strategy group had lower fasting/premeal blood glucose. However, the difference in postprandial blood glucose between the groups was smaller (7.8 vs. 8.6 mmol/L; *P \<* 0.01) than anticipated (2.5 mmol/L) in the study design. The incidence of severe hypoglycemia was similar throughout the trial (prandial group vs. basal group 12.9 vs. 9.5%, respectively; *P* = 0.071), while the incidence of nocturnal hypoglycemia was significantly higher in the basal group than in the prandial group (10.6 vs. 6.1%, *P* = 0.007) ([@B18]). ### Bypass Angioplasty Revascularization Investigation in Type 2 Diabetes (BARI 2D). {#s16} The study included 2,368 patients with type 2 diabetes and coronary disease who were assigned to undergo either prompt revascularization with intensive medical therapy or intensive medical therapy alone. Intensive medical therapy was achieved by either insulin sensitization or insulin provision. At 5 years, there was no statistically significant difference in the rate of survival between insulin sensitization and insulin provision groups (88.2 vs. 87.9%). Incidence of severe hypoglycemia was significantly higher in the insulin provision group (9.2 vs. 5.9%, *P* = 0.003) ([@B19]). Meta-analyses of the studies aiming for intensive glycemic control. {#s17} ------------------------------------------------------------------- After publication of the results of three large studies in 2008, several meta-analyses were performed to assess cardiovascular benefits of glucose-lowering treatment. These meta-analyses combined in their majority the results of five trials: UKPDS, PROactive, ACCORD, ADVANCE, and VADT. Although their results slightly differed with respect to evaluated end points, the reduction of HbA~1c~ by an average of 0.9% (10 mmol/mol) was shown to reduce incidence of major cardiovascular events by \~10% and of nonfatal MI by \~15%. No significant effect, either beneficial or deleterious was shown on incidence of stroke and both cardiovascular and total mortality ([@B20]--[@B23]). The only group-level meta-analysis combined data from UKPDS, ACCORD, ADVANCE, and VADT. Subgroup analysis showed that beneficial effect on reduction of major cardiovascular events was shown only in diabetic patients without history of macrovascular disease (HR 0.84 \[0.75--0.94\]; *P* value for group difference of 0.04). Overall, the intensively treated groups had also significantly---approximately 2.5 times---increased risk of severe hypoglycemia ([@B24]). Is hypoglycemia a risk factor for cardiovascular disease? {#s18} ========================================================= The counterintuitive results of the ACCORD study led to several retrospective analyses of data that tried to explain the role of severe hypoglycemia in increased cardiovascular mortality in the intensively treated group. This analysis showed that the participants with at least one episode of severe hypoglycemia requiring assistance had almost twice as high mortality (6.9 vs. 4.1%) than subjects without a hypoglycemic event. Surprisingly, this risk appeared to be higher in the standard group than in the intensive group. Thus, the investigators concluded that previous severe hypoglycemia was not responsible for the difference in mortality rates between the study groups ([@B25]). More recent analysis showed that the frequency of hypoglycemic episodes also did not explain increased mortality in the intensively treated group in ACCORD ([@B26]). Similar analysis performed on the data from the ADVANCE study showed that severe hypoglycemia was associated with significant increase in risks of major macrovascular events (HR 2.88 \[95% CI 2.01--4.12\]), death from cardiovascular disease (2.68 \[1.72--4.19\]), and all-cause mortality (2.69 \[1.97--3.67\]); *P* \< 0.001 for all comparisons) ([@B27]). A meta-regression analysis indicated three significant predictive factors for cardiovascular mortality in intensively treated groups: incidence of severe hypoglycemia, baseline BMI, and the duration of diabetes ([@B20]). Conclusions {#s19} =========== Data from physiological studies showed that severe hypoglycemia or repeated episodes of milder hypoglycemia might lead to sudden arrhythmic death, MI, or stroke predominantly in patients with preexisting macrovascular disease ([@B28]). Epidemiological studies indicated that reduction of HbA~1c~ by 1% (11 mmol/mol) should lead to reduction of major cardiovascular events by \~20%. In reality, in two studies (UGDP and ACCORD) the use of drugs causing hypoglycemia was associated with an increased cardiovascular mortality. There is also substantial evidence, mainly from the observational studies, that mortality of patients on sulfonylureas is higher than of patients on metformin ([@B29],[@B30]). In the other randomized trials mentioned in this review, there was either no effect of intensive glucose lowering on reduction of cardiovascular events or the effect was smaller than expected. The observed reduction in the incidence of cardiovascular events based on meta-analyses of the most important clinical trials was \~10%. Whether this lack of expected effect could be assigned to the increased incidence of hypoglycemia in intensively treated patients is not clear. Other factors such as an increase in body weight, specific side effects of individual antidiabetes drugs, or further nonidentified factors may contribute to hypothesized lack of effect. Based on the knowledge from the above-mentioned studies related to cardiovascular benefit of decreasing hyperglycemia and taking into the account the cardiovascular risk of hypoglycemia, a rational treatment approach was defined in the recent years leading to creation of personalized guidelines. In general, the treatment goal in diabetes is to achieve HbA~1c~ \<7% (53 mmol/mol) ([@B31]). More stringent goals (HbA~1c~ 6.0--6.5%; 42--48 mmol/mol) might be considered in patients with short disease duration, long life expectancy, and no significant cardiovascular disease if this can be achieved without significant hypoglycemia or other adverse effects of treatment. Less stringent HbA~1c~ goals (7.5--8.0%; 58--64 mmol/mol) might be appropriate for patients with a history of severe hypoglycemia, limited life expectancy, advanced complications, and extensive comorbid conditions ([@B31]--[@B37]). This publication is based on the presentations from the 4th World Congress on Controversies to Consensus in Diabetes, Obesity and Hypertension (CODHy). The Congress and the publication of this supplement were made possible in part by unrestricted educational grants from Abbott, AstraZeneca, Boehringer Ingelheim, Bristol-Myers Squibb, Eli Lilly, Ethicon Endo-Surgery, Janssen, Medtronic, Novo Nordisk, Sanofi, and Takeda. See accompanying article, p. S264. This work was supported by research grants from Ministry of Education, Science, Research and Sport of Slovak Republic VEGA 1/0112/11 and VEGA 1/0340/12 and from the Slovakian Agency for Research and Development (APVV-0134-11). I.T. received speaking and/or consulting fees from Boehringer Ingelheim, Eli Lilly, Novo Nordisk, Sanofi, Servier, and Worwag Pharma. No other potential conflicts of interest relevant to this article were reported. I.T. is the guarantor of this work and, as such, had full access to all the data in the study and takes responsibility for the integrity of the data and the accuracy of the data analysis.

It has just been announced, along with a trailer, that the next Final Fantasy XIV expansion is called Stormblood and is stated to be released early summer 2017. The developers have confirmed that they’ve been working on the expansion for some time and that are quite a way through their development process, which will come as a welcome relief to many players after the Heavensward expansion was delayed with some features being worked on right into launch. The expansion will focus on liberating Ala Migho from the Garlean Empire after 20 years of occupation. The current ruler of the Ala Mhigo is the XIIth Legion Legatus Zeons Yae Galvus and will most likely be the main antagonist of the expansion. From the brief glimpse provided during the keynote, the new areas have a distinctly Eastern feel with sprawling waterfalls and giant statues carved in stone. With this, the expansion feels to be focused around the Monk job, similarly to how Heavensward focused around the Dragoon job. One hamlet that has been revealed is called Rhalgr’s Reach. It is likely that Rhalgr’s Reach will serve the same function as Ishgard does in Heavensward as the main hub for questing and commerce, although not much other information has been provided about the location. New jobs have been confirmed as coming with the new expansion. Some eagle eyed viewers saw producer Naoki Yoshida’s Scarlet Witch t-shirt worn during the Keynote presentation. In past events, Yoshida’s t-shirts have given clues as to the new jobs such as a Batman shirt alluding to the Dark Knight job. Could this mean possibly mean the Red Mage job? The player level cap will be increased to level 70 with new job actions with a revamped battle system to boot, including a skill system overhaul. The development team are reassessing often unused or ineffective actions, which will be a welcome change to some. Underused skills may in fact be removed, which will help avoid skill bloat with the addition of new skills obtained on the way to the new level cap. In addition to the skill changes, enhancements to the UI will be made, such as making overhauls to buff timers like Blood of the Dragon, which requires changes in player behaviour to make the full use of. In addition to the aforementioned details, the usual suspects crop up as with every patch and/or expansion. New gear, crafting recipes, primals, dungeons and raids will be introduced, as well as a new Exploratory Mission type. This new mission will take you to The Forbidden Land, Eureka. It was noted that this new Exploratory Mission will behave differently to the current Diadem, but little else is known about it. New ‘sprawling’ areas will be introduced, the number of which is equal to or more than those introduced in Heavensward. The new areas will allow players to fly, but they will need to find the Aether Currents first, much like in Heavensward . As well as the new areas, a 4th residential area has been confirmed, however it remains to be seen where the exact location of this area will be. Another improvement is that the current inventory space will be expanded. Lots of players are already struggling to store all of their equipment, since a single character has the ability to play as every class and job, without having some gear overflow from their Armory Chest into their normal inventory. However, this may come after the launch of Stormblood as they want to test their server stability before implementing a change which may cause further issues. That being said, the dev team is going to be reinvesting money to improve their server quality, and hopefully preventing the needed inventory expansion from causing problems. More information will be provided about the inventory change during the Live Letter on Saturday. Finally, with the addition of Stormblood, there is going to be changes to the minimum requirements for Windows users. Hardware like core 2 processor units will no longer be supported. Also, while the dev team will do their best to continue to support 32-bit systems, it is recommended that players try to upgrade to a 64-bit operating system by the launch of the expansion. For PlayStation users, the PS3 will no longer be supported. If you do play on the PS3, you will need to upgrade to a PS4 continue playing. It’s not all doom and gloom though, as the Final Fantasy XIV team are partnering with Sony to provide a special upgrade campaign for those still playing on PS3. This campaign will mean PS3 players will be able to get the PS4 version of the game without having to pay a penny, in order to encourage them to switch to the PS4. With all that said and done, I hope you are as excited with Stormblood as I am. If you are, you’ll be interested to know that there will be big news to be announced during the Tokyo Fanfest 24-25 December which will be a most welcome Christmas present for all. And as Yoshida likes to say, “Please look forward to it.”

Q: Unable to get Stencil Buffer to work in iOS 4+ (5.0 works fine). [OpenGL ES 2.0] So I am trying to use a stencil buffer in iOS for masking/clipping purposes. Do you guys have any idea why this code may not work? This is everything I have associated with Stencils. On iOS 4 I get a black screen. On iOS 5 I get exactly what I expect. The transparent areas of the image I drew in the stencil are the only areas being drawn later. Code is below. This is where I setup the frameBuffer, depth and stencil. In iOS the depth and stencil are combined. -(void)setupDepthBuffer { glGenRenderbuffers(1, &depthRenderBuffer); glBindRenderbuffer(GL_RENDERBUFFER, depthRenderBuffer); glRenderbufferStorage(GL_RENDERBUFFER, GL_DEPTH24_STENCIL8_OES, self.frame.size.width * [[UIScreen mainScreen] scale], self.frame.size.height * [[UIScreen mainScreen] scale]); } -(void)setupFrameBuffer { glGenFramebuffers(1, &frameBuffer); glBindFramebuffer(GL_FRAMEBUFFER, frameBuffer); glFramebufferRenderbuffer(GL_FRAMEBUFFER, GL_COLOR_ATTACHMENT0, GL_RENDERBUFFER, colorRenderBuffer); glFramebufferRenderbuffer(GL_FRAMEBUFFER, GL_DEPTH_ATTACHMENT, GL_RENDERBUFFER, depthRenderBuffer); glFramebufferRenderbuffer(GL_FRAMEBUFFER, GL_STENCIL_ATTACHMENT, GL_RENDERBUFFER, depthRenderBuffer); // Check the FBO. if(glCheckFramebufferStatus(GL_FRAMEBUFFER) != GL_FRAMEBUFFER_COMPLETE) { NSLog(@"Failure with framebuffer generation: %d", glCheckFramebufferStatus(GL_FRAMEBUFFER)); } } This is how I am setting up and drawing the stencil. (Shader code below.) glEnable(GL_STENCIL_TEST); glDisable(GL_DEPTH_TEST); glColorMask(GL_FALSE, GL_FALSE, GL_FALSE, GL_FALSE); glDepthMask(GL_FALSE); glStencilFunc(GL_ALWAYS, 1, -1); glStencilOp(GL_KEEP, GL_KEEP, GL_REPLACE); glColorMask(0, 0, 0, 0); glClear(GL_STENCIL_BUFFER_BIT); machineForeground.shader = [StencilEffect sharedInstance]; [machineForeground draw]; machineForeground.shader = [BasicEffect sharedInstance]; glDisable(GL_STENCIL_TEST); glColorMask(GL_TRUE, GL_TRUE, GL_TRUE, GL_TRUE); glDepthMask(GL_TRUE); Here is where I am using the stencil. glEnable(GL_STENCIL_TEST); glStencilOp(GL_KEEP, GL_KEEP, GL_KEEP); glStencilFunc(GL_EQUAL, 1, -1); ...Draw Stuff here glDisable(GL_STENCIL_TEST); Finally here is my fragment shader. varying lowp vec2 TexCoordOut; uniform sampler2D Texture; void main(void) { lowp vec4 color = texture2D(Texture, TexCoordOut); if(color.a < 0.1) gl_FragColor = color; else discard; } A: I was able to solve this by addressing my shader. This code works fine as intended but my vertex data structs were asking for more data than I was providing to the shader. Not entirely sure what happened under the hood the allow it work on iOS 5 but I was able to fix it. That said glColorMask(0, 0, 0, 0); didn't actually accomplish what I was going for. What I wanted was to set the clear color and even then I only wanted to clear the stencil so I was actually looking for glStencilMask(1);

The play’s the thing This autumn the BBC is laying on a lavish feast. Aas Rradio 3 announces a four year project to dramatise seventeen of the bard’s best, BBC Ddrama launches its Shakespeareseason on television.In much the same vein as last Christmas’ adaptation of The Canterbury Tales, the TV series puts a contemporary spin on the major texts: Much Aado migrates to the less rarified atmosphere of the regional newsroom; The Taming of the Shrew is transposed into the high-powered register of Westminster politics. Such reworkings are nothing new: indeed the continued appeal of Shakespeare’s plays arises partly from their unparalleledapplicability to different social and historical settings. What the BBC’s approach indicates, however, is the modern readiness to absorb and appropriate aspects of the bard’s outputfor personal artistic ends which is so endemic: “60 second Shakespeare”, devised to complement the TV series, is marketed as “your chance to give the world your interpretation of the great man in sixty seconds”, and represents the logical extreme of the trend for “potted Shakespeare” which has spawned endless reinterpretations across the gamut of the arts.The manner in which his works have diffused through our cultural consciousness is something, one suspects, the bard himself would have approved of – the plays delight in toyingwith and breaking down generic boundaries. However, in this frenzy of reinterpretation one cannot help worrying that we risk losing sight of the essential theatricality of Shakespeare. TV and film offer myriad new perspectives, but while it is stimulating and exciting to witness such a proliferation of new readings and interpretations, we should not lose sight of the fact that the plays were conceived not just as texts but as pieces of theatre: all the world’s a stage, rather than a screen. Historically, Shakespeare stands apart from his Rrenaissance contemporariesin bridging the gap between actor and playwright with ability and agility, being the only writer of the Eelizabethan stage to be the equivalent of a fully paid-up Equity member at the same time. Consequently he puts much into the dramaturgy of his plays – though directions such as “exit pursued by a bear” may prompt a smile, such details take on immense significanceelsewhere.This is not to insist upon tedious faithfulness to text or stage direction,however. The traditional is still very much in evidence: Stratford does a roaring trade in period-costume productions, but while the prospect of Sir Ian McKellan’s Lear as part of the RSC’s forthcoming all-star cast, no-holds-barred “Shakespeare retrospective”has luvvies up and down the country licking their chops, the zany also has its place.While Stephen Ddillane’s new one-man Macbeth at the Aalmeida may have traditionalists tutting into their pre-show gin and tonics, what it does demonstrate is that there are rich and original veins of Shakespeare interpretation yet to be mined in theatre. Dillane’sdeft drawing out of the sense of “a mind diseas’d” highlights the need to see Shakespeare’s plays not simply as stories subject to multiple retellings, but as imaginative acts requiringthe participation of the audience: “Piece out our imperfections with your thoughts”, asks the prologue to Henry V, and while Ddillane’s performance represents an extreme, leaving one slightly dazed by the level of concentration it requires, this is an aspect of drama we should not neglect. It is not only his spatial sense which sets Shakespeare apart, but his acute aware of the artificiality of his medium – his plays are intensely alive to and indeed comment upon the limits of dramatic representation, and there is a danger that in the new emphasis on the naturalistic,we may neglect not only the physicality, but also the imaginative suggestiveness of the staged performance. While new media may make valuable additions to the cult of the bard, we must remain alive to the challenge of the theatrical that Shakespeare offers the modern audience.ARCHIVE: 4th week MT 2005

Q: Implementing FluentSecurity over Ninject (aka porting StructureMap to Ninject) I'm a beginner on IoC and dependency injection. I'm reading about it, but I just can't get it. While I figure out how stuff works, I'm trying to implement some of these patterns on my project (and maybe learn by trial and error). I'm implementing security control by using FluentSecurity package (from NuGet, btw). I need to implement a Policy Violation Handler, as described on this wiki. The problem is that the example is written for StructureMap IoC-container, and I'm using (or trying to) Ninject 2.2 (it seemed more simple for a beginner). On their code, they suggest (a): configuration.ResolveServicesUsing(type => ObjectFactory.GetAllInstances(type).Cast<object>()); And then (b): public class WebRegistry : Registry { public WebRegistry() { Scan(scan => { scan.TheCallingAssembly(); scan.AddAllTypesOf<IPolicyViolationHandler>(); }); } } My concerns: I know that code (a) will be included on Global.asax. But what is Ninject's alternative to ObjectFactory.GetAllInstances()? I have no idea neither where this code should be inserted nor what are the equivalents for WebRegistry, Scan, and the internal functions TheCallingAssembly and AddAllTypesOf. I know this is a bit extensive question, but I appreciate any help! Thanks in advance. A: Marius Schulz has written an excellent article that should help anyone wanting to use Ninject together with FluentSecurity. Setting Up FluentSecurity to Use Ninject for Dependency Resolution A: I think this would be roughly equivelent //add an instance of IKernel to your MvcApplication [Inject] public IKernel Kernel { get; set; } ... configuration.ResolveServicesUsing(type => Kernel.GetAll(type)); To get the ability to scan an assembly for dependencies you would need an extension for ninject called Ninject.Extensions.Conventions, which was modeled after the one from SM. public class WebModule : NinjectModule { public WebModule() { Kernel.Scan(a => { a.FromAssemblyContaining<YourType>(); a.BindWithDefaultConventions(); a.InTransientScope(); }); } } The assembly scanning business obviously isn't strictly necassary for what you're doing, this would work just as well. Personally I'm not a fan of assembly scanning because it seems a little too "magic", and when it doesn't work, it's not fun to debug. Kernel.Bind<YourType>().ToSelf();

Bug Description On my mako device, in both the mwc image and r203, I've seen the camera get out of alignment with itself, shearing gradually more and more sideways (portrait mode sideways), with noise lines sometimes appearing, then looping around. This shows up both in the image preview and in the picture produced after pressing the shutter button. I'm not sure how to reproduce the issue, but I've seen it a total of three times out of about a hundred invocations of the camera app, and someone else in QA saw it during our daily standup. I've attached a video showing what it looks like. In general, it seems like this either happens within ~10 seconds or so of starting the app, or it won't happen during that session. I think it may help to shake the phone and/or touch the image to focus, to trigger the issue, but I have not been able to trigger it on purpose yet. So... not much genuinely useful information yet. But if it continues to happen, hopefully we can gather more details here. I got another instance of this today, with image 237. So, apparently not fixed. Still little or no idea how to actually trigger it, but at the time, I was tilting the camera back and forth and repeatedly trying to get it to focus while it adjusted its exposure from a dark room to a bright screen. Screenshot attached. Still happens in image 263. Also, it seems to have partially displaced colors in a photo taken while this bug is happening. After taking this picture, the app recovered and fixed the display. So, it seems to now be limited to only one photo per bug instance, at least. To trigger this, the easiest way seems to be: Start the camera app, shaking the phone and tapping the screen rapidly as it starts. Wait a few seconds. If the bug doesn't happen, kill the camera app and start over.

/** * @brief A solver factory that allows one to register solvers, similar to * layer factory. During runtime, registered solvers could be called by passing * a SolverParameter protobuffer to the CreateSolver function: * * SolverRegistry<Dtype>::CreateSolver(param); * * There are two ways to register a solver. Assuming that we have a solver like: * * template <typename Dtype> * class MyAwesomeSolver : public Solver<Dtype> { * // your implementations * }; * * and its type is its C++ class name, but without the "Solver" at the end * ("MyAwesomeSolver" -> "MyAwesome"). * * If the solver is going to be created simply by its constructor, in your c++ * file, add the following line: * * REGISTER_SOLVER_CLASS(MyAwesome); * * Or, if the solver is going to be created by another creator function, in the * format of: * * template <typename Dtype> * Solver<Dtype*> GetMyAwesomeSolver(const SolverParameter& param) { * // your implementation * } * * then you can register the creator function instead, like * * REGISTER_SOLVER_CREATOR(MyAwesome, GetMyAwesomeSolver) * * Note that each solver type should only be registered once. */ #ifndef CAFFE_SOLVER_FACTORY_H_ #define CAFFE_SOLVER_FACTORY_H_ #include <map> #include <string> #include <vector> #include "caffe/common.hpp" #include "caffe/proto/caffe.pb.h" namespace caffe { template <typename Dtype> class Solver; template <typename Dtype> class SolverRegistry { public: typedef Solver<Dtype>* (*Creator)(const SolverParameter&); typedef std::map<string, Creator> CreatorRegistry; static CreatorRegistry& Registry() { static CreatorRegistry* g_registry_ = new CreatorRegistry(); return *g_registry_; } // Adds a creator. static void AddCreator(const string& type, Creator creator) { CreatorRegistry& registry = Registry(); CHECK_EQ(registry.count(type), 0) << "Solver type " << type << " already registered."; registry[type] = creator; } // Get a solver using a SolverParameter. static Solver<Dtype>* CreateSolver(const SolverParameter& param) { const string& type = param.type(); CreatorRegistry& registry = Registry(); CHECK_EQ(registry.count(type), 1) << "Unknown solver type: " << type << " (known types: " << SolverTypeListString() << ")"; return registry[type](param); } static vector<string> SolverTypeList() { CreatorRegistry& registry = Registry(); vector<string> solver_types; for (typename CreatorRegistry::iterator iter = registry.begin(); iter != registry.end(); ++iter) { solver_types.push_back(iter->first); } return solver_types; } private: // Solver registry should never be instantiated - everything is done with its // static variables. SolverRegistry() {} static string SolverTypeListString() { vector<string> solver_types = SolverTypeList(); string solver_types_str; for (vector<string>::iterator iter = solver_types.begin(); iter != solver_types.end(); ++iter) { if (iter != solver_types.begin()) { solver_types_str += ", "; } solver_types_str += *iter; } return solver_types_str; } }; template <typename Dtype> class SolverRegisterer { public: SolverRegisterer(const string& type, Solver<Dtype>* (*creator)(const SolverParameter&)) { // LOG(INFO) << "Registering solver type: " << type; SolverRegistry<Dtype>::AddCreator(type, creator); } }; #define REGISTER_SOLVER_CREATOR(type, creator) \ static SolverRegisterer<float> g_creator_f_##type(#type, creator<float>); \ static SolverRegisterer<double> g_creator_d_##type(#type, creator<double>) \ #define REGISTER_SOLVER_CLASS(type) \ template <typename Dtype> \ Solver<Dtype>* Creator_##type##Solver( \ const SolverParameter& param) \ { \ return new type##Solver<Dtype>(param); \ } \ REGISTER_SOLVER_CREATOR(type, Creator_##type##Solver) } // namespace caffe #endif // CAFFE_SOLVER_FACTORY_H_

Minnesota United FC just added a hefty dose of MLS and international experience to their roster. MNUFC announced on Tuesday that they have signed Finnish international Rasmus Schuller (pictured above) and MLS veterans Jermaine Taylor and Bernardo Anor ahead of the club's inaugural season in the league. A defensive-minded midfielder who can also range into the attacking end, the 25-year-old Schuller has experience in the top flights of both Finland and Sweden, and arrives in Minnesota from Swedish side BK Hacken. He will be added to the Loons' roster pending receipt of his ITC and P-1 Visa. “He has incredible energy, a great left foot, he can do a bit of everything. He can tackle, win the ball, pass the ball and get forward – he’s the box-to-box player we are looking for,” said MNUFC head coach Adrian Heath in a club release. Taylor, 32, arrives in Minnesota after spending 2016 with the Portland Timbers while Anor, 28, was with the Loons last year in the NASL on loan from Sporting Kansas City. A Jamaican international defender, Taylor brings with him six years of MLS experience. He started his time in the league with the Houston Dynamo in 2011 and spent five seasons there before moving to Portland last year. In total, Taylor has made 129 regular-season appearances in MLS and scored one goal while assisting on seven others. Anor, who is coming off an ankle injury that sidelined him for much of 2016, has also been under contract with MLS teams for a half-dozen years. The Venezuelan midfielder joined Columbus Crew SC in 2011 and then went on to suit up for Sporting KC four years later. He has played in 84 regular-season MLS matches in his career, scoring 12 goals and setting up three more.

Cell-type-specific and projection-specific brain-wide reconstruction of single neurons. We developed a dual-adeno-associated-virus expression system that enables strong and sparse labeling of individual neurons with cell-type and projection specificity. We demonstrated its utility for whole-brain reconstruction of midbrain dopamine neurons and striatum-projecting cortical neurons. We further extended the labeling method for rapid reconstruction in cleared thick brain sections and simultaneous dual-color labeling. This labeling system may facilitate the process of generating mesoscale single-neuron projectomes of mammalian brains.

ProgrammingThis forum is for all programming questions. The question does not have to be directly related to Linux and any language is fair game. Notices Welcome to LinuxQuestions.org, a friendly and active Linux Community. You are currently viewing LQ as a guest. By joining our community you will have the ability to post topics, receive our newsletter, use the advanced search, subscribe to threads and access many other special features. Registration is quick, simple and absolutely free. Join our community today! Note that registered members see fewer ads, and ContentLink is completely disabled once you log in. If you have any problems with the registration process or your account login, please contact us. If you need to reset your password, click here. Having a problem logging in? Please visit this page to clear all LQ-related cookies. Introduction to Linux - A Hands on Guide This guide was created as an overview of the Linux Operating System, geared toward new users as an exploration tour and getting started guide, with exercises at the end of each chapter. For more advanced trainees it can be a desktop reference, and a collection of the base knowledge needed to proceed with system and network administration. This book contains many real life examples derived from the author's experience as a Linux system and network administrator, trainer and consultant. They hope these examples will help you to get a better understanding of the Linux system and that you feel encouraged to try out things on your own. I have C programming tutorials in Linux videos. You will need to have GCC and GDB in your system, and all is done in console or terminal. I think this is better way to learn C in Linux. The link is: http://www.youtube.com/user/TheShellWave The best book I've found for the C++11 Standard Library isThe C++ Standard Library - A Tutorial and Reference, 2nd Edition by Nicolai M. Josuttis. (The first edition covers the library prior to C++11.) Mr. Josuttis has also written Object-Oriented Programming in C++ and co-authored C++ Templates: The Complete Guide with David Vandevoorde. Note that some features of the C++11 Standard Library have not yet been implemented in gcc :-( and must be obtained from one or another of the c libraries. I like Mr. Josuttis' Object-Oriented Programming in C++ because, in contrast with many other C++ books I have tried to learn from, it is a treatise on pure C++, not a book about C with use of the << and >> methods and a few chapters in the back about classes and methods. New Link! I have C programming tutorials in Linux videos. You will need to have GCC and GDB in your system, and all is done in console or terminal. I think this is better way to learn C in Linux. The link is: http://www.youtube.com/user/IOVideoWave Moved my C Programming in Linux Tutorials to another channel. You will need to have GCC and GDB in your system, and all is done in console or terminal. I think this is better way to learn C in Linux. My YouTube channel name is ShellWaveX

[Cancer of the penis in Cambodia]. The prevalence of penis cancer in Cambodia is comparable with some Far-East and Latino-American countries. Circumcision performed as a religious observance among Jews or undergone as a regular practice among older Moslems children (the Islam Kmers in Cambodia) might provide an indirect protection against this kind of cancer. It indeed helps in ensuring proper personnal hygiene and in improving the detection, the treatment and the aftercare of all the mild lesions which possibly can pave the way to cancer. Out of of 253 observed cases recorded during a 10 years period (from 1960 to 1970), 164 were treated and followed up by the same surgical team from 1964 to 1970. They stress on those etiopathogenic factors and make possible a description of the reported "anatomoclinical" forms. The use of radiumtherapy either by contact or by means of needles is quite effective; however, when corpora cavernosa are involved, it will be often necessary to perform either a partial amputation or to an emasculation in case of entirely overspreading lesions. As metastases are of rare occurence, it is regarded as a "mild cancer"; however the sequelae due to the treatment are far from small importance. Through better personnal hygiene, detection, treatment, and surveillance of inflammations and benign tumors, with the renforcement of circumcision as a regular practice for every case of phimosis or chronic lesions, an effective prevention of this kind of cancer will expectedly be carried out in Cambodia and its prevalence will be reduced to a rate similar to that in European countries.

Rocky Lockridge, a former boxer best known online for the "Best Cry Ever" video, has passed away at age 60. Rocky's family confirmed his death on Thursday, February 7th 2019, which was due to complications from a series of strokes and pneumonia. For the last two decades of his life, Lockridge unfortunately had some drug related problems. He became homeless and suffered a stroke which forced him to walk with a cane. He was featured on A&E's Intervention TV series, on which he claimed that the intervention and the help of his sons saved his life. His appearance on the show is noted for a notorious moment where his son Lamar says, "Because I know, somewhere deep down in my heart, I still love you," which caused Lockridge to break down crying hard enough to the point where he was basically just screaming at the top of his lungs. This spawned the internet meme, "Best Cry Ever" He also went viral for being the old man that knocked out that dude that got in his face seemingly unprovoked despite warnings from bystanders that the old man is not to be messed with. This is an extremely rare convergence of memes. I have seen both of these videos multiple times over the years, and honestly had no clue that it was the same man. Rocky, a former boxer was also a two-time world boxing champion. Here's Rocky's famous match vs. Roger Mayweather in 1984, where he wins by knockout in 91 seconds: It's always a sad day when we hear about internet celebrities passing on, and this one is no different. Rest in Peace Rocky, and thank you for your contribution to the the internet and the culture that is engulfed by it.

The crowded media marketplace President Bush has been selling his new Iraq strategy in all the traditional ways: A solemn prime-time speech from the White House; a “60 Minutes” interview at Camp David in an open-necked shirt; a visit to Fort Benning surrounded by cheering soldiers in camouflage uniforms. It all looks and sounds so 20th century, and it’s not working. More than six in 10 Americans still tell pollsters the war is not worth fighting, and of course the main reason is the deteriorating situation on the ground. Even the president, after years of denial, admits that the catastrophe he created is “unacceptable,” and the new Democratic majorities in Congress now have far greater standing to voice their criticisms. But one huge obstacle blocking the president’s media campaign is the changing nature of the media itself. The American president has always had the biggest microphone in the world, and using his “bully pulpit” to manage information and shape public opinion is one of the major powers of the office. Since Bush took office six years ago, however, the rapid advance of smaller and cheaper communications devices – laptops, cell phones, handheld computers, digital cameras, satellite uplinks – have all accelerated what Thomas Friedman calls the “democratization of information.” The president’s power to shape what people know and how they think has been seriously eroded. These innovations all intersect, amplifying the influence of each other. The hanging of Saddam Hussein was recorded on a cell phone, distributed on the Internet, and broadcast repeatedly on satellite outlets like al-Jazeera. Any attempt by the White House to control that information would be futile. Of all these technological changes, the Internet is the most important. The Washington Post reported last week that Spc. Daniel Caldwell, stationed in Iraq with the 23rd Infantry Regiment, received an instant message from his wife just before going on patrol in Baghdad, telling him the president was sending in 20,000 more troops. That news triggered an immediate response from Caldwell, whose view of the war was far darker than the president’s: “They’re kicking a dead horse here. The Iraqi army can’t stand up on their own.” Two active duty Navy men have established the Web site AppealforRedress.org, where soldiers like Caldwell can voice their complaints. More than a 1,000 signees have endorsed a petition, calling for a pullout of American troops, and one of them, Sgt. Kevin Torres, a veteran of two tours in Iraq, was quoted in the Post: “I felt like with our being here, we were making more enemies. The people hated us.” The video of Saddam, taunted by sectarian enemies as he faced execution, is only the latest example of how digital images – captured by amateurs on handheld devices – can undermine even the most assiduous White House public relations campaign. Several Marines are charged with killing 24 Iraqi civilians in the town of Haditha in 2005, and the evidence against them includes dozens of gruesome photos taken by fellow soldiers, traded electronically, downloaded to personal Web sites and e-mailed to civilians back home. These images have the same effect as earlier pictures shot inside the torture chambers of Abu Ghraib prison: they aggravate the public perception that the war is not worth fighting. One Marine who photographed the victims at Haditha, Lance Cpl. Andrew Wright, told the Post: “Even though there was no investigation at the time, I felt that the photographs would be evidence if anything came up in the future. In my opinion, the people I photographed had been murdered.” Pictures like the ones taken by Cpl. Wright are fodder for the Arab-language satellite outlets that view the Middle East through a very different prism than the one used by American TV. The Arabic stations are far more likely to show civilian casualties, which is exactly why Hezbollah guerillas in Southern Lebanon placed their training camps and weapons depots right in the middle of inhabited villages. Israel, and its American ally, suffered a severe public relations setback when images of innocent Lebanese killed by invading Israeli troops were recorded by Arab stations and broadcast worldwide. Technology has also provided a platform for Osama bin Laden, who is apparently hiding in a remote mountain region of Pakistan but still reaches an international audience through videotapes recorded on portable equipment and distributed by outlets like al-Jazeera. The president still has his pulpit, and his microphone, but new devices have crowded the media marketplace and amplified his critics, and that’s one key reason why his selling campaign is not working. Steve Roberts’ latest book is “My Fathers’ Houses: Memoir of a Family” (William Morrow, 2005). Steve and Cokie Roberts can be contacted by e-mail at stevecokie@gmail.com.

Q: How to insert text into existing text in a div using jQuery I'm using jQuery 1.8.2 with a jsp and I'm trying to get text dynamically inserted into a div. Here is what I've tried: var selectButton = "Your " + $(this).val(); alert("The selectButton value is: ") $('#submitMsg').prepend(selectButton); $('#submitMsg').show(); ... <p/> <div id="submitMsg" style="display: none;"><h3> request is being submitted..</h3></div> <p/> <div id="trueDiv" style="display: none;"><h3> request was successful!</h3></div> <div id="falseDiv" style="display: none;"><h3> request was not successful!</h3></div> I want to dynamically pass in which request, based on which submit button was clicked, to the message div. Then I want to use that same text value and insert it into the request message confirmation, based on the result of the web service call, still using the same size font, but I've been unable to do this. Using .prepend doesn't seem to merge the text well, so I need something that will directly insert it into the text of the div. What should I be using? After I got the answer here I found a tutorial at this link. Should be helpful for similar tasks. A: Instead of using .prepend use .text or .html. .prepend is for DOM elements, not strings. You can retain the rest of the current text like so: $("#submitMsg").html("Your " + $(this).val() + $("#submitMsg").html());

I worked at the Boston Globe for nine years, longer than I've ever worked anywhere. I have a lot of friends who still work there. I also have a family member who works there. So, naturally, I was interested to read about this maniac who was busted out in California for threatening the lives of my friends and of a member of my family. From CNN: Robert D. Chain of Encino, California has been charged with one count of making threatening communications in interstate commerce, the US Attorney's Office for the District of Massachusetts said in a press release Thursday. Chain, 68, is due to appear in federal court in Los Angeles Thursday afternoon. The US Attorney's Office said Chain will be transferred to Boston "at a later date." Of particular interest to me was the nature of the apparent threats. Encino Man has a high-priced writer, I'm thinking. The Boston Globe newsroom. Boston Globe Getty Images Chain is accused of making several threatening phone calls to the Globe beginning almost immediately after the paper announced on August 10 that it was calling on newspapers across the country to publish editorials the following week standing up to Trump for referring to the press as "fake news" and "enemies of the people." According to court documents, on August 16, the day the editorial campaign was published in newspapers around the country, Chain made a call to the Globe's newsroom in which he said, "You're the enemy of the people, and we're going to kill every f***ing one of you. Hey, why don't you call the F, why don't you call Mueller, maybe he can help you out buddy. ... I'm going to shoot you in the f***ing head later today, at 4 o'clock." El Caudillo Del Mar-A-Lago is having another of his organized wankfests on Thursday night, this one in Indiana. On Thursday afternoon, of course, the first of several memorial services for the late John McCain was held. Former VP Joe Biden spoke and, though he was rambling in that Joe Biden way, the ending, as it was, punctuated by a pounding on the podium, was worth following the speech all the way through. Joe Biden eulogizing John McCain in Arizona. Jae C Hong/AP/REX/Shutterstock Bottom line was, I think John believed in us. I think he believed in the American people. Not just all the preambles, he believed in the American people, all 325 million of us. Even though John is no longer with us, he left us clear instructions. ‘Believe always in the promise and greatness of America because nothing is inevitable here.’ Close to the last thing John said to the whole nation, as he knew he was about to depart. That's what he wanted America to understand. Not to build his legacy. He wanted America reminded, to understand. I think John's legacy is going to continue to inspire and challenge generations of leaders as they step forward. And John McCain’s impact on America is not over. It's not hyperbole. It is not over. I don't think it's even close close... Now John is going to take his rightful place in a long line of extraordinary leaders in this nation's history. Who in their time and in their way stood for freedom and stood for liberty and have made the American story the most improbable and the most hopeful and the most enduring story on earth. I know John said he hoped he played a small part in that story. John, you did much more than that, my friend. To paraphrase Shakespeare, we shall not see his like again. After that, of course, the national stage got surrendered back to the current president* of the United States to rant and to rave in his own mad way and all that came to me were the words of Robert Chain, now in federal custody in California. You're the enemy of the people, and we're going to kill every fcking one of you. It's working. Don't let anyone tell you different. Respond to this post on the Esquire Politics Facebook page here. Charles P. Pierce Charles P Pierce is the author of four books, most recently Idiot America, and has been a working journalist since 1976. This content is created and maintained by a third party, and imported onto this page to help users provide their email addresses. You may be able to find more information about this and similar content at piano.io

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Q: Properly dismissing (or "destructing") views in Swift I'm concerned about tiny lags and memory issues, and how they might scale. My app is programmed using Swift and I've been doing everything in the app programmatically, including page navigation using presentViewController and dismissViewControllerAnimated. Note: the app's page hierarchy can be several pages deep and each page contains quite a number of images. I started experiencing tiny, occasional, lags which could appear more often on older phones; I can only test on iPhone 6 right now. I also noticed a small increase in memory while navigating through pages. Of course the memory level on the app (as observed in XCode) is not the same as opening the app in fresh state compared to going back to the first page after navigating through tens of pages, I'm expecting the memory level comparison could come at least close. Now, my question: is there a proper way to "destruct" my page views (including UIKit elements, images, etc.) when such page view is dismissed? A: I assume that by "page" you mean a viewController: There is no way to directly destroy objects with ARC (automatic reference counting), as they are deallocated automatically when their strong reference counter is zero. Since you experience unusual memory increase, it might be that you have some strong reference cycles in your code. Make sure to declare properties as weak wherever necessary. You should check out the ARC Guide for detailed explanation. I hope this helps.

Louise and/or David: If either of you have a spare moment, I would like to spend 10 minutes to discuss my final thoughts on the proposed Employment contract. Other than this afternoon I should be available. Thanks, Rogers

Nyah Nyah is a town in northern Victoria, Australia. The town is located on the Murray Valley Highway, in the Rural City of Swan Hill local government area, north west of the state capital, Melbourne. At the , Nyah had a population of 483. The town, on the banks of the Murray River was formed as the "Taverner Community Village Settlement" in the 1890s by Jim Thwaites as a utopian socialist community, one of many established along the Murray, including Waikerie in South Australia. The communities were established in imitation of the New Australia settlement of William Lane in Paraguay. Lack of access to water for fields and a falling-out of favour of socialism led to the end of state support for these communities. The Post Office opened on 4 May 1894 (though known as Tyntynder for some months) The Nyah State School was established in 1896 when classes were first held in the town's Top Hall. A school was built in 1912, which had been thrice extended by the end of the 1960s. In 1997, Nyah Primary School amalgamated with Nyah West Primary school to create the Nyah District Primary School. The town in conjunction with neighbouring township Nyah West (after a merger of the Nyah and Nyah West football clubs) has an Australian Rules football team competing in the Central Murray Football League known as Nyah-Nyah West United. Nyah Harness Racing Club conducts regular meetings at its racetrack in the town. Golfers play at the course of the Nyah District Golf Club on the Murray Valley Highway. Gallery Climate References External links Category:Towns in Victoria (Australia) Category:Populated places on the Murray River Category:Mallee (Victoria) Category:Rural City of Swan Hill

Photo: H. Armstrong Roberts/ClassicStock I had a certain Mrs. N as my English teacher during my senior year of high school. She loved teaching 12th-graders, she liked to say, because she couldn’t do that much bad to us — and not that much good, either. She had the rigorous affection that great instructors do, forcing us to memorize Shakespeare and give presentations on Dickens, because, come on, what else is a literature education for. She was also, after years of fundamentalist Protestant education, refreshingly, mind-openingly liberal about language. “There are no ‘bad’ words,” I recall her intoning. “Just more and less coarse.” Motherfucker, I thought to myself. You’re goddamn right. And it seems that, at least according to linguists and philosophers and other people who really care about words, “swears” have a particular social function. In a new piece on Quartz, Noah Berlatsky makes the convincing argument that you should teach your kids to curse, because, he argues, good-natured swearing has a way of bonding people together. (He mentions the way his wife will conspiratorially quote John Oliver’s “Are you fucking kidding me?!’” in front of their son.) A well-placed curse expresses a sort of ribald vulnerability, especially in power dynamics like parent and child. Berlatsky quotes In Praise of Profanity author Michael Adams, who writes that swears “are unexpectedly useful in fostering human relations because they carry risk … We like to get away with things and sometimes we do so with like-minded people.” Without dipping her toe too far into the pool of profanity, Mrs. N was doing that with her rambunctious seniors: By giving us, in a way, a sense of permission about “coarser” language, she was expressing an opinion different from the school’s orthodoxy, and in doing so, expressing vulnerability and cultivating trust. In this way, swearing is a lot like humor: Both carry social risk and skewer taboos (probably why so many good jokes incorporate swears). A good, hearty swear between teacher and student, or among family is not dissimilar from how friends talk shit as a way of bonding. It happens all over the world, reports anthropologist Daniel Hruschka: Men in Papua New Guinea greet each other by saying they’d like to eat one another’s intestines, and for the Bozo tribe of West Africa, Hruschka writes, “friends demonstrate their love by making lewd comments about the genitals of one another’s parents.” It’s parallel to your wife reprising a trademark curse from a late-night talk show host in front of your kids. It’s context-sensitive, it’s funny, and it makes people feel closer. Just make sure that if the kid does swear at school, it’s in front of a particularly cool teacher.

Kaukasus Rugs Caucasian carpets Some amazing carpets have been knotted in the Caucasus over the years. The old and antique carpets from this area are very much in demand among collectors, and some of them are very valuable. Political unrest as well as Russian involvement in the carpet production has long since ended the golden age of Caucasian carpets, and only very limited production of hand-knotted carpets is taking place today. Source:You are reading an extract from the book ‘Oriental Carpets, Knottet with Love’ by Martin Munkholm.This extensive book about all that is carpets can be borrowed in Danish libraries or be bought following this link: http://www.belle-rugs.dk/dk/ekspertise/taeppebog/The book is published by Muusmann Forlag.For more info: muusmann-forlag.dk

Cattell's Scree Test In Relation To Bartlett's Chi-Square Test And Other Observations On The Number Of Factors Problem. It is demonstrated that Cattell's scree test and Bartlett's chi-square test for the number of factors are both based on the same rationale, so the former reflects statistical (subject sampling) variability and the latter usually involves psychometric (variable sampling) influences. If the alpha-level (implicit in the scree test) is set the same, the two tests should lead to the same conclusions. Analyses with some examples suggest that if the alpha-level for the Bartlett test is set (explicitly) in the neighborhood of .0003 for sample Ns of 100 to 150, the results from applications of this test will indicate approximately the same number of factors as estimated on the basis of a scree test determined on a much larger (N ≃ 600) sample. Used in this way, the Bartlett test may yield fairly good "population" estimates of the number of factors. Relationships between the Bartlett test, hence the scree test, and tests for a common factor model and for the significance of a correlation matrix are explicated.

Q: reading sql server log files (ldf) with spark this is probably far fetched but... can spark - or any advanced "ETL" technology you know - connect directly to sql server's log file (the .ldf) - and extract its data? Agenda is to get SQL server's real time operational data without replicating the whole database first (nor selecting directly from it). Appreciate your thoughts! Rea A: to answer your question, I have never heard of any tech to read an LDF directly, but there are several products on the market that can "link-clone" a database almost instantly by using some internal tricks. Keep in mind that the data is not copied using these tools, but it allows instant access for use cases like yours. There may be some free ways to do this, especially using cloud functions, or maybe linked-clone functions that Virtual Machines offer, but I only know about paid products at this time like Dell EMC, Redgate's and Windocks. The easiest to try that are not in the cloud are: Red Gate SQL Clone with a 14 day free trial: Red Gate SQL Clone Link Windocks.com (this is free for some cases, but harder to get started with)

36th Battalion Virginia Cavalry The 36th Battalion, Virginia Cavalry was a cavalry battalion raised in Virginia for service in the Confederate States Army during the American Civil War. It fought mostly in western Virginia and the Shenandoah Valley, and also with the Army of Northern Virginia. Virginia's 36th Cavalry Battalion was organized in February, 1863, with four companies, later increased to five. The men were recruited from the counties of Cabell, Braxton, Putnam, Kanawha, Boone and Greenbrier, now in West Virginia The unit was assigned to A.G. Jenkins', W.E. Jones', B.T. Johnson's, and Payne's Brigade. It had a force of 125 men at Gettysburg, and was involved in the Battle of Sporting Hill. A.G. Jenkins Brigade was within miles of the state capital at Sporting Hill, which, according to local legend, was named for its good hunting and abundant rabbits, ducks and waterfowl. An advance detachment of the 16th Virginia Cavalry Regiment, was at the McCormick Barn, of which remnants still stand today. Then, when the New York State Militia approached, the 36th, along with a portion of the 16th, crossed the road at Gleim's Farm, where a Denny's is now. This was an attempt to flanks the Federals, but failed when Co. A & C of the 22nd NYSM charged into the woods, and broke its advance. The rest of the battle played out without much more action for the 36th, save receiving artillery fire. C.H. Earlier in the Campaign, at the Battle of Opequon Creek, near Winchester on June 13, 1863, Major James W. Sweeny was wounded, Capt. Cornelious Thomas of Co. A taking command. "C.H." It then moved to Western Virginia, then took part in operations in East Tennessee. The 36th was with McCausland at Chambersburg, served with Early in the Shenandoah Valley, and was active around Appomattox. After cutting through the lines at Appomattox, it disbanded. Major James W. Sweeney was in command. See also List of Virginia Civil War units List of West Virginia Civil War Confederate units References Category:Virginia Civil War regiments Category:1863 establishments in Virginia Category:Military units and formations established in 1863 Category:1865 disestablishments in Virginia

75 Cal.App.3d 281 (1977) 142 Cal. Rptr. 78 MARVIN F., a Minor, Petitioner, v. THE SUPERIOR COURT OF ALAMEDA COUNTY, Respondent; THE PEOPLE, Real Party in Interest. Docket No. 41397. Court of Appeals of California, First District, Division Three. November 22, 1977. *284 COUNSEL James C. Hooley, Public Defender, Michael G. Gordon, Robert J. Beles and Jay Gaskill, Assistant Public Defenders, for Petitioner. No appearance for Respondent. Evelle J. Younger, Attorney General, Jack R. Winkler, Chief Assistant Attorney General, Edward P. O'Brien, Assistant Attorney General, Derald E. Granberg, Gloria F. DeHart and Jamie Jacobs-May, Deputy Attorneys General, for Real Party in Interest. OPINION SCOTT, Acting P.J. The issue raised by Marvin F., a minor, is whether an agreement entered into between the Alameda County Probation Department and the Alameda County District Attorney, establishing a procedure for the filing of petitions under Welfare and Institutions Code section 602,[1] is in conflict with the statutory scheme. The portion of the agreement relevant here, and challenged by petitioner, provides that when a police officer requests that the district attorney review the report of an alleged misdemeanor offense, which if found to be true would bring the minor within the provisions of section 602,[2] the juvenile probation department is obliged to refer the case to the *285 prosecuting attorney for his review. The Alameda County Police Officers Association participated in the negotiations leading to the agreement. The agreement was apparently prompted by the 1976 changes in the juvenile law vesting the prosecuting attorney rather than the probation department with responsibility for commencing wardship proceedings. (§ 650, subd. (b).)[3] (1a) Marvin F. contends that the agreement conflicts with the provisions of sections 653, 654 and 655, which set forth the procedure to commence proceedings to declare a minor a ward of the court under the provisions of section 602. In particular, he contends that he is denied the independent judgment and discretion of the probation officer in the proceedings leading to the filing of the section 602 petition. The resolution of this issue turns on whether the prosecuting attorney has the same discretion to file a petition to declare a minor a ward as he exercises in the filing of criminal complaints. (2a) Put another way, respondent contends that the prosecuting attorney has the sole and exclusive discretion to file a petition in any case, even if it were not forwarded by the probation officer or appealed by the applicant. If he has such discretion, the statute is merely to organize the intake process for the prosecuting attorney, in which event the deviation from that procedure in the instant case loses its significance. We conclude that he does not have such discretion. Juvenile matters are only properly before the prosecuting attorney for the exercise of his discretion of whether to file a wardship petition if the probation officer causes an affidavit requesting the commencement of such proceedings to be taken to the prosecuting attorney, or an applicant for the commencement of such proceedings presents a timely request to the prosecuting attorney for a review of a probation officer's decision not to take such affidavit to the prosecuting attorney. Marvin F. was arrested by a police officer for loitering about a junior high school in violation of Penal Code section 653g. The intake juvenile probation officer, upon receipt of the arresting officer's report which noted a request for a "D.A. review," felt obliged to present the matter to the prosecuting attorney. The intake officer stated that had she been left to her own discretion she would not have requested that a wardship *286 petition be filed, but instead would have handled the case informally pursuant to section 654. She believed, however, that she lacked discretion under the agreement to do other than forward the matter to the prosecuting attorney for mandatory review. A petition was filed by the prosecuting attorney, alleging that Marvin F. violated Penal Code section 602, subdivision (j) (trespass). The court denied the minor's motion to dismiss. By his petition here for a writ of mandamus, petitioner requests that we direct a dismissal of the juvenile court proceedings. Section 653 sets forth the procedure for commencing section 602 wardships. The section provides: "Whenever any person applies to the probation officer to commence proceedings in the juvenile court, such application shall be in the form of an affidavit alleging that there was or is within the county, or residing therein, a minor within the provisions of Section 600, 601, or 602, or that a minor committed an offense described in Section 602 within the county, and setting forth facts in support thereof. The probation officer shall immediately make such investigation as he deems necessary to determine whether proceedings in the juvenile court should be commenced. If the probation officer determines that proceedings pursuant to Section 650 should be commenced to declare a person described in Section 602 to be a ward of the juvenile court, the probation officer shall cause the affidavit to be taken to the prosecuting attorney. The prosecuting attorney shall within his discretionary power institute proceedings in accordance with his role as public prosecutor pursuant to subdivision (b) of Section 650 of this code and Section 26500 of the Government Code. "If the probation officer does not take action under Section 654 and does not file a petition in juvenile court within 21 court days after such application, or in the case of an affidavit alleging that a minor committed an offense described in Section 602 or alleging that a minor is within Section 602, does not cause the affidavit to be taken to the prosecuting attorney within 21 court days after such application, he shall endorse upon the affidavit of applicant his decision not to proceed further and his reasons therefor and shall immediately notify the applicant of the action taken or the decision rendered by him under this section. The probation officer shall retain the affidavit and his indorsement thereon for a period of 30 days after such notice to applicant." *287 I. (3) Respondent contends that section 653 should be construed as not applicable to peace officers but limited to people in the private sector. They urge that probation officers who initiate section 602 proceedings pursuant to section 652,[4] are not required to follow the provisions of section 653, and since police officers are an intrinsic part of the juvenile law system (90 percent of all delinquency referrals come from the police), they too are exempt from the provisions of section 653. We find no authority for or logic in this suggested interpretation of the statute. We also note that section 655[5] provides that "when any person has applied" (italics added) to request commencement of juvenile court proceedings and the probation officer does not take the application to the prosecuting attorney, then a certain procedure is established for making the application directly to the prosecuting attorney. If a peace officer were not "any person" within the meaning of section 653, he would have no right to a prosecuting attorney review under section 655. Yet, the evidence here was that in negotiating the agreement, the peace officers association waived their right to a section 655 "appeal" in exchange for being able to request a prosecuting attorney review on the initial police report. The "any person" referred to in section 655 is the same "any person" referred to in section 653. We conclude, therefore, that "any person" includes a peace officer. Since police officers clearly must comply with section 653, we need not address ourselves to respondent's contention that that section is not applicable to probation officers. II. (1b) The application must be in the form of an affidavit. The police report here was not in affidavit form, nor did any other affidavit accompany the police report. (4) The issue, then, is whether the absence of compliance with the affidavit requirement removes the jurisdiction of the court to hear a section 602 petition. *288 Under the previous statute (§ 722), the failure of a probation officer in instituting a section 700 petition (which encompassed offenses now found in § 602) to swear to the veracity of the petition where the affidavit accompanying the petition was signed, constituted a mere defect in pleading which did not deprive the court of jurisdiction. (In re Staser (1948) 84 Cal. App.2d 746, 751-752 [191 P.2d 791].) This was true even in the face of then section 722, which explicitly required a verified petition. Staser appears to be a square holding that the omission to swear (which is the essential requirement of the affidavit) in the initial charging paper does not deprive the court of jurisdiction. This remains good law. (In re Linda D. (1970) 3 Cal. App.3d 567, 571 [83 Cal. Rptr. 544].) The court "may" dismiss the petition without prejudice if it is not verified. (§ 656.5.) If that is true, there seems to be even less reason to destroy the court's jurisdiction by way of failure to swear to the truth of matters stated in the complaint which may or may not lead to the ultimate filing of a section 602 petition. Certainly, the affidavit requirement of section 653 cannot be ignored as apparently is the practice in Alameda County. However, failure to have the application in affidavit form does not deprive the court of jurisdiction. III. Upon receipt of the affidavit making the allegations that the minor has committed a public offense, the probation officer is required by section 653 to make an immediate investigation to determine whether juvenile court proceedings should be commenced. After investigation the probation officer has three courses of disposition available: (1) if he determines that proceedings should be commenced, he then refers the matter to the prosecuting attorney (§ 653), or (2) he may take no action (§ 653), or (3) if he concludes that the minor is, or soon will be, within the jurisdiction of the juvenile court (§ 654),[6] he may institute alternative programs in lieu of requesting the filing of a petition for wardship. (1c) Under the agreement, however, if the police officer requests a "D.A. review," the first alternative is the only one available to the probation officer. *289 (2b) The statute is unambiguous legislation which sets forth the steps to be taken before the matter is placed in the hands of the prosecuting attorney for action. Upon receipt of the application, the probation officer must make whatever investigation he thinks is reasonable for the exercise of his discretion, that is, to (1) "cause the affidavit to be taken to the prosecuting attorney" (§ 653), or (2) "with consent of the minor and the minor's parent or guardian, delineate specific programs of supervision for the minor, for not to exceed six months" (§ 654), or (3) refuse to take any action on the application. The procedure to invoke a prosecuting attorney review of the case if the probation officer declines to request such a review is set forth in section 655. If the probation officer fails to request prosecuting attorney action within 21 days, the applicant may, within 30 days after making the application, apply to the prosecuting attorney. The statute clearly contemplates an intermediate evaluation by the probation officer, granting him discretion to take alternative action. The initial determination to file cannot be delegated to the prosecuting attorney because it is a judgment expressly vested in the probation department (§ 7). The prosecuting attorney's discretion under section 653 is called for only by an appeal filed by a complaining person or when the probation officer forwards the affidavit to the prosecuting attorney (§ 653). Respondent contends that the prosecuting attorney has the same discretion as that which he has in filing criminal charges (except in certain specified cases, not relevant here, where the filing of a petition is made mandatory). We do not, however, find within this statutory scheme such a broad grant of authority to the prosecuting attorney. The statute limits action by the prosecuting attorney to cases where the complaining person is dissatisfied with the probation officer's disposition, or where the complaining person and the probation officer are in agreement that section 602 proceedings are necessary, thus screening out one category of the case from prosecuting attorney review, i.e., where a complaining person is satisfied by alternate disposition. (5) Further support for petitioner's contention is found in the portion of section 654 which provides: "However, when in the judgment of the probation officer the interest of the minor and the community can be protected, the probation officer shall make a diligent effort to proceed under this section." This is an expression of the legislative intent that minors be diverted from the court process when in the judgment of the probation officer such can be done in the interest of both the minor and society. *290 (2c) Respondent further contends that the statute violates the doctrine of separation of powers in that the discretion of the prosecuting attorney (an executive officer) is limited by the necessity that the probation officer (a judicial official) "concurs" by the forwarding of the affidavit. The cases cited (People v. Tenorio (1970) 3 Cal.3d 89, 94-95 [89 Cal. Rptr. 249, 473 P.2d 993]; People v. Adams (1974) 43 Cal. App.3d 697, 707-708 [117 Cal. Rptr. 905]) hold respectively that sentencing is judicial and need not have concurrence by the prosecuting attorney, and that the prosecuting attorney cannot be limited in determining what charges to bring and/or how to draft accusatory pleadings. The procedure by which discretion becomes vested in the prosecuting attorney so that it may be exercised would not seem constitutionally compelled. In any event, the right to appeal to the prosecuting attorney means that the "accord" of the probation officer is not required. (1d) We conclude, therefore, that the agreement conflicts with the statutory scheme for the processing of applications to cause a petition for wardship to be filed in juvenile court. Upon the granting of the minor's petition herein, the district attorney may refile a wardship petition so long as such proceedings are recommenced consistent with the views herein expressed. The petition for writ of mandamus is granted, and the cause is remanded to the juvenile court with directions to dismiss the petition to declare Marvin F. a ward of the court. Feinberg, J., and Draper, J.,[*] concurred. A petition for a rehearing was denied December 22, 1977, and the opinion was modified to read as printed above. The petition of the real party in interest for a hearing by the Supreme Court was denied January 19, 1978. NOTES [1] Unless otherwise indicated, all statutory references are to the Welfare and Institutions Code. [2] Section 602 provides: "Any person who is under the age of 18 years when he violates any law of this state or of the United States or any ordinance of any city or county of this state defining crime other than an ordinance establishing a curfew based solely on age, is within the jurisdiction of the juvenile court, which may adjudge such person to be a ward of the court." [3] Section 650, subdivision (b) provides: "A proceeding in the juvenile court to declare a minor a ward under Section 602 of the court is commenced by the filing with the court, by the prosecuting attorney as petitioner, of a petition, in conformity with the requirements of this article." [4] Section 652 provides: "Whenever the probation officer has cause to believe that there was or is within the county, or residing therein, a person within the provisions of Section 601 or 602, the probation officer shall immediately make such investigation as he deems necessary to determine whether proceedings in the juvenile court should be commenced." [5] Section 655 provides: "(a) When any person has applied to the probation officer, pursuant to Section 653, to request commencement of juvenile court proceedings to declare a minor a ward of the court under Section 602 and the probation officer does not cause the affidavit to be taken to the prosecuting attorney pursuant to Section 653 within 21 court days after such application, such person may, within 30 court days after making such application, apply to the prosecuting attorney to review the decision of the probation officer, and the prosecuting attorney may either affirm the decision of the probation officer or commence juvenile court proceedings." [6] Section 654 provides, in relevant part: "In any case in which a probation officer, after investigation of an application for petition or other investigation he is authorized to make, concludes that a minor is within the jurisdiction of the juvenile court or will probably soon be within such jurisdiction, he may, in lieu of ... requesting that a petition be filed by the prosecuting attorney to declare a minor a ward of the court under Section 602 or subsequent to dismissal of a petition already filed, and with consent of the minor and the minor's parent or guardian, delineate specific programs of supervision for the minor, for not to exceed six months, and attempt thereby to adjust the situation which brings the minor within the jurisdiction of the court or creates the probability that he will soon be within such jurisdiction. Nothing in this section shall be construed to prevent the probation officer from ... requesting the prosecuting attorney to file a petition at any time within said six-month period." [*] Retired Presiding Justice of the Court of Appeal sitting under assignment by the Chairperson of the Judicial Council.

Oriented growth behavior of Ag nanoparticles using SDS as a shape director. We report a chemical approach for synthesizing shape-controlled Ag nanoparticles by using the surfactant SDS as a soft template. The experimental approach includes a two-step reaction: the first step is quickly generating Ag seed clusters by a chemical reaction using sodium borohydride as a reducing reagent; the second is the slow growth of controllable Ag nanoparticles by a mild chemical reaction using hydroxylamine hydrochloride as a reducing reagent. Spherical, polyhedral, and fibrous Ag nanoparticles are synthesized successfully in aqueous solution having SDS concentrations of 0.01, 0.02, and 0.2 wt.%, respectively. Size, morphology, and dispersion stability of these Ag nanoparticles depend on the concentrations of both SDS and AgNO(3).

These were all fairly simple cards as I needed them done "yesterday"! The free downloads are little "cardlets" (that's my new word, because they are small little cards) that I placed in the middle of each standard sized card (A2) over some matting, and popped them up with 3D foam dots. I printed my cardlets on photo paper so they are glossy, and made them about 2" x 2-1/2" in size.Go to the link at the beginning of my post to download these for FREE. They are only available through February, 2014. Here you can see how the little cardlet is popped off the page and is glossy. I matted each cardlet with one or two pieces of cardstock, or little doilies (Martha Stewart), and added a bow and some ribbon and a few gems. On the last card, I used a scrap of cardstock (black and white), and liked how it looked against the bright pink and red heart background (old scrap I had). I also used some of CTMH's red shimmer trim. These were super simple and fast and I loved how they turned out. If you need to make a quick and fast card today, print out these little cardlets (any size) and slap one on a piece of cardstock and stick it to a card, add 3 gems and voila! your done! All of my printers are on the blink, so I used my tiny little photo printer and printed all the cards on a 5x7 piece of glossy photo paper. (Where there's a will, there's a way). Download them from HERE. Have fun and treat yourself to some chocolate today!

Molecular weights of poly(butyl cyanoacrylate) nanoparticles determined by mass spectrometry and size exclusion chromatography. Matrix-assisted laser desorption ionisation time-of-flight mass spectrometry (MALDI-TOF MS) and size exclusion chromatography (SEC) were employed to elucidate the chemical composition, mean number average molecular weight (M(n)), mean weight average molecular weight (M(w)), and polydispersity (PD) of poly(butyl cyanoacrylate) (PBCA) manufactured by emulsion polymerisation. Both methods gave similar results for M(n), but substantial differences were observed for M(w) and PD, with MALDI producing consistently lower values which could not be improved by off-line coupling of SEC and MALDI. MALDI gave a more detailed view on the chemical composition of the cyanoacrylate and revealed the presence of two additional polymer series with different end groups besides the expected PBCA series, which showed different retention in SEC. Their formation is explained by the secession/addition of formaldehyde from/to the regular polymer via (reverse) Knoevenagel reaction. In additional experiments, the influence of different pH on PBCA-NP during polymerisation was examined by comparison of polymerisation yield and particle diameter to their chemical composition as revealed by the MALDI spectra. The most uniform nanoparticles, with the highest polymerisation yield, narrowest particle size, and mass distribution were produced at pH 1.

Q: Adding a custom initWith? If I create a custom initWith for an object do I essentially include the code I would add should I want to override init? -(id) init { self = [super init]; if (self) { NSLog(@"_init: %@", self); } return(self); } e.g. -(id) initWithX:(int) inPosX andY:(int) inPosY { self = [super init]; if(self) { NSLog(@"_init: %@", self); posX = inPosX; posY = inPosY; } return(self); } gary A: You can create one designated initializer that accepts all parameters that you want to make available in initialization. Then you call from your other -(id)init your designated initializer with proper parameters. Only the designated initializer will initialize super class [super init]. Example: - (id)init { return [self initWithX:defaultX andY:defaultY]; } - (id)initWithPosition:(NSPoint)position { return [self initWithX:position.x andY:position.y]; } - (id)initWithX:(int)inPosX andY:(int)inPosY { self = [super init]; if(self) { NSLog(@"_init: %@", self); posX = inPosX; posY = inPosY; } return self; } The designated initializer is -(id)initWithX:andY: and you call it from other initializers. In case you want to extend this class you call your designated initializer from subclass. A: I'd suggest creating one main initializer that handles most of the work. You can then create any number of other initializers that all call this main one. The advantage of this is if you want to change the initialization process, you'll only have to change one spot. It might look like this: -(id) initWithX:(float)x { if (self = [super init]) { /* do most of initialization */ self.xVal = x; } return self; } -(id) init { return [self initWithX:0.0f]; } In this example initWithX: is our main initializer. The other initializer (init) simply calls initWithX: with a default value (in this case 0). A: Yes, that's exactly how I do it. One slight change will cut out a line of code: if (self = [super init]) { As opposed to: self = [super init]; if(self) {

Life before selfies was unflattering, to be fair Hard as it is to believe that a ‘selfie’ was once not a thing and to edit photographs you needed a full on studio, I can’t help thinking we’ve taken things a tad too far. I’m not one for nostalgia about the days when you had to find out what you looked like through the lens by going down to the chemist, dropping off a film and waiting about a month for 24 shiny, disappointing prints of shots that these days would have meant instant delete - or at least the application of a series acne edit, crop and soft focus. Highlights of the old school approach in my memory include getting a packet back from the first holiday I had ever attended without my parents. It sported a large red sticker, declaring ‘suspicious content’ which was enough to send a teenager scurrying home in shame - if a little baffled how holiday snaps of me and my best friend bikini-clad pre-cellulite could possible cause offence. It emerged, as these things do that, after the application of unused-to alcohol consumption, a group of holidaying boys had ‘borrowed’ the camera and taken around 10 rather graphic shots of themselves mooning - not a beautiful sight I can assure you. Safe to say my parents did not get see to these instead being assured that only a few photos ‘came out’, which they believed. I clearly remember hiding negatives under the bed. Now it’s not so much the all-seeing eye of the lens but seeing from our own perspective via selfies, filtered photographs and apps to change the way we look. You can even add things - the six pack you wanted, a spot of virtual plastic surgery and you edit out what you want - including less than appealing fellow tourists who happen to get in shot - or when the boyfriend in your favourite selfie becomes an ex- just edit him out. Disreputable bloggers have even been caught out pretending to travel the world in glam spots via photos stunted up in their bedrooms. The idea of the all-seeing lens is completely out of the window and you now control your own image, 99 per cent of the time. Which is a huge relief for us normal types - although a six pack is just too far.

/* SPDX-License-Identifier: GPL-2.0-or-later */ /* -*- linux-c -*- * * * ALSA driver for the digigram lx6464es interface * adapted upstream headers * * Copyright (c) 2009 Tim Blechmann <tim@klingt.org> */ #ifndef LX_DEFS_H #define LX_DEFS_H /* code adapted from ethersound.h */ #define XES_FREQ_COUNT8_MASK 0x00001FFF /* compteur 25MHz entre 8 ech. */ #define XES_FREQ_COUNT8_44_MIN 0x00001288 /* 25M / * [ 44k - ( 44.1k + 48k ) / 2 ] * * 8 */ #define XES_FREQ_COUNT8_44_MAX 0x000010F0 /* 25M / [ ( 44.1k + 48k ) / 2 ] * * 8 */ #define XES_FREQ_COUNT8_48_MAX 0x00000F08 /* 25M / * [ 48k + ( 44.1k + 48k ) / 2 ] * * 8 */ /* code adapted from LXES_registers.h */ #define IOCR_OUTPUTS_OFFSET 0 /* (rw) offset for the number of OUTs in the * ConfES register. */ #define IOCR_INPUTS_OFFSET 8 /* (rw) offset for the number of INs in the * ConfES register. */ #define FREQ_RATIO_OFFSET 19 /* (rw) offset for frequency ratio in the * ConfES register. */ #define FREQ_RATIO_SINGLE_MODE 0x01 /* value for single mode frequency ratio: * sample rate = frequency rate. */ #define CONFES_READ_PART_MASK 0x00070000 #define CONFES_WRITE_PART_MASK 0x00F80000 /* code adapted from if_drv_mb.h */ #define MASK_SYS_STATUS_ERROR (1L << 31) /* events that lead to a PCI irq if * not yet pending */ #define MASK_SYS_STATUS_URUN (1L << 30) #define MASK_SYS_STATUS_ORUN (1L << 29) #define MASK_SYS_STATUS_EOBO (1L << 28) #define MASK_SYS_STATUS_EOBI (1L << 27) #define MASK_SYS_STATUS_FREQ (1L << 26) #define MASK_SYS_STATUS_ESA (1L << 25) /* reserved, this is set by the * XES */ #define MASK_SYS_STATUS_TIMER (1L << 24) #define MASK_SYS_ASYNC_EVENTS (MASK_SYS_STATUS_ERROR | \ MASK_SYS_STATUS_URUN | \ MASK_SYS_STATUS_ORUN | \ MASK_SYS_STATUS_EOBO | \ MASK_SYS_STATUS_EOBI | \ MASK_SYS_STATUS_FREQ | \ MASK_SYS_STATUS_ESA) #define MASK_SYS_PCI_EVENTS (MASK_SYS_ASYNC_EVENTS | \ MASK_SYS_STATUS_TIMER) #define MASK_SYS_TIMER_COUNT 0x0000FFFF #define MASK_SYS_STATUS_EOT_PLX (1L << 22) /* event that remains * internal: reserved fo end * of plx dma */ #define MASK_SYS_STATUS_XES (1L << 21) /* event that remains * internal: pending XES * IRQ */ #define MASK_SYS_STATUS_CMD_DONE (1L << 20) /* alternate command * management: notify driver * instead of polling */ #define MAX_STREAM_BUFFER 5 /* max amount of stream buffers. */ #define MICROBLAZE_IBL_MIN 32 #define MICROBLAZE_IBL_DEFAULT 128 #define MICROBLAZE_IBL_MAX 512 /* #define MASK_GRANULARITY (2*MICROBLAZE_IBL_MAX-1) */ /* command opcodes, see reference for details */ /* the capture bit position in the object_id field in driver commands depends upon the number of managed channels. For now, 64 IN + 64 OUT are supported. HOwever, the communication protocol forsees 1024 channels, hence bit 10 indicates a capture (input) object). */ #define ID_IS_CAPTURE (1L << 10) #define ID_OFFSET 13 /* object ID is at the 13th bit in the * 1st command word.*/ #define ID_CH_MASK 0x3F #define OPCODE_OFFSET 24 /* offset of the command opcode in the first * command word.*/ enum cmd_mb_opcodes { CMD_00_INFO_DEBUG = 0x00, CMD_01_GET_SYS_CFG = 0x01, CMD_02_SET_GRANULARITY = 0x02, CMD_03_SET_TIMER_IRQ = 0x03, CMD_04_GET_EVENT = 0x04, CMD_05_GET_PIPES = 0x05, CMD_06_ALLOCATE_PIPE = 0x06, CMD_07_RELEASE_PIPE = 0x07, CMD_08_ASK_BUFFERS = 0x08, CMD_09_STOP_PIPE = 0x09, CMD_0A_GET_PIPE_SPL_COUNT = 0x0a, CMD_0B_TOGGLE_PIPE_STATE = 0x0b, CMD_0C_DEF_STREAM = 0x0c, CMD_0D_SET_MUTE = 0x0d, CMD_0E_GET_STREAM_SPL_COUNT = 0x0e, CMD_0F_UPDATE_BUFFER = 0x0f, CMD_10_GET_BUFFER = 0x10, CMD_11_CANCEL_BUFFER = 0x11, CMD_12_GET_PEAK = 0x12, CMD_13_SET_STREAM_STATE = 0x13, CMD_14_INVALID = 0x14, }; /* pipe states */ enum pipe_state_t { PSTATE_IDLE = 0, /* the pipe is not processed in the XES_IRQ * (free or stopped, or paused). */ PSTATE_RUN = 1, /* sustained play/record state. */ PSTATE_PURGE = 2, /* the ES channels are now off, render pipes do * not DMA, record pipe do a last DMA. */ PSTATE_ACQUIRE = 3, /* the ES channels are now on, render pipes do * not yet increase their sample count, record * pipes do not DMA. */ PSTATE_CLOSING = 4, /* the pipe is releasing, and may not yet * receive an "alloc" command. */ }; /* stream states */ enum stream_state_t { SSTATE_STOP = 0x00, /* setting to stop resets the stream spl * count.*/ SSTATE_RUN = (0x01 << 0), /* start DMA and spl count handling. */ SSTATE_PAUSE = (0x01 << 1), /* pause DMA and spl count handling. */ }; /* buffer flags */ enum buffer_flags { BF_VALID = 0x80, /* set if the buffer is valid, clear if free.*/ BF_CURRENT = 0x40, /* set if this is the current buffer (there is * always a current buffer).*/ BF_NOTIFY_EOB = 0x20, /* set if this buffer must cause a PCI event * when finished.*/ BF_CIRCULAR = 0x10, /* set if buffer[1] must be copied to buffer[0] * by the end of this buffer.*/ BF_64BITS_ADR = 0x08, /* set if the hi part of the address is valid.*/ BF_xx = 0x04, /* future extension.*/ BF_EOB = 0x02, /* set if finished, but not yet free.*/ BF_PAUSE = 0x01, /* pause stream at buffer end.*/ BF_ZERO = 0x00, /* no flags (init).*/ }; /* * Stream Flags definitions */ enum stream_flags { SF_ZERO = 0x00000000, /* no flags (stream invalid). */ SF_VALID = 0x10000000, /* the stream has a valid DMA_conf * info (setstreamformat). */ SF_XRUN = 0x20000000, /* the stream is un x-run state. */ SF_START = 0x40000000, /* the DMA is running.*/ SF_ASIO = 0x80000000, /* ASIO.*/ }; #define MASK_SPL_COUNT_HI 0x00FFFFFF /* 4 MSBits are status bits */ #define PSTATE_OFFSET 28 /* 4 MSBits are status bits */ #define MASK_STREAM_HAS_MAPPING (1L << 12) #define MASK_STREAM_IS_ASIO (1L << 9) #define STREAM_FMT_OFFSET 10 /* the stream fmt bits start at the 10th * bit in the command word. */ #define STREAM_FMT_16b 0x02 #define STREAM_FMT_intel 0x01 #define FREQ_FIELD_OFFSET 15 /* offset of the freq field in the response * word */ #define BUFF_FLAGS_OFFSET 24 /* offset of the buffer flags in the * response word. */ #define MASK_DATA_SIZE 0x00FFFFFF /* this must match the field size of * datasize in the buffer_t structure. */ #define MASK_BUFFER_ID 0xFF /* the cancel command awaits a buffer ID, * may be 0xFF for "current". */ /* code adapted from PcxErr_e.h */ /* Bits masks */ #define ERROR_MASK 0x8000 #define SOURCE_MASK 0x7800 #define E_SOURCE_BOARD 0x4000 /* 8 >> 1 */ #define E_SOURCE_DRV 0x2000 /* 4 >> 1 */ #define E_SOURCE_API 0x1000 /* 2 >> 1 */ /* Error tools */ #define E_SOURCE_TOOLS 0x0800 /* 1 >> 1 */ /* Error pcxaudio */ #define E_SOURCE_AUDIO 0x1800 /* 3 >> 1 */ /* Error virtual pcx */ #define E_SOURCE_VPCX 0x2800 /* 5 >> 1 */ /* Error dispatcher */ #define E_SOURCE_DISPATCHER 0x3000 /* 6 >> 1 */ /* Error from CobraNet firmware */ #define E_SOURCE_COBRANET 0x3800 /* 7 >> 1 */ #define E_SOURCE_USER 0x7800 #define CLASS_MASK 0x0700 #define CODE_MASK 0x00FF /* Bits values */ /* Values for the error/warning bit */ #define ERROR_VALUE 0x8000 #define WARNING_VALUE 0x0000 /* Class values */ #define E_CLASS_GENERAL 0x0000 #define E_CLASS_INVALID_CMD 0x0100 #define E_CLASS_INVALID_STD_OBJECT 0x0200 #define E_CLASS_RSRC_IMPOSSIBLE 0x0300 #define E_CLASS_WRONG_CONTEXT 0x0400 #define E_CLASS_BAD_SPECIFIC_PARAMETER 0x0500 #define E_CLASS_REAL_TIME_ERROR 0x0600 #define E_CLASS_DIRECTSHOW 0x0700 #define E_CLASS_FREE 0x0700 /* Complete DRV error code for the general class */ #define ED_GN (ERROR_VALUE | E_SOURCE_DRV | E_CLASS_GENERAL) #define ED_CONCURRENCY (ED_GN | 0x01) #define ED_DSP_CRASHED (ED_GN | 0x02) #define ED_UNKNOWN_BOARD (ED_GN | 0x03) #define ED_NOT_INSTALLED (ED_GN | 0x04) #define ED_CANNOT_OPEN_SVC_MANAGER (ED_GN | 0x05) #define ED_CANNOT_READ_REGISTRY (ED_GN | 0x06) #define ED_DSP_VERSION_MISMATCH (ED_GN | 0x07) #define ED_UNAVAILABLE_FEATURE (ED_GN | 0x08) #define ED_CANCELLED (ED_GN | 0x09) #define ED_NO_RESPONSE_AT_IRQA (ED_GN | 0x10) #define ED_INVALID_ADDRESS (ED_GN | 0x11) #define ED_DSP_CORRUPTED (ED_GN | 0x12) #define ED_PENDING_OPERATION (ED_GN | 0x13) #define ED_NET_ALLOCATE_MEMORY_IMPOSSIBLE (ED_GN | 0x14) #define ED_NET_REGISTER_ERROR (ED_GN | 0x15) #define ED_NET_THREAD_ERROR (ED_GN | 0x16) #define ED_NET_OPEN_ERROR (ED_GN | 0x17) #define ED_NET_CLOSE_ERROR (ED_GN | 0x18) #define ED_NET_NO_MORE_PACKET (ED_GN | 0x19) #define ED_NET_NO_MORE_BUFFER (ED_GN | 0x1A) #define ED_NET_SEND_ERROR (ED_GN | 0x1B) #define ED_NET_RECEIVE_ERROR (ED_GN | 0x1C) #define ED_NET_WRONG_MSG_SIZE (ED_GN | 0x1D) #define ED_NET_WAIT_ERROR (ED_GN | 0x1E) #define ED_NET_EEPROM_ERROR (ED_GN | 0x1F) #define ED_INVALID_RS232_COM_NUMBER (ED_GN | 0x20) #define ED_INVALID_RS232_INIT (ED_GN | 0x21) #define ED_FILE_ERROR (ED_GN | 0x22) #define ED_INVALID_GPIO_CMD (ED_GN | 0x23) #define ED_RS232_ALREADY_OPENED (ED_GN | 0x24) #define ED_RS232_NOT_OPENED (ED_GN | 0x25) #define ED_GPIO_ALREADY_OPENED (ED_GN | 0x26) #define ED_GPIO_NOT_OPENED (ED_GN | 0x27) #define ED_REGISTRY_ERROR (ED_GN | 0x28) /* <- NCX */ #define ED_INVALID_SERVICE (ED_GN | 0x29) /* <- NCX */ #define ED_READ_FILE_ALREADY_OPENED (ED_GN | 0x2a) /* <- Decalage * pour RCX * (old 0x28) * */ #define ED_READ_FILE_INVALID_COMMAND (ED_GN | 0x2b) /* ~ */ #define ED_READ_FILE_INVALID_PARAMETER (ED_GN | 0x2c) /* ~ */ #define ED_READ_FILE_ALREADY_CLOSED (ED_GN | 0x2d) /* ~ */ #define ED_READ_FILE_NO_INFORMATION (ED_GN | 0x2e) /* ~ */ #define ED_READ_FILE_INVALID_HANDLE (ED_GN | 0x2f) /* ~ */ #define ED_READ_FILE_END_OF_FILE (ED_GN | 0x30) /* ~ */ #define ED_READ_FILE_ERROR (ED_GN | 0x31) /* ~ */ #define ED_DSP_CRASHED_EXC_DSPSTACK_OVERFLOW (ED_GN | 0x32) /* <- Decalage pour * PCX (old 0x14) */ #define ED_DSP_CRASHED_EXC_SYSSTACK_OVERFLOW (ED_GN | 0x33) /* ~ */ #define ED_DSP_CRASHED_EXC_ILLEGAL (ED_GN | 0x34) /* ~ */ #define ED_DSP_CRASHED_EXC_TIMER_REENTRY (ED_GN | 0x35) /* ~ */ #define ED_DSP_CRASHED_EXC_FATAL_ERROR (ED_GN | 0x36) /* ~ */ #define ED_FLASH_PCCARD_NOT_PRESENT (ED_GN | 0x37) #define ED_NO_CURRENT_CLOCK (ED_GN | 0x38) /* Complete DRV error code for real time class */ #define ED_RT (ERROR_VALUE | E_SOURCE_DRV | E_CLASS_REAL_TIME_ERROR) #define ED_DSP_TIMED_OUT (ED_RT | 0x01) #define ED_DSP_CHK_TIMED_OUT (ED_RT | 0x02) #define ED_STREAM_OVERRUN (ED_RT | 0x03) #define ED_DSP_BUSY (ED_RT | 0x04) #define ED_DSP_SEMAPHORE_TIME_OUT (ED_RT | 0x05) #define ED_BOARD_TIME_OUT (ED_RT | 0x06) #define ED_XILINX_ERROR (ED_RT | 0x07) #define ED_COBRANET_ITF_NOT_RESPONDING (ED_RT | 0x08) /* Complete BOARD error code for the invaid standard object class */ #define EB_ISO (ERROR_VALUE | E_SOURCE_BOARD | \ E_CLASS_INVALID_STD_OBJECT) #define EB_INVALID_EFFECT (EB_ISO | 0x00) #define EB_INVALID_PIPE (EB_ISO | 0x40) #define EB_INVALID_STREAM (EB_ISO | 0x80) #define EB_INVALID_AUDIO (EB_ISO | 0xC0) /* Complete BOARD error code for impossible resource allocation class */ #define EB_RI (ERROR_VALUE | E_SOURCE_BOARD | E_CLASS_RSRC_IMPOSSIBLE) #define EB_ALLOCATE_ALL_STREAM_TRANSFERT_BUFFERS_IMPOSSIBLE (EB_RI | 0x01) #define EB_ALLOCATE_PIPE_SAMPLE_BUFFER_IMPOSSIBLE (EB_RI | 0x02) #define EB_ALLOCATE_MEM_STREAM_IMPOSSIBLE \ EB_ALLOCATE_ALL_STREAM_TRANSFERT_BUFFERS_IMPOSSIBLE #define EB_ALLOCATE_MEM_PIPE_IMPOSSIBLE \ EB_ALLOCATE_PIPE_SAMPLE_BUFFER_IMPOSSIBLE #define EB_ALLOCATE_DIFFERED_CMD_IMPOSSIBLE (EB_RI | 0x03) #define EB_TOO_MANY_DIFFERED_CMD (EB_RI | 0x04) #define EB_RBUFFERS_TABLE_OVERFLOW (EB_RI | 0x05) #define EB_ALLOCATE_EFFECTS_IMPOSSIBLE (EB_RI | 0x08) #define EB_ALLOCATE_EFFECT_POS_IMPOSSIBLE (EB_RI | 0x09) #define EB_RBUFFER_NOT_AVAILABLE (EB_RI | 0x0A) #define EB_ALLOCATE_CONTEXT_LIII_IMPOSSIBLE (EB_RI | 0x0B) #define EB_STATUS_DIALOG_IMPOSSIBLE (EB_RI | 0x1D) #define EB_CONTROL_CMD_IMPOSSIBLE (EB_RI | 0x1E) #define EB_STATUS_SEND_IMPOSSIBLE (EB_RI | 0x1F) #define EB_ALLOCATE_PIPE_IMPOSSIBLE (EB_RI | 0x40) #define EB_ALLOCATE_STREAM_IMPOSSIBLE (EB_RI | 0x80) #define EB_ALLOCATE_AUDIO_IMPOSSIBLE (EB_RI | 0xC0) /* Complete BOARD error code for wrong call context class */ #define EB_WCC (ERROR_VALUE | E_SOURCE_BOARD | E_CLASS_WRONG_CONTEXT) #define EB_CMD_REFUSED (EB_WCC | 0x00) #define EB_START_STREAM_REFUSED (EB_WCC | 0xFC) #define EB_SPC_REFUSED (EB_WCC | 0xFD) #define EB_CSN_REFUSED (EB_WCC | 0xFE) #define EB_CSE_REFUSED (EB_WCC | 0xFF) #endif /* LX_DEFS_H */

Introduction {#s1} ============ As the longest and most architecturally complex cells in the body, neurons face the unique challenge of regulating membrane and protein levels in distal compartments. Neurons have highly elaborate dendritic arbors. These dendrites possess synapses, points of contact where electrochemical transmission of information occurs. Most of the excitatory synapses are situated on dendritic spines, tiny protrusions with a head and neck comprising a geometry that is essential for shaping electrical signals ([@bib55]; [@bib30]; [@bib53]; [@bib26]; [@bib29]; [@bib54]) and providing biochemical compartmentalization ([@bib28]; [@bib6]; [@bib14]). For synapses to function appropriately, the levels of receptor proteins at the postsynaptic density must also be finely tuned. Synapses are often located hundreds of micrometers away from the neuronal cell body. Adding to this spatial problem is the challenge of regulating protein abundance on the membrane in a temporally precise manner, as demanded by fast-acting processes such as synaptic potentiation. Integral membrane proteins destined for the cell surface are canonically thought to be synthesized in the somatic rough endoplasmic reticulum, transported to the Golgi apparatus, and then secreted into the plasma membrane via exocytosis. It is now known that many proteins are translated locally in dendrites, a highly regulated process essential for normal development and plasticity ([@bib49]; [@bib10]; [@bib25]). Endoplasmic reticulum (ER) extends into dendrites, forming a continuous tubular network with regions of varying structural complexity and occasional entry into spines ([@bib48]; [@bib15]; [@bib16]). Together with endosomes, the ER is perfectly positioned to provide a local source of membrane and integral membrane proteins, such as glutamate receptors. However, the Golgi apparatus is absent in most distal dendrites. This puzzling observation has been resolved by recent work demonstrating that dendritic and somatic protein trafficking are highly segregated, and that glutamate receptors are trafficked through a specialized Golgi apparatus-independent pathway from the dendritic ER to the plasma membrane via recycling endosomes ([@bib9]). Structural changes in ER contribute to normal synaptogenesis during development and maturation ([@bib16]). The involvement of this system in activity-induced synaptogenesis is unknown. Long-term potentiation (LTP), the long-lasting enhancement of synaptic strength due to repetitive activity, is thought to underlie learning and memory. This process has been studied extensively in the hippocampus, a key brain region responsible for new memory formation. Insertion of glutamate receptors from an extrasynaptic reserve pool into the postsynaptic compartment is required for LTP in hippocampal area CA1 ([@bib23]). LTP is also accompanied by structural changes in dendritic spines ([@bib8]; [@bib2]). In the young rat hippocampus, LTP produces new dendritic spines ([@bib52]), contrasting with adult rat hippocampus where new spine outgrowth is stalled in favor of synapse enlargement ([@bib7]; [@bib3]). While Golgi apparatus-independent trafficking has not been studied directly in the context of lasting LTP, recycling endosomes (RE) are known to supply AMPA receptors ([@bib40]), and recycling endosome exocytosis is required for spine formation and growth shortly after the induction of LTP ([@bib41]). Expanded knowledge about the involvement of Golgi apparatus-independent pathways in developmental synaptic plasticity could provide new targets for rescuing dysregulated synaptogenesis in cases of profound developmental disorders ([@bib18]). Here, three-dimensional reconstruction from serial section electron microscopy (3DEM) revealed morphological changes in SER and endosomal compartments 2 hr following the induction of LTP. The findings are consistent with the involvement of the Golgi-bypass secretory system in supporting synaptic plasticity in the developing hippocampus. Results {#s2} ======= An acute within-slice experimental protocol ([@bib52]) was used to compare the effects of TBS and control stimulation on subcellular membranous compartments in dendrites. In brief, two stimulating electrodes were positioned \~800 µm apart with a recording electrode halfway in between them in CA1 stratum radiatum of P15 rat hippocampus in one slice from each of two animals ([Figure 1A](#fig1){ref-type="fig"}). Baseline responses were collected from both electrodes. TBS was delivered at one stimulating electrode and control stimulation was delivered at the other stimulating electrode, counterbalanced in position relative to CA3 for each experiment. There was a significant increase in the field excitatory postsynaptic potential (fEPSP) slope immediately after TBS ([Figure 1B,C](#fig1){ref-type="fig"}). Slices were fixed 120 min later. EM image volumes were collected from tissue on a diagonal \~120 µm below and to the side of each stimulating electrode. Segments of spiny dendrites, synapses, and all subcellular membrane compartments were reconstructed in three dimensions (see Materials and methods for details). ![Within-slice experimental design and electrophysiological outcome.\ (**A**) Illustration of an acute slice from a P15 rat hippocampus with a recording electrode (rec.) in the middle of CA1 stratum radiatum between two bipolar stimulating electrodes (S1 and S2). S1 and S2 are separated by 600-800 µm. The two experiments were counterbalanced for which of the two electrodes delivered TBS or control stimulation. Tissue samples collected for 3DEM were located \~120 µm beneath and to the side of the stimulating electrodes. D.G., dentate gyrus; Sub., subiculum. (**B**) Representative waveforms from control (CON, blue) and TBS (LTP, red) sites. Each waveform is the average of the final 10 responses to each stimulating electrode obtained for the last 20 min before delivery of TBS at *time 0* (light color) and for 20 minutes before the end of the experiment at 120 min after TBS (dark color). The stimulus intensity was set at population spike threshold to activate a large fraction of the axons in the field of each stimulating electrode. The positive deflection in the post-TBS waveform at \~3-4 ms reflects synchronous firing of pyramidal cells with LTP. (**C**) Changes in the slope of the field excitatory postsynaptic potential (fEPSP), expressed as a percentage of the average baseline response to test-pulses, were recorded for 20 min before delivery of TBS at *time 0* (red) or control stimulation (blue). Responses were recorded for n=2 slices for 120 min after the first TBS train, then fixed and processed for 3DEM as described in Methods. Error bars are SEM. Adapted from [@bib52] where it was originally published under a CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 license <https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/>).\ 10.7554/eLife.46356.003Figure 1---source data 1.Excel spreadsheet containing the raw numbers that generated the graphs and waveforms for these experiments.](elife-46356-fig1){#fig1} Limited entry of SER into dendritic spines {#s2-1} ------------------------------------------ Consistent with previous reports on hippocampal dendrites ([@bib48]; [@bib15]), the SER formed an anastomosing network throughout the dendritic shaft with occasional entry into a subset of dendritic spines ([Figure 2A](#fig2){ref-type="fig"}; see [Figure 2---figure supplement 1](#fig2s1){ref-type="fig"} for all analyzed dendrites reconstructed with SER). While the dendritic spine density more than doubled 2 hr following TBS, a similar increase in the occurrence of SER in spines did not occur ([Figure 2B,C](#fig2){ref-type="fig"}). {#fig2} Spines with small synapses, as measured by the surface area of the postsynaptic density (PSD) (\<0.05 µm^2^), accounted for the LTP-induced increase in spine density ([Figure 2B](#fig2){ref-type="fig"}). This difference was not present at earlier times, and the small spines more than tripled in density by 2 hr post induction of LTP, suggesting that most of this population comprised newly formed spines ([@bib52]). There were no significant effects on SER content in these small spines; not in frequency of spine-localized SER ([Figure 2D](#fig2){ref-type="fig"}), average SER volume ([Figure 2E](#fig2){ref-type="fig"}), nor average SER surface area ([Figure 2F](#fig2){ref-type="fig"}). Since the occurrence of SER did not keep pace with the increase in small spines, the most parsimonious interpretation is that the LTP-induced new spines did not acquire SER. In contrast, while the incidence of SER entry into spines with larger synapses (PSD area ≥0.05 µm^2^) did not change ([Figure 2G](#fig2){ref-type="fig"}), there was however a decrease in the average volume ([Figure 2H](#fig2){ref-type="fig"}) and surface area ([Figure 2I](#fig2){ref-type="fig"}) of SER in these spines. The spine apparatus is an organelle comprising cisterns of SER laminated with electron dense plates that may serve Golgi functions in spines ([@bib24]; [@bib47]; [@bib44]). Consistent with previous observations ([@bib48]; [@bib15]), the spine apparatus appeared in only one dendrite in each condition (data not shown), suggesting that this structure is not central to the activity-induced spinogenesis at this age. Overall, these results reveal that SER entry into dendritic spines is limited and does not scale up with rapid synaptogenesis following LTP at P15. Reduced complexity in shaft SER after LTP {#s2-2} ----------------------------------------- Previous work demonstrated in cultured neurons that local zones of ER complexity produce ER exit sites and compartmentalize membrane proteins near the base of dendritic spines ([@bib16]). Consistent with this finding, SER was inhomogeneously distributed across spiny and aspiny regions of the dendrites in both control and LTP conditions. SER appeared as small circular profiles on some sections, and swollen cisternae with bridging elements on other sections ([Figure 3A](#fig3){ref-type="fig"}). In 3D reconstruction, the primarily tubular structure of SER in aspiny regions and the expanded SER in spiny regions of the dendrite become apparent ([Figure 3B](#fig3){ref-type="fig"}). Following LTP, there was a trend towards reduced shaft SER surface area ([Figure 3C](#fig3){ref-type="fig"}) that reached statistical significance with reduced shaft SER volume ([Figure 3D](#fig3){ref-type="fig"}) when quantified across the total length of the dendritic segments. The SER complexity was estimated by summing the dendritic shaft SER cross-sectional areas in each section, assigning the value to the spiny or aspiny segments, and summing across their independent lengths ([@bib16]). This measure of SER complexity was greater in spiny than aspiny segments under both conditions yet was significantly reduced in both the aspiny and spiny regions following LTP relative to the control condition ([Figure 3E](#fig3){ref-type="fig"}). Considering the prior work, this outcome suggests that SER resources may have contributed to the spine outgrowth by 2 hr following the induction of LTP. {ref-type="fig"}. Aspiny segments consist of two or more sections (\>100 nm) of no spine origins. Spiny segments had at least one spine and were surrounded by aspiny segments. Scale cube is 0.5 µm on each side. (**C**) No statistically significant differences between control and LTP conditions were found in surface area of SER in the dendritic shaft (ANOVA F(~1,12~)=3.8833, p=0.07228). Control n = 8, LTP n = 8 dendrites. (**D**) Volume of dendritic SER network was reduced in the LTP relative to control conditions (ANOVA F(~1,12~)=6.4397, p=0.02605, η^2^ = 0.35). Control n = 8, LTP n = 8 dendrites. (**E**) Summed cross-sectional area of SER tubules and cisterns as a measure of changes in complexity. More SER on spiny than aspiny sections within both control (hnANOVA F(~1,1432~) = 51.672, p\<0.00000, η^2^ = 0.034; spiny n = 493, aspiny n = 955 sections) and LTP conditions (hnANOVA F(~1,324~)=17.535, p=0.00003, η^2^ = 0.013; spiny n = 714, aspiny n = 626 sections). Reduced SER complexity with LTP for both spiny (hnANOVA F(~1,1191~) = 51.745, p\<0.00000, η^2^ = 0.019; Control n = 493, LTP n = 714 sections) and aspiny sections (hnANOVA F(~1,1565~) = 29.991, p\<0.00000, η^2^ = 0.042; Control n = 955, LTP n = 626 sections) relative to control. Bar graphs show mean ± S.E.M. Control (CON, blue) and TBS (LTP, red).\ 10.7554/eLife.46356.008Figure 3---source data 1.Excel spreadsheets containing the raw numbers that generated the graphs in each part of this figure along with the summary of statistics.](elife-46356-fig3){#fig3} Identifying the dendritic trafficking network {#s2-3} --------------------------------------------- Recent work has shown that SER participates in a local, Golgi apparatus-independent secretory trafficking pathway through recycling endosomes in dendrites ([@bib9]). Recycling endosomes have been identified as transferrin receptor-positive membrane compartments in dendrites by immuno-EM ([@bib41]). Other work found that non-SER subcellular components endocytose BSA-conjugated gold particles from the extracellular space ([@bib15]). Together these findings suggest that while these two compartments interact, the SER is not an endocytic structure. Here we considered the possibility that the endosome-based satellite system was also mobilized during LTP. Once the continuous network of SER was reconstructed, the non-SER compartments could be identified as distinct terminating structures. Endosomal subtypes were classified as depicted in [Figure 4A](#fig4){ref-type="fig"} ([@bib15]; [@bib41]; [@bib17]; [@bib51]). Coated pits, coated vesicles, and large vesicles were treated as one category of primary endocytic structures. Sorting complexes and recycling complexes were treated as functionally separate categories. Whorls, free multivesicular bodies, lysosomes, and autophagosomes were classified as degradative structures. Detailed descriptions based on EM morphology follow. ![Identification of endosomal compartments.\ (**A**) Model of the dendritic endosomal pathway. Clathrin-coated pits (CPs) invaginate, becoming clathrin-coated vesicles (CVs) and large vesicles (LVs) after coat shedding. Large vesicles fuse to form tubules, recycling complexes (RCs), and sorting complexes (SCs) with a multivesicular body (MVB). From here, the sorted material may be sent to the plasma membrane via small vesicles (SVs) that pinch off coated tips of tubules. MVBs may serve as exosomes (Exo) or primary lysosomes, that are more darkly stained than exosomes due to the acidic cytomatrix of lysosomes (adapted from [@bib15]). Sample electron micrographs illustrate (**B**) recycling complex (pink arrow) and small vesicles (purple arrow), (**C**) clathrin-coated pit (orange arrow), (**D**) sorting complex (light blue arrows point to multivesicular body (MVB) in the center and tubules around it), (**E**) amorphous vesicle (green arrow), (**F**) lysosome (black arrow), and (**G**) whorl (black arrow). Scale bar in (**G**) is 0.5 µm for all images.\ 10.7554/eLife.46356.016Figure 4---source data 1.Excel spreadsheets containing details of the locations of each object in [Figure 4](#fig4){ref-type="fig"}.](elife-46356-fig4){#fig4} Tubules were cylindrical in shape with a smooth outer membrane, uniform diameter, and a dark, grainy interior. When two or more tubules occurred in proximity, they were categorized as a recycling complex ([Figure 4B](#fig4){ref-type="fig"}; [Figure 4---figure supplement 1](#fig4s1){ref-type="fig"}, [Figure 4---video 1](#fig4video1){ref-type="video"}). Vesicles were distinguished from tubules by examining adjacent sections. Small vesicles (40--60 nm diameter, [Figure 4B](#fig4){ref-type="fig"}; [Figure 4---figure supplement 1](#fig4s1){ref-type="fig"}) and large vesicles (60--95 nm diameter) had a smooth outer membrane and ended within 1--2 sections. Coated pits were omega-shaped invaginations surrounded by clathrin coats ([Figure 4C](#fig4){ref-type="fig"}; [Figure 4---figure supplement 2](#fig4s2){ref-type="fig"}). Coated vesicles had a clathrin coat, were free-floating in the cytoplasm. Occasionally, clathrin-coated buds were observed on the ends of tubules. Multivesicular bodies (MVB) contained a variable number of internal vesicles. When a multivesicular body was found surrounded by tubules, the grouping was categorized as a sorting complex ([Figure 4D](#fig4){ref-type="fig"}; [Figure 4---figure supplement 3](#fig4s3){ref-type="fig"} and [Figure 4---video 2](#fig4video2){ref-type="video"}). Future work might reveal some MVBs to be exosomal compartments ([@bib1]; [@bib43]). Amorphous vesicles had a smooth membrane, an electron-lucent interior, and an irregular shape ([Figure 4E](#fig4){ref-type="fig"}; [Figure 4---figure supplement 4](#fig4s4){ref-type="fig"}). Lysosomes were spherical structures with a homogeneous, electron-dense interior enclosed by one membrane and measuring 70--150 nm in diameter ([Figure 4F](#fig4){ref-type="fig"}; [Figure 4---figure supplement 5](#fig4s5){ref-type="fig"}). Lysosomes were classified as degradative structures. A MVB was considered to be a primary lysosome, namely a degradative structure, when found alone and containing vesicles or pieces of membrane in a dark matrix ([@bib42]; [@bib22]; [@bib38]; [@bib15]). Whorls had multiple convoluted membranes spanning many sections, had a single point of entry into the dendrite, and were classified as degradative structures ([Figure 4G](#fig4){ref-type="fig"}; [Figure 4---figure supplement 6](#fig4s6){ref-type="fig"}; [Figure 4---video 3](#fig4video3){ref-type="video"}). All non-degradative structures were classified as constructive for the quantitative analyses presented next. Constructive endosomes occurred more frequently in spines after LTP {#s2-4} ------------------------------------------------------------------- Endosomal structures occurred in the dendritic shafts and a subset of spines ([Figure 5A](#fig5){ref-type="fig"}; see [Figure 5---figure supplement 1](#fig5s1){ref-type="fig"} for all analyzed dendrites reconstructed with constructive endosomes). Overall, endosomal frequency did not change significantly across conditions within dendritic shafts ([Figure 5B](#fig5){ref-type="fig"}); however, when analyzed by subtype the occurrence of recycling complexes was increased ([Figure 5B](#fig5){ref-type="fig"}). Similarly, there was no significant effect of LTP relative to the control condition on endosomal distribution to aspiny or spiny dendritic segments. ![Increased occurrence of endosomes in small spines after LTP.\ (**A**) Sample serial EM sections and representative 3D reconstructed dendrites illustrate the distribution of endosomal compartments from control and LTP conditions. Dendrites are yellow, synapses are red, and color-coded arrows point to endosome-containing spines. The color-coded key in the lower left corner indicates amorphous vesicles (AV), recycling complexes (RC), coated pits (CP), coated vesicles (CV), large vesicles (LV), sorting complexes (SC), small vesicles (SV) and degradative structures (DEG); these abbreviations apply also to the graphs. Vesicles are represented as 100 nm spheres (AV, CP, CV, LV, and SV). The other structures (RC, SC, DEG) are reconstructed in 3D to scale. (**B**) Endosomal structures in dendritic shafts (\#/µm) with relative distributions to aspiny and spiny segments in control (CON) and LTP conditions. Overall, shaft endosomes (hnANOVA F(~1,293~)=0.93104, p=0.33539), degradative structures (hnANOVA F(~1,293~)=0.47789, p=0.48993) or constructive endosomal compartments (Constr. = all minus degradative; hnANOVA F(~1,293~)=0.62167, p=0.43107) did not differ between LTP and control conditions or segment locations. Recycling complexes (RC) were greater in the LTP than control dendritic shafts (hnANOVA F(~1,293~)=6.4920, p=0.01135, η^2^ = 0.022), but no significant differences occurred in the other categories: amorphous vesicles (hnANOVA F(~1,293~)=1.5092, p=0.22025); small vesicles (hnANOVA F(~1,\ 293~)=1.1699, p=28031); coated pits, coated vesicles, and large vesicles (hnANOVA F(~1,293~)=0.89152, p=0.34584); and sorting complexes (hnANOVA F(~1,293~)=0.45286, p=0.50151). (For control (CON) n = 151 aspiny + spiny segments and for LTP n = 158 aspiny + spiny segments.) (**C**) More dendritic spines contained endosomes along the dendrites in the LTP than the control condition (ANOVA F(~1,12~)=18.047, p=0.00113, η^2^ = 0.60), an effect that was carried by spines with PSD areas less than 0.05 µm^2^ (ANOVA F(~1,12~)=23.642, p=0.00039, η^2^ = 0.66) but not in spines with PSD area [\>]{.ul}0.05 µm^2^ (ANOVA F(~1,12~)=0.84714, p=0.37550). (**D**) Stability in percentage of spines containing endosomes following TBS (ANOVA F(~1,12~)=.72158, p=0.41225). (**E**) Among spines with PSD area less than 0.05 µm^2^, the increase in occupancy of endosomes was due to more with coated pits, coated vesicles, and large vesicles (ANOVA F(~1,12~)=4.94433, p=0.046140, η^2^ = 0.29), recycling complexes (ANOVA F(~1,12~)=11.009, p=0.00613, η^2^ = 0.48), and more with small vesicles (ANOVA F(~1,12~)=5.2575, p=0.04072, η^2^ = 0.30). No significant changes in spine occupancy occurred for amorphous vesicles (ANOVA F(~1,12~)=1, p=0.33705), sorting complexes (ANOVA F(~1,12~)=1, p=0.33705), or degradative structures (ANOVA F(~1,12~)=0.46689, p=0.5074). Bar graphs show mean ± S.E.M. (For **C--E**), Control (CON, n = 8 full dendrite reconstructions) and LTP (n = 8 full dendrite reconstructions).\ 10.7554/eLife.46356.023Figure 5---source data 1.Excel spreadsheets containing the raw numbers that generated the graphs in each part of this figure along with the summary of statistics.](elife-46356-fig5){#fig5} In contrast, there was a substantial increase in the occurrence of dendritic spines with endosomes, an effect that was confined to spines with small PSD areas (\<0.05 µm^2^, [Figure 5A,C,D](#fig5){ref-type="fig"}). Furthermore, this increase in spines involved constructive endocytic compartments (including coated pits, coated vesicles, large vesicles, recycling complexes, and small vesicles), with no significant effects on the rare occurrence of spines with amorphous vesicles, sorting complexes, or degradative structures ([Figure 5E](#fig5){ref-type="fig"}; see [Figure 5---figure supplement 2](#fig5s2){ref-type="fig"} for all analyzed dendrites reconstructed with degradative endosomes). These data suggest that the non-canonical secretory trafficking contributes locally in support of spines added 2 hr following the induction of LTP at P15. Discussion {#s3} ========== These results provide several advances towards understanding mechanisms of enduring LTP in the developing hippocampus. A population of spines that increased in density by 2 hr after the induction of LTP relative to control stimulation had small synapses and mostly lacked SER. Spines with larger synapses were unchanged in density and retained SER in similar proportions under both conditions. The distribution of SER along the dendritic shaft was non-uniform, with greater abundance and complexity in spiny than aspiny regions under control and LTP conditions. However, the shaft SER was reduced in volume and complexity after LTP. In conjunction, there was an LTP-related increase in endosomal structures confined to the small, presumably newly formed spines. This elevation involved constructive endocytic, recycling, and exocytic structures in the small spines. In contrast, no differences occurred between control and LTP conditions in the frequency or locations of the degradative structures. These data are from two animals using the within-slice paradigm to control for between-slice variance. The stimulating electrodes were positioned such that the sampling of dendrites was counter-balanced with respect to position from the CA3 axons that were stimulated. Dendrites were matched for caliber to avoid the confound that thicker dendrites have more spines per micron. Future work will be needed to determine whether these findings generalize beyond the medium caliber dendrites and position within the dendritic arbor, and to other slice and LTP induction paradigms. The findings suggest a model in which local Golgi apparatus-independent secretory trafficking adds and prepares new spines for subsequent plasticity ([Figure 6](#fig6){ref-type="fig"}). TBS induces LTP via the insertion of glutamate receptors from recycling endosomes and lateral diffusion ([@bib37]; [@bib13]). By 5 min (early LTP), there is a temporary swelling of spines and recycling endosomes are recruited into the spines; however the PSD is not enlarged at this early timepoint suggesting receptors are inserted into pre-existing slots ([@bib40]; [@bib33]; [@bib41]; [@bib7]; [@bib35]; [@bib52]). By two hours (late LTP), shaft SER decreases as it contributes membrane and proteins via ER exit sites to the formation of new spines, which have silent synapses lacking AMPAR. Constructive endosomes are recruited to the new spines and provide a reserve pool of receptors that are in position for rapid insertion of AMPAR upon subsequent potentiation. {#fig6} Effects of LTP on SER and spines {#s3-1} -------------------------------- Previous work has shown that integral membrane proteins rapidly diffuse throughout tubular SER and become confined in regions where the SER is more complex, having branches between tubules and distended cisternae ([@bib16]). As spine density increases across development so too does SER complexity, leading to decreased mobility of ER membrane cargo with age. SER complexity was measured as the summed cross-sectional area to capture the local variation. SER and spine density were positively correlated where more dendritic spines clustered locally. Using the same methods, we found SER volume and complexity were greater in spiny than aspiny regions and were reduced in conjunction with TBS-induced spinogenesis along these P15 dendrites. This result suggests that the membrane lost from SER in the shaft could have been used to build new spines after LTP. In adult hippocampal area CA1, LTP produced synapse enlargement at the expense of new spine outgrowth ([@bib7]; [@bib3]; [@bib12]). SER is a limited resource, entering only 10--20% of hippocampal dendritic spines ([@bib48]; [@bib15]; [@bib12]). Spines containing SER are larger than those without SER, and in adults 2 hr after induction of LTP the SER was elaborated into a spine apparatus in spines with enlarged synapses ([@bib12]). Spines clustered around the enlarged spines and local shaft SER remained complex, whereas distant clusters had fewer spines than control dendrites and lost local shaft SER. These findings suggest that mature dendrites support a maximum amount of synaptic input and strengthening of some synapses uses resources that would otherwise be targeted to support spine outgrowth, even in adults. At P15, CA1 dendrites have less than one-third mature synaptic density, which will nearly reach adult levels in another week ([@bib32]). These findings suggest that P15 may well be an age when synaptogenesis predominates over the growth of existing synapses, which may account for the spinogenesis response to LTP. At P15, SER was also restricted to a small number of spines, and like adults the few spines that had SER were larger than those without SER ([@bib12]). However, at P15, most of the small, presumably newly formed spines did not contain SER. Similar to adults, shaft SER was reduced in complexity and volume, but at P15 the redistribution was apparently targeted only to the plasma surface, rather than elaboration of the spine apparatus and growth of potentiated spines, as in adults ([@bib12]). These findings suggest that synapse growth occurs where synapses had already been activated or previously potentiated, and few of those existed at P15 prior to the induction of LTP. Thus, resources were available for spine outgrowth to dominate. Future work is needed to learn when the shaft SER recovers, and when this recovery becomes necessary for additional synaptogenesis or synapse enlargement as the animals mature. SER regulates intracellular calcium ion concentration ([@bib50]). Regulation of postsynaptic calcium levels is necessary for the expression of synaptic plasticity ([@bib34]; [@bib36]), hence the presence of SER could be important for signaling cascades associated with LTP and stabilization of AMPA receptors at potentiated synapses ([@bib4]). Consistent with this, spines with larger synapses tended to contain SER, and were maintained at stable density post-TBS. However, it might be of some concern that calcium regulation is disrupted by the reduction in SER volume in both adult and P15 hippocampal dendritic shafts by 2 hr after induction of LTP. The reduction in SER volume was by no means complete, and instead likely reflects the multiple roles of SER in membrane and protein trafficking in addition to the regulation of calcium. That a substantial amount of shaft SER remains well after the induction of LTP, supports the hypothesis that SER is a dynamically regulated resource at both ages. Role of satellite secretory system in synaptogenesis and subsequent plasticity {#s3-2} ------------------------------------------------------------------------------ Dendrites support local processing and secretory trafficking of newly synthesized cargo independent of a Golgi apparatus ([@bib9]). Secretory cargo passes from the ER to ER-Golgi intermediate compartments (ERGICs) into recycling endosomes en route to the plasma membrane. While molecular understanding of this pathway has been achieved, the spatial organization of the responsible organelles has been nebulous. Recycling endosomes were seen about 25% of spines on cultured neurons that also contained synaptopodin, a marker for the ER-derived spine apparatus ([@bib9]). This finding suggested that recycling endosomes might receive newly synthesized cargo directly from a spine apparatus. However, at P15, only one spine apparatus was found in each of the control and TBS conditions, suggesting that recycling endosomes derive from alternate recycling organelles in the dendritic shaft. Previously, this satellite secretory system has only been studied in neurons under baseline conditions in culture. Here, we provide the first evidence that this specialized secretory system locally supports spine formation during plasticity. Synaptogenesis at P15 does not precede the expression of LTP, as evidenced by a lack of added spines at 5 min following TBS ([@bib52]). The magnitude of potentiation following the initial TBS is constant across time, so the added small spines at 2 hr after the induction of LTP are likely to be functionally silent. Hence, the newly added spines could be viewed as a form of heterosynaptic plasticity that readies the neurons for subsequent potentiation. In support of this hypothesis, a second bout of TBS delivered 90 min after the first TBS produces substantial additional potentiation at this age ([@bib11]). Many of the added small spines contained endosomes at 2 hr after the initial induction of LTP. These endosomes might be interpreted as a heterosynaptic mechanism for long-term depression, namely internalizing receptors from pre-existing spines. However, since most of the endosomal structures occupied the added small spines and were of a constructive nature, they could instead be available to convert the new silent synapses to active synapses after a later bout of potentiation. Such a mechanism would support the establishment of functional circuits as the young animals learn and begin to form memories. Materials and methods {#s4} ===================== -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Reagent type\ Designation Source or reference Identifiers Additional\ (species) or\ information resource ----------------------------------------------------- ---------------------------------- ------------------------------ -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- ----------------------------------------------------------------------------- Strain, strain background (Rattus norvegicus, male) Long-Evans Rat Charles River Charles River strain\# 006; RRID:[RGD_2308852](https://scicrunch.org/resolver/RGD_2308852) Chemical compound, drug Potassium ferrocyanide Sigma-Aldrich Cat\# P3289 Chemical compound, drug Osmium tetroxide Electron Microscopy Sciences Cat\# 19190 Chemical compound, drug Uranyl acetate Electron Microscopy Sciences Cat\# 22400 Chemical compound, drug LX-112 embedding kit Ladd Research Industries Cat\# 21210 Chemical compound, drug Lead nitrate Ladd Research Industries Cat\# 23603 Chemical compound, drug Pioloform F Ted Pella Cat\# 19244 Software, algorithm Igor Pro 4 WaveMetrics <https://www.wavemetrics.net/> Software, algorithm Reconstruct [@bib20] Executable and manual: <http://synapseweb.clm.utexas.edu/software-0> Source at:<https://github.com/orgs/SynapseWeb/teams/reconstruct-developers> Software, algorithm STATISTICA 13 Academic Tibco <https://onthehub.com//statistica/> Other Tissue slicer Stoelting Cat \# 51425 Other Vibratome Leica Biosystems VT1000S Other Ultramicrotome Leica Biosystems UC6 Used with a Diatome Ultra35 knife Other SynapTek Grids Ted Pella Cat\# 4514 or 4516 Other Diffraction grating replica Electron Microscopy Sciences Cat\# 80051 Other Transmission electron microscope JEOL JEM-1230 Other Harris Lab wiki Harris Lab <https://wikis.utexas.edu/display/khlab/> This wiki site hosts experimental methods used for this paper and updates. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Animals {#s4-1} ------- Hippocampal slices (400 µm) were rapidly prepared from P15 male Long-Evans rats (RRID:[RGD_2308852](https://scicrunch.org/resolver/RGD_2308852), n \> 100, including the initial test experiments and slices used in prior work for the 5 min and 30 min time points; [@bib52]). For the 2 hr time point reported here, one slice each from two rats met the strict physiology and ultrastructural criteria for inclusion as outlined below. All procedures were approved by the University of Texas at Austin Institutional Animal Care and Use Committee and were followed in compliance with NIH requirements for humane animal care and use (Protocol number 06062801). All rats were of comparable features indicative of health at the time they were taken for experimentation. Preparation and recording from acute hippocampal slices {#s4-2} ------------------------------------------------------- Rats were decapitated and the left hippocampus was removed and sliced into 400 µm thick slices from the middle third of the hippocampus at a 70° traverse to the long axis using a tissue chopper (Stoelting, Wood Dale, IL). Hippocampal slices were kept room temperature (\~25°C) in artificial cerebrospinal fluid (ACSF) bubbled with 95% O~2~/5% CO~2~ ([@bib5]). ACSF consisted of 116.4 mM NaCl, 5.4 mM KCl, 3.2 mM CaCl~2~, 1.6 mM MgSO~4~, 26.2 NaHCO~3~, 1.0 mM NaH~2~PO~4~, and 10 mM D-glucose at pH 7.4. Slices were immediately transferred to nets on top of wells containing ACSF at the interface of humidified O~2~ (95%) and CO~2~ (5%). Dissection and slice preparation took less than 5 min. The slices were kept at 32°C for approximately 3 hr *in vitro* prior to recording ([@bib19]). Two concentric bipolar stimulating electrodes (100 µm diameter, Fred Haer, Brunswick, ME) were positioned \~300--400 µm on either side of a single glass extracellular recording electrode in the middle of stratum radiatum for independent activation of subpopulations of synapses ([@bib46]; [@bib39]; [@bib7]). The recording electrode was a glass micropipette filled with 120 µM NaCl. After initial recovery period, stable baseline recordings were obtained from both sites for a minimum of 40 min. Extracellular field potentials (fEPSPs) were obtained with custom designed stimulation data acquisition protocols using Igor software (WaveMetrics, Lake Oswego, OR). fEPSPs were estimated by linear regression over 400 µs along maximal initial slope (mV/ms) of test pulses of 100 µs constant, biphasic current. Stimulus intensity was set to evoke 1/2 maximum fEPSP slope based on a stimulus/response curve for each experiment and was held constant for the duration of the experiment. TBS-LTP paradigm {#s4-3} ---------------- Theta burst stimulation (TBS) was used to induce LTP. TBS was administered by one stimulating electrode as one episode of eight trains 30 s apart, each train consisting of 10 bursts at 5 Hz of 4 pulses at 100 Hz. The control stimulating electrode delivered one pulse every 2 min. Stimulations were alternated between the TBS-LTP and the control electrode once every two minutes with a 30 s interval between electrodes. In order to counterbalance across experiments, control and TBS-LTP electrode positions were interchanged between the CA3 and subicular side of the recording electrode ([Figure 1A](#fig1){ref-type="fig"}). Physiological responses were monitored for 120 min after the first train of TBS ([Figure 1B,C](#fig1){ref-type="fig"}) and then rapidly fixed, as described below. Fixation and processing for 3DEM {#s4-4} -------------------------------- One slice from each animal was fixed and processed for electron microscopy 2 hr after induction of LTP. Only slices with good physiology were used, defined as a gradually inclining I/O curve in response to incremental increases in stimulus intensity for both stimulating electrodes, a stable baseline response at both stimulating electrodes unchanged at the control site post LTP-induction, and a significant increase in fEPSP slope that was immediately induced by TBS and was sustained for the duration of the experiment. Within a few seconds of the experiment's end, electrodes were removed and slices were immersed in fixative (6% glutaraldehyde and 2% paraformaldehyde in 100 mM cacodylate buffer with 2 mM CaCl~2~ and 4 mM MgSO~4~), microwaved at full power (700 W microwave oven) for 10 s to enhance penetration of fixative ([@bib31]), stored in the fixative overnight at room temperature, rinsed three times for 10 min in 100 mM cacodylate buffer, and embedded in 7% low melting temperature agarose. They were then trimmed, leaving only the CA1 region that contained the two stimulating electrodes. They were mounted in agarose and vibra-sliced into 70 µm thick slices (VT1000S, Leica, Nusslock, Germany). Vibra-slices were kept in a 24-well tissue culture dish and examined under a dissecting microscope to locate the vibra-slices containing indentations from the stimulating electrodes. The vibra-slices with the indentations due to the stimulating electrodes and two vibra-slices on either side of these indentations were collected and processed in 1% OsO~4~ and 1.5% potassium ferrocyanide in 0.1M cacodylate buffer for 5--10 min, rinsed five times in buffer, immersed in 1% OsO~4~ and microwaved (1 min on, 1 min off, 1 min on) twice with cooling to 20°C in between, and rinsed five times in buffer for two minutes and then twice in water. They were then dehydrated in ascending concentrations of ethanol (50%, 70%, 90%, and 100%) with 1--1.5% uranyl acetate and microwaved for 40 s at each concentration. Finally, slices were transferred through room temperature propylene oxide, embedded in LX-112 (Ladd Research, Williston, VT), and cured for 48 hr at 60°C in an oven ([@bib27]). Slices with high-quality preservation, defined as dendrites with evenly spaced microtubules, well-defined mitochondrial cristae, and well-defined PSDs that were not thickened or displaced from the membrane, were selected for analysis. The region of interest was selected from middle of the CA1 stratum radiatum and 120--150 µm beneath the air surface, then cut into 150--200 serial sections. The sections were mounted on Pioloform-coated slot grids (Synaptek, Ted Pella, Redding, CA). The sections were counterstained with saturated ethanolic uranyl acetate, then Reynolds lead citrate ([@bib45]) for five minutes each, and then imaged with a JEOL JEM-1230 transmission electron microscope with a Gatan digital camera at 5000X magnification along with a diffraction grating replica for later calibration (0.463 µm cross line EMS, Hatfield, PA or Ted Pella). Imaging was conducted blind to condition. 3D reconstructions and measurements of dendrites {#s4-5} ------------------------------------------------ A random five-letter code was assigned to each series of images for the experimenter to be blind to the original experimental conditions during data collection. Reconstruct software (freely available at <http://www.synapseweb.clm.utexas.edu>; [@bib20]) was used to calibrate pixel size and section thickness, align sections, and trace dendrites, SER, endosomes, and PSD. The diffraction grating replica imaged with each series was used to calibrate pixel size. Cylindrical diameters method was used to calculate section thickness ([@bib21]). Calculated section thicknesses ranged from 46 to 63 nm. Dendrites selected for analysis were chosen based on their orientation (cross-sectioned or radial oblique) and matched for diameter. Microtubule count was used as a measure of dendritic caliber (6--22 MTs) as this range under control condition showed no differences in spine density. All dendrites chosen for the analysis were completely reconstructed. The z-trace tool in Reconstruct was used to measure dendrite lengths across serial sections of each analyzed dendrite. Four dendrites were sampled from each condition (control or TBS-LTP) in each animal, resulting in a total of 16 dendritic segments from four EM series. Each analyzed dendritic segment traversed over 100 serial sections. In total, 173 µm of dendritic length was sampled. Identification and quantification of subcellular compartments {#s4-6} ------------------------------------------------------------- The process of tracing, reviewing, and curating dendrites, synapses, and subcellular objects was confirmed by three scientists (Kulik, Watson, and Harris) and conducted blind as to condition. On the rare occasions where there was disagreement, we met to arrive at a consensus based on the 3D structures; hence all objects were eventually provided a confirmed identification as outlined below. Dendrites and PSDs were traced and dimensions were quantified as previously described ([@bib52]). SER was identified on the basis of its characteristic morphology of tubules with dark staining membrane, occasional flattened cisternal distensions with a wavy membrane and clear lumen, and continuity across sections within each reconstructed dendrite. Once SER was completely traced, the remaining membrane-bound intracellular compartments were traced and their identity was assigned on the basis of morphology, as described in Results. Criteria used to differentiate endosomes included: 1) Continuity across sections: vesicles appear on single sections; tubules span multiple sections and then terminate; SER is continuous across sections throughout the entire dendrite; MVBs and tubules form a sorting complex when found on continuous sections; 2) Geometry: small and large vesicles are spherical, while amorphous vesicles are not; tubules have a uniform diameter across sections; SER has a highly variable profile across sections; MVBs have an unmistakable outer membrane surrounding multiple internal vesicles, and MVBs have tubules attached when part of a sorting complex; 3) Dimensions: small vesicles are 40--60 nm in diameter; large vesicles are 60--95 nm in diameter; 4) Electron density: amorphous vesicles and SER have a clear lumen; tubules and MVBs have a dark, grainy interior; lysosomes have a very dark, electron-dense interior. Only spines that were entirely contained within the series were used for the analyses of subcellular compartments. In this way, we avoided possible undercounting of compartments that may have entered a portion of an incomplete spine outside the series. Spines were considered to contain a subcellular structure when it entered the head or neck of the spine, but not if it was only at the base of a spine. The frequency of occurrence was calculated as the total number of occurrences of objects divided by the length of dendrite in microns. The 3D visualization of dendrites and subcellular structures was achieved with Reconstruct. The 3D reconstructions from serial EMs allowed us to calculate volumes and surface areas of objects and to assess SER and endosome distribution within dendrites. Statistical analyses {#s4-7} -------------------- The statistical package STATISTICA (version 13.3; TIBCO, Palo Alto, CA) was used for all analyses. There were two conditions represented in each animal: control (CON), and LTP at 120 min following TBS. In this study, eight control dendrites (four from each animal) and 8 LTP dendrites (four from each animal) were analyzed. One-way ANOVAs were run on all density (\#/µm) data involving one measurement per dendrite, in which case n = number of dendrites. Hierarchical nested analysis of variance (hnANOVAs) were run when many measures were obtained from each dendrite (e.g. SER volume per spine, PSD area etc.). In this case, n = total spines, as each spine was considered separately. In hnANOVAs dendrite was nested in condition and experiment, and experiment nested in condition to account for inter-experiment variability. Results of the one-way ANOVAs and hnANOVAs are reported as (F~(df\ condition,\ df\ observations)~=F value, P value) where df is degrees of freedom presented for condition and error. In hnANOVAs degrees of freedom are further decreased by one for each dendrite. Absolute p values are reported for each test. Statistical tests are reported in the figure legends. Data in bar graphs is plotted as mean ± SEM. Significant P values are indicated by asterisks above the bars. Significance was set at p\<0.05. The effect sizes for significant differences are also presented in the figure legends as η^2^ (which was determined as SS~condition~/SS~(condition\ +\ error)~, where SS = sum of squares determined in Statistica for each analysis). We have provided the raw images, Reconstruct trace files, and analytical tables in the public domain at Texas Data Repository: DOI: <https://doi.org/10.18738/T8/5TX9YA>. Caveats {#s4-8} ------- One might be concerned that these data arise from two animals. We note that these experiments are within-slice experiments, namely the control and LTP sites are from independent locations within the same slice from two different animals. Based on numerous preliminary experiments, we found that this approach greatly reduces variation due to slice preparation, *in vitro* conditions, and subsequent processing for electron microscopy when comparing the control and LTP outcomes. We also note that enhanced statistical power came from the large number of synapses and spines tested using the hierarchical nested ANOVA design with dendrite nested in condition by animal ([Figures 2E,F,H,I](#fig2){ref-type="fig"} and [3E](#fig3){ref-type="fig"}). In this way, degrees of freedom are adjusted for animal and dendrites, and outcomes are tested to ensure that no one dendrite or animal carried the findings. In addition, we had power to detect changes using multifactor ANOVAs for measurements that involved one measure per dendrite (\#/µm listed on the y axes of [Figures 2B--D, G](#fig2){ref-type="fig"}, [3C--D](#fig3){ref-type="fig"} and [5B--E](#fig5){ref-type="fig"}). Given the extremely time-consuming nature of the imaging and 3DEM analysis, additional animals and slices were not included. Source data files (Named Figures 1-5--source data 1 in each legend) {#s4-9} ------------------------------------------------------------------- There is one source data file for each of [Figures 1](#fig1){ref-type="fig"}--[5](#fig5){ref-type="fig"} that contains Excel spreadsheets with the object locations in the Reconstruct trace files (provided in the public domain) for EMs. These files also contain the raw numbers that generated graphs in each part of each figure along with the summary of statistics. Funding Information =================== This paper was supported by the following grants: - http://dx.doi.org/10.13039/100000002National Institutes of Health NS21184 to Kristen M Harris. - http://dx.doi.org/10.13039/100000002National Institutes of Health R01NS074644 to Kristen M Harris. - http://dx.doi.org/10.13039/100000002National Institutes of Health R01MH095980 to Kristen M Harris. - http://dx.doi.org/10.13039/100000002National Institutes of Health R01MH104319 to Kristen M Harris. - http://dx.doi.org/10.13039/100000001National Science Foundation NeuroNex 1707356 to Kristen M Harris. - http://dx.doi.org/10.13039/100000002National Institutes of Health F32 MH096459 to Deborah J Watson. We thank Robert Smith and Elizabeth Perry for technical support in the ultramicrotomy; Heather Smith and Patrick Parker for their contributions in some of the dendrite analyses; and Patrick Parker for editorial comments. We thank Graeme W Davis for his support of YDK during the writing of this manuscript. Additional information {#s5} ====================== No competing interests declared. Conceptualization, Data curation, Formal analysis, Funding acquisition, Validation, Investigation, Visualization, Writing---original draft, Writing---review and editing. Conceptualization, Data curation, Formal analysis, Supervision, Funding acquisition, Validation, Investigation, Visualization, Methodology, Writing---review and editing. Conceptualization, Formal analysis, Validation, Investigation, Methodology, Writing---review and editing. Data curation, Validation, Methodology, Writing---review and editing. Conceptualization, Data curation, Formal analysis, Supervision, Funding acquisition, Validation, Investigation, Visualization, Methodology, Writing---original draft, Project administration, Writing---review and editing. Animal experimentation: All procedures were approved by the University of Texas at Austin Institutional Animal Care and Use Committee and were in compliance with NIH requirements for humane animal care and use. Protocol number (06062801). All rats were of comparable features indicative of health at the time they were taken for experimentation. Additional files {#s6} ================ 10.7554/eLife.46356.025 Data availability {#s7} ================= The relevant image series files and numerical data have been provided. In addition, the program Reconstruct is freely available from <http://synapseweb.clm.utexas.edu/>, and can be used to image and visualize the raw trace files. We have provided the raw images, Reconstruct trace files, and analytical tables in the public domain at Texas Data Repository: DOI: <https://doi.org/10.18738/T8/5TX9YA>. The following dataset was generated: KulikYDWatsonDJCaoGKuwajimaMKristenM Harris2019Raw images, Reconstruct trace files, and analytical tablesTexas Data Repository10.18738/T8/5TX9YA 10.7554/eLife.46356.029 Decision letter Helmstaedter Moritz Reviewing Editor Max Planck Institute for Brain Research Germany In the interests of transparency, eLife includes the editorial decision letter and accompanying author responses. A lightly edited version of the letter sent to the authors after peer review is shown, indicating the most substantive concerns; minor comments are not usually included. Thank you for submitting your article \"Structural plasticity of dendritic secretory compartments during LTP-induced synaptogenesis\" for consideration by *eLife*. Your article has been reviewed by Eve Marder as the Senior Editor, a Reviewing Editor, and three reviewers. The reviewers have opted to remain anonymous. The reviewers have discussed the reviews with one another and the Reviewing Editor has drafted this decision to help you prepare a revised submission. The reviewers agreed that the manuscript contains a set of very valuable data about structural changes in the setup of spines undergoing plasticity in young animals, with a particular focus on the smooth endoplasmatic reticulum and endocytic compartments. The reviewers however raised two key concerns, which we request to be addressed in the revised manuscript: \- The reviewers are concerned about the underlying statistics that give rise to the conclusions drawn. In particular, the number of animals, slices, and reconstructed dendrites used are both unclear from the manuscript and suspected to be very small. Here, the reviewers request clarification and (if the low n is in fact confirmed) addition of further data to exclude inter-individual variability as a source of the observed effects. \- The methodological description is considered improvable by two reviewers who request better definition of concepts such as \"new spine\". For data annotations that may be considered subjective, the independent annotation by multiple experts may offer a way to provide classifications with confidence intervals. Please see the detailed comments below for the context of these two key requests. All other comments can be treated as recommendations for the revision. *Reviewer \#1:* This manuscript by Kulik et al. describes detailed ultra-structural analysis of dendritic spines after LTP using 3D reconstruction of serial section electron microscopy. They used relatively young animals, in which stage LTP induces spinogenesis. In particular, they focused on intracellular membrane structures including smooth endoplasmic reticulum (SER) and various endosomes. They observed that spine density almost doubled 2 hours after LTP induction. Several differences in intracellular membrane structure in LTP area and control area are described. First, they observed less fraction of small spines after LTP contain SER, while large spines have reduced SER content. Next, they observed SER in dendritic shafts decreases their volume after LTP. Finally, spines containing various endosomes increased after LTP. Overall, the manuscript contains potentially important data describing anatomical changes induced by LTP in young animals. However, some of their interpretation, for example their definition of \"new spines\" and their model of SER/endosome structure at the early time point, appears to be not well validated by the measurement. More serious issue is that it is not clear how slice-to-slice and animal-to-animal variation can be taken into account. It appears that only two slices (not clear if they are from the same animal or different animals) are used in their analysis. The conclusion may not be generalizable to all animals. Essential revisions: 1\) Figure 1: The title \"New small spines induced by TBS contained no SER while existing large spines had reduced SER content\" sounds to be misleading. It is not described how they conclude that these are \"new\" spines. Also, I don\'t see any evidence suggesting \"no SER\" in \"new spines\" from the figure, as there are some SER in small spines. 2\) Figure 5: \"Increased endosomal activity\" may be misleading, as they are not measuring the activity but the distribution of endosomes. 3\) Statistics: It appears that the entire data is based on only two slices (Figure 1:. Is it from two animals?) Perhaps any statics would not work well with n=2. As LTP varies fairly a lot from slice to slice and from animal to animal, this raises a question of whether the conclusion can be generalizable. 4\) Figure 6: It is not clear how they come up with the model of SER structure and endosome structure at \"early LTP\", as the measurement only at 2 hours. *Reviewer \#2:* In this study, the authors conducted 3D EM reconstruction of CA1 dendrites after TBS LTP and concentrated on measuring organelles such as ER and endocytic compartments. Using this method, the authors make a few new observations: 1\) New spines that are formed after LTP do not contain SER and existing spines lose some SER. 2\) After LTP SER in dendritic shafts is reduced. 3\) After LTP, increased endocytic compartments were observed in small spines. Based on these observations the authors suggest that new spines observed after LTP are supported by recycling endosomes rather than SER. The apparent increase in endocytic structures after LTP is intriguing, although I have some concerns on how these structures are classified. Essential revisions: 1\) The identification of the specific endocytic structures in Figure 4 and Figure 5 relies solely on morphology, and based on a limited set of images it is unclear how reliable the distinction can be made between recycling endosomes and endosomes that may be heading to a lysosome/degradation pathway. The authors list a few papers as explanation of how these structures were classified, but the description of how the dendrites were annotated is vague. The authors need to provide a lot more detail on exactly how these structures were classified and how reliable is the distinction between similar-looking endocytic structures. Based on the current data presented, the conclusion that small spines are mostly supported by recycling endosomes is not strongly supported. 2\) The 3D reconstruction of one time point after LTP makes it hard to infer dynamics from a static snapshot. While the reconstruction is extremely consuming, the authors need to discuss caveats and alternative interpretations of the data in the discussion section. For example, can the authors rule out heterosynaptic LTD or other homeostatic mechanisms that may rely on endocytosis of receptors? *Reviewer \#3:* The paper by Kulik et al., examines the changes to the ultrastructure within dendrites of the P15 hippocampus after a stimulation protocol that produces long term potentiation. This piece of work is complementary to a number of other studies that have looked at similar changes in the adult and for this reason the paper it will be of some interest. The study uses serial section EM to make detailed reconstructions of segments of dendrites that included the intracellular features such as smooth endoplasmic reticulum and endosomes. The analysis looked at dendritic spines, and the immediate piece of parent dendrite, as well as stretches of dendrite that bore no spines and compared their contents. The stimulation protocol produced a significant increase in the number of dendritic spines, but not of spines that contained SER. The larger spines, however, considered as being the more permanent ones, had a reduction in their amount of SER, although still present. The authors conclude that these changes indicate that SER is not an organelle that is pivotal to the production of new spines induced by LTP. Measurements of the amount of SER in the parent dendrite show a decrease. These changes led the authors to explore the intracellular ultrastructure in more detail and analyze the presence of different organelles. These they classed as either belonging to a degradative class such as lysosomes and multivesicular bodies, or constructive such as coated pits, vesicles, and endosomes. This analysis shows that the constructive elements were present only in the new (small) spines. The study is well explained and illustrated. The quality of the electron microscopy is high and typical of this laboratory with considerable experience in this field of neuronal plasticity. The figures are well laid out and the descriptions are clear, as are the results and discussion parts. The Materials and methods section fully describes the procedures used, including the details of the analysis. However, it would be useful if there is a clear explanation of how the different dendrites were sampled and grouped. It appears that two slices were used from two rats, and these produced 16 dendrites divided into two groups. It's also stated that \'four 3DEM series were sampled\'. Are 4 sets of serial images used? Or is it four different sets of sections from four different vibra-slices? It's also not clear how many microns in dendritic length are sampled in total. Each dendrite from the 16 traverses over 100 serial sections. It would be useful to understand what sort of sampling has been done in this study. For the analysis of the SER that is shown in Figure 3. The authors describe that there is less SER in the shaft after the LTP. There are less volume and less surface area as well as less cross-sectional surface area. As SER can have either a tubular or flattened appearance, I wonder whether these changes are due either to a simple alteration of the shape of the SER or a retraction of branches. Clearly, these are highly complex shapes, but it\'s not clear to me the significance of these results. Could a mere volume change account for the result rather than a removal of parts of the reticulum? 10.7554/eLife.46356.030 Author response > The reviewers agreed that the manuscript contains a set of very valuable data about structural changes in the setup of spines undergoing plasticity in young animals, with a particular focus on the smooth endoplasmatic reticulum and endocytic compartments. > > The reviewers however raised two key concerns, which we request to be addressed in the revised manuscript: > > Key concern 1: The reviewers are concerned about the underlying statistics that give rise to the conclusions drawn. In particular, the number of animals, slices, and reconstructed dendrites used are both unclear from the manuscript and suspected to be very small. Here, the reviewers request clarification and (if the low n is in fact confirmed) addition of further data to exclude inter-individual variability as a source of the observed effects. Subsection "Caveats" has been added to the end of the Materials and methods section. We note that these experiments are within-slice experiments, namely the control and LTP sites are from independent locations within the same slice from two different animals. Based on numerous preliminary experiments, we found that this approach greatly reduces variation due to slice preparation, in vitro conditions, and subsequent processing for electron microscopy when comparing the control and LTP outcomes. We also note that enhanced statistical power came from the large number of synapses and spines tested using the hierarchical nested ANOVA design with dendrite nested in condition by animal (Figure 2E,F,H,I, Figure 3E). In this way, degrees of freedom are adjusted for animal and dendrites, and outcomes are tested to ensure that no one dendrite or animal carried the findings. In addition, we had power to detect changes using multifactor ANOVAs for measurements that involved one measure per dendrite (\#/µm listed on the y axes of Figure 2B-D, 2G, Figure 3C-D, Figure 5B-E). Given the extremely time-consuming nature of the imaging and 3DEM analysis, additional animals and slices were not included. (See subsection "Caveats") We have expanded the Materials and methods section to clarify the choice of animals, slices, reconstructed dendrites, spines, subcellular organelles, and statistics for these experiments. Regarding these choices the relevant text occurs at lines: Subsection "Animals", subsection "Fixation and processing for 3DEM", subsection "3D reconstructions and measurements of dendrites", subsection "3D reconstructions and measurements of dendrites" and subsection "Statistical analyses". We have provided the F values, degrees of freedom, p values, and n's in each Figure legend. Where there were significant differences (p\<0.05) we have added effect sizes (η^2^) and described how they were calculated in lines subsection "Caveats". We have added supplemental figures of complete 3D reconstructions of all the analyzed dendrites, arranged by condition and spine densities and illustrating the SER composition (Figure 2---figure supplement 1) or endosome composition (Figure 5---supplement 1 and Figure 5---supplement 2). We have provided data source files for all of the figures. We have prepared a site to release the raw images, reconstruct trace files, and analytical tables in the public domain at Texas Data Repository, DOI: https://doi.org/10.18738/T8/5TX9YA, which is not yet public, but will be upon acceptance of this paper. > Key concern 2: The methodological description is considered improvable by two reviewers who request better definition of concepts such as \"new spine\". For data annotations that may be considered subjective, the independent annotation by multiple experts may offer a way to provide classifications with confidence intervals. Response regarding dynamic language such as "new spine": To address this concern, we have revised the wording in the Abstract, Results section and Discussion section to reflect our interpretations, and we added phrases like "LTP compared to control condition" to make clear that we have not actually watched the new spines form or other structures change, but made the interpretation. For example, since there were three times as many small spines in the LTP as the control condition, we interpret this outcome to mean that a subpopulation of spines was added by 2 hours after the induction of LTP. We clarified these distinctions throughout the manuscript as follows: Abstract only the last sentence uses "new" reflecting our model and interpretation. Introduction restate the interpretation from the prior literature. Results section provide an explicit explanation of how we arrived at the parsimonious explanation that some are new spines. The Discussion section opens with a further explanation of how we arrived at the conclusion that there are new spines and puts the conclusions in the context of our model in Figure 6 and beyond. Response regarding "subjective" annotations: We added a new subsection "Identification and Quantification of subcellular compartments". We revised subsection "Identifying the dendritic trafficking network" to provide a more detailed description of the compartments including the revised Figure 4 legend. New supplemental figures are provided that contain 3D reconstructions of all the dendrites to illustrate the SER in dendrites from the control and LTP conditions (Figure 2---figure supplement 1). We added a diagram in Figure 4A that describes the definition of each endosome compartment, based on prior work using endocytosis of gold particles (from Cooney et al., 2002). We added supplemental serial section images for each of the example endocytic compartments shown in Figure 4B-G and elaborated in Figure 4---figure supplement 1, Figure 4---figure supplement 2, Figure 4---figure supplement 3, Figure 4---figure supplement 4, Figure 4---figure supplement 5, Figure 4---figure supplement 6, which also include movies through serial sections when objects occupied more than 4 serial sections Figure 4---video 1, Figure 4---video 2, Figure 4---video 3. As mentioned above, we are also prepared to release the raw images, reconstruct trace files, and analytical tables in the public domain. Reviewer \#1: > \[...\] Overall, the manuscript contains potentially important data describing anatomical changes induced by LTP in young animals. However, some of their interpretation, for example their definition of \"new spines\" and their model of SER/endosome structure at the early time point, appears to be not well validated by the measurement. > > More serious issue is that it is not clear how slice-to-slice and animal-to-animal variation can be taken into account. It appears that only two slices (not clear if they are from the same animal or different animals) are used in their analysis. The conclusion may not be generalizable to all animals. > > Essential revisions: > > 1\) Figure 1: The title \"New small spines induced by TBS contained no SER while existing large spines had reduced SER content\" sounds to be misleading. It is not described how they conclude that these are \"new\" spines. Also, I don\'t see any evidence suggesting \"no SER\" in \"new spines\" from the figure, as there are some SER in small spines. The new title reads: Figure 2: The limited occupancy of spines by SER does not increase during spinogenesis in the LTP condition. > 2\) Figure 5: \"Increased endosomal activity\" may be misleading, as they are not measuring the activity but the distribution of endosomes. Revised title reads: Figure 5: Increased occurrence of endosomes in small spines after LTP. > 3\) Statistics: It appears that the entire data is based on only two slices (Figure 1: Is it from two animals?) Perhaps any statics would not work well with n=2. As LTP varies fairly a lot from slice to slice and from animal to animal, this raises a question of whether the conclusion can be generalizable. This comment is addressed above under Key concern \#1. > 4\) Figure 6: It is not clear how they come up with the model of SER structure and endosome structure at \"early LTP\", as the measurement only at 2 hours. This comment is addressed in the revised Discussion section, indicating that the earlier time points are deduced from the prior literature, more completely cited now and moved from the figure legend to the primary text of the Discussion section. Once the model is presented, then the subsequent sections have been revised to justify these interpretations -- please see the revised Discussion section. Reviewer \#2: > In this study, the authors conducted 3D EM reconstruction of CA1 dendrites after TBS LTP and concentrated on measuring organelles such as ER and endocytic compartments. Using this method, the authors make a few new observations: > > 1\) New spines that are formed after LTP do not contain SER and existing spines lose some SER. > > 2\) After LTP SER in dendritic shafts is reduced. > > 3\) After LTP, increased endocytic compartments were observed in small spines. > > Based on these observations the authors suggest that new spines observed after LTP are supported by recycling endosomes rather than SER. The apparent increase in endocytic structures after LTP is intriguing, although I have some concerns on how these structures are classified. > > Essential revisions: > > 1\) The identification of the specific endocytic structures in figure 4 and Figure 5 relies solely on morphology, and based on a limited set of images it is unclear how reliable the distinction can be made between recycling endosomes and endosomes that may be heading to a lysosome/degradation pathway. The authors list a few papers as explanation of how these structures were classified, but the description of how the dendrites were annotated is vague. The authors need to provide a lot more detail on exactly how these structures were classified and how reliable is the distinction between similar-looking endocytic structures. Based on the current data presented, the conclusion that small spines are mostly supported by recycling endosomes is not strongly supported. > > 2\) The 3D reconstruction of one time point after LTP makes it hard to infer dynamics from a static snapshot. While the reconstruction is extremely consuming, the authors need to discuss caveats and alternative interpretations of the data in the discussion. For example, can the authors rule out heterosynaptic LTD or other homeostatic mechanisms that may rely on endocytosis of receptors? Please see the complete response to Key concerns \#1 and \#2 above and revisions to the description of Figure 6 and the Discussion section that are also in response to these comments. Specifically, regarding "heterosynaptic LTD and other homeostatic mechanisms", we have added a few statements in the Discussion section, which describe a potential concern about calcium regulation if SER is diminished. We also discuss heterosynaptic LTD and explain why we opted for an interpretation that the constructive endosomes would have a positive impact on subsequent potentiation in the developing hippocampus, rather than reflect heterosynaptic LTD. Reviewer \#3: > \[...\] The study is well explained and illustrated. The quality of the electron microscopy is high and typical of this laboratory with considerable experience in this field of neuronal plasticity. The figures are well laid out and the descriptions are clear, as are the results and discussion parts. > > The Materials and methods section fully describes the procedures used, including the details of the analysis. However, it would be useful if there is a clear explanation of how the different dendrites were sampled and grouped. It appears that two slices were used from two rats, and these produced 16 dendrites divided into two groups. It's also stated that \'four 3DEM series were sampled\'. Are 4 sets of serial images used? Or is it four different sets of sections from four different vibra-slices? It's also not clear how many microns in dendritic length are sampled in total. Each dendrite from the 16 traverses over 100 serial sections. It would be useful to understand what sort of sampling has been done in this study. We have modified the methods as described under Key concern \#1 above -- specific to this inquiry please see subsection "3D reconstructions and measurements of dendrites" where we indicate that the total analyzed length was 173 µm. Also please note as indicated above that the n values are now given in each Figure legend. We also spell out that we compared the dendrites of comparable calibers, because spine density varies with dendrite caliber -- see subsection "3D reconstructions and measurements of dendrites". > For the analysis of the SER that is shown in Figure 3. The authors describe that there is less SER in the shaft after the LTP. There are less volume and less surface area as well as less cross-sectional surface area. As SER can have either a tubular or flattened appearance, I wonder whether these changes are due either to a simple alteration of the shape of the SER or a retraction of branches. Clearly, these are highly complex shapes, but it\'s not clear to me the significance of these results. Could a mere volume change account for the result rather than a removal of parts of the reticulum? Yes, it is possible that a reduction in volume without a change in reticulum could have a similar impact. In fact, as shown in Figure 3, there was a lower SER volume and surface area in the LTP relative to the control condition. To address local complexity, we used the strategy developed in the Cui-Wang et al., 2012 paper, by summing the cross-sectional area of the SER profiles on a section by section basis. In this way, we were able to detect local variation and decrease in the combined volume and reticulum fractions and compare aspiny to spiny segments of the dendrite. We have clarified this description in subsection "Reduced complexity in shaft SER after LTP" regarding Figure 3 and added further comments regarding SER complexity in the Discussion section. [^1]: Department of Biochemistry and Biophysics, Kavli Institute for Fundamental Neuroscience, University of California, San Francisco, San Francisco, United States. [^2]: QPS, LLC Pencader Corporate Center, Newark, United States.

The Dusk Network is a decentralized infrastructure focused on providing the sweet-spot between privacy and transparency in payments, communication and asset ownership transfers. It departs from consensus mechanisms like PoW/PoS, which are poorly suited for privacy, to introduce a new privacy-oriented consensus mechanism called Segregated Byzantine Agreement. Dusk is a new blockchain that provides true privacy and a fast and a secure streaming mechanism called Secure Tunnel Switching (STS), all powered by a privacy-oriented cryptocurrency: DUSK. This means that we are building the first blockchain enabled platform that allows for streaming, file transfer and storage, and video/audio conferencing, all paid in crypto and fully decentralized, unsurveilled, and uncensorable. Our roadmap focuses on three main use cases; payments, digital asset transfer, and p2p communication. Especially in the asset transfer area Dusk aims to be the first platform to reconcile the requirements set out by both businesses and individuals with regulatory auditability requirements. This means that our confidentiality and privacy ecosystem will become the perfect, compliant, launching pad for Security Token Offerings (STO’s). Besides technical innovations Dusk Network is a project that will deliver according to a strict project schedule, combining decades of IT delivery experience. The Dusk Network’s research and development is coordinated through the Dusk Foundation, a foundation that focuses exclusively on delivering the Dusk Network, and the academic, humanitarian, and commercial benefits it brings. Read our whitepaper here. The Dusk Network consists of three layers: 1 — DUSK Anonymous Network Layer A gossip oriented communication tier inspired by I2P. 2 — Segregated Byzantine Agreement A novel privacy-oriented consensus algorithm vastly more efficient than PoW or PoS. Powered by Proof of Blind Bid. 3 — Secure Tunnel Switching A protocol allowing cryptocurrency payments for time-unbound and fast data transmission. (Dusk Network’s three layers.) We conceived the Dusk Network to be the first unrestricted and fully distributed communication network that does not compromise high data-rate transmission capabilities with the security and anonymity of its peers. The system features a new consensus algorithm vastly more efficient than proof-of-work or proof-of-stake called Segregated Byzantine Agreement, and built on top of a low-latency gossip network which utilizes non-repliable datagram and garlic routing in order to prevent IP Address propagation. Finally, the Dusk Network is complemented with an off-online file transfer mechanism and with realtime Dusk payment channel to enable undetectable and fast peer-to-peer data communication through a technique we call Secure Tunnel Switching. Why Dusk? The very existence of freedom of expression, access to cultural heritage, information pluralism and economic liberty depends on the availability of a mean of communication capable of guaranteeing uncontrolled exchange of information and messages. The Dusk Network was conceived for this purpose: to provide its peers with an unsurveilled and unstoppable network infrastructure that grants them the possibility to communicate freely while safeguarding their identities. Everything within Dusk Network is skewed toward decentralization, privacy and communication efficiency: from the anonymous transport layer which solves IP tracking to the Secure Tunnel Switching protocol which allows efficient data transmission paid for through a blockchain-based digital cash called DUSK. Use Cases The Dusk Network solves the problem of secure data transfer, low-latency transmissions and paying for time-unbound communications with cryptocurrencies. This enables a sweet spot between transparency and privacy, and enables the decentralization of: Payments Digital Asset Transfer (STO’s) P2P Communication (Confidential Streaming) This means that the Dusk Platform can function as an infrastructure for a decentralized service like Netflix, WhatsApp, YouTube, or a communication protocol for a drone fleet, a service where whistleblowers can safely communicate, a platform where cultural or political censorship is impossible, or the place where a business seeks to tokenize its equity without having to go through an arduous IPO process where the costs outweigh the benefits. Conclusion The Dusk Foundation is leading the R&D and delivery of the Dusk Network, a new blockchain that uses several technical advancements to deliver an ecosystem laser focused on providing the best trade off between privacy and transparency per use case. Content Series Learn more about the Dusk Network through one of our introductory series. Dusk Network Intro Series Dusk in a Nutshell Anonymous Network Layer (TBA) SBA* in a Nutshell (TBA) Secure Tunnel Switching (TBA) Privacy & Cryptography Intro Series The Startup Dream; STO’s vs. ICO’s (TBA) Privacy and Fungibility (TBA) A brief introduction to cryptography in blockchain (TBA) Dusk Foundation Intro Series Introduction to the Dusk Foundation (TBA) Dusk Social Media Website: https://www.dusk.network FAQ: https://www.dusk.network/faq Telegram: https://t.me/dusknetwork Twitter: https://twitter.com/duskfoundation Reddit: https://reddit.com/r/dusknetwork Linkedin: https://www.linkedin.com/company/duskfoundation/ GitHub: https://github.com/dusk-network

Integrating phenotypic plasticity within an Ecological Genomics framework: recent insights from the genomics, evolution, ecology, and fitness of plasticity. E.B. Ford's 1964 book Ecological Genetics was a call for biologists to engage in multidisciplinary work in order to elucidate the link between genotype, phenotype, and fitness for ecologically relevant traits. In this review, we argue that the integration of an ecological genomics framework in studies of phenotypic plasticity is a promising approach to elucidate the causal links between genes and the environment, particularly during colonization of novel environments, environmental change, and speciation. This review highlights some of the questions and hypotheses generated from a mechanistic, evolutionary, and ecological perspective, in order to direct the continued and future use of genomic tools in the study of phenotypic plasticity.

Q: What is the number of people that leave the meeting? In a business meeting, each person shakes hands with each other person, with the exception of Mr. L. Since Mr. L arrives after some people have left, he shakes hands only with those present. If the total number of handshakes is exactly 100, how many people left the meeting before Mr. L arrived? (Nobody shakes hands with the same person more than once.) The question is from CMI2011 UG entrance exam paper. A: Let $n$ be the total number of people at the meeting before Mr. L arrived. Then the number of handshakes will be $\dfrac{n(n-1)}{2}$. Suppose $m$ people left before Mr. L arrived .So he shakes $n-m$ hands. Then \begin{align*} \frac{n(n-1)}{2}+n-m & =100\\ n^2+n-2m & = 200\\ m & = \frac{n(n+1)}{2}-100. \end{align*} But $0 < m < n$ (assuming that at least one person left). So we want \begin{align*} 0 & < \frac{n(n+1)}{2}-100 < n\\ 200 & < n(n+1) < 2n+\color{red}{200}. \end{align*} edit: I had made a typo because of which my initial conclusion was incorrect: The first inequality suggests that $n \geq 14$ but the second inequality suggests $n \leq 14$. So $n=14$ is the answer. This yields $m=5$.

/* * Copyright (c) Facebook, Inc. and its affiliates. * * Licensed under the Apache License, Version 2.0 (the "License"); * you may not use this file except in compliance with the License. * You may obtain a copy of the License at * * http://www.apache.org/licenses/LICENSE-2.0 * * Unless required by applicable law or agreed to in writing, software * distributed under the License is distributed on an "AS IS" BASIS, * WITHOUT WARRANTIES OR CONDITIONS OF ANY KIND, either express or implied. * See the License for the specific language governing permissions and * limitations under the License. */ package com.facebook.buck.swift; import com.facebook.buck.core.build.buildable.context.BuildableContext; import com.facebook.buck.core.build.context.BuildContext; import com.facebook.buck.core.build.execution.context.ExecutionContext; import com.facebook.buck.core.filesystems.AbsPath; import com.facebook.buck.core.model.BuildTarget; import com.facebook.buck.core.model.Flavor; import com.facebook.buck.core.model.impl.BuildTargetPaths; import com.facebook.buck.core.rulekey.AddToRuleKey; import com.facebook.buck.core.rules.ActionGraphBuilder; import com.facebook.buck.core.rules.BuildRule; import com.facebook.buck.core.rules.BuildRuleResolver; import com.facebook.buck.core.rules.attr.SupportsInputBasedRuleKey; import com.facebook.buck.core.rules.common.BuildableSupport; import com.facebook.buck.core.rules.impl.AbstractBuildRule; import com.facebook.buck.core.sourcepath.ExplicitBuildTargetSourcePath; import com.facebook.buck.core.sourcepath.SourcePath; import com.facebook.buck.core.sourcepath.resolver.SourcePathResolverAdapter; import com.facebook.buck.core.toolchain.tool.Tool; import com.facebook.buck.cxx.CxxDescriptionEnhancer; import com.facebook.buck.cxx.PreprocessorFlags; import com.facebook.buck.cxx.toolchain.HeaderVisibility; import com.facebook.buck.rules.coercer.FrameworkPath; import com.facebook.buck.cxx.toolchain.LinkerMapMode; import com.facebook.buck.cxx.toolchain.PathShortener; import com.facebook.buck.cxx.toolchain.Preprocessor; import com.facebook.buck.io.BuildCellRelativePath; import com.facebook.buck.io.file.MostFiles; import com.facebook.buck.io.filesystem.ProjectFilesystem; import com.facebook.buck.rules.args.AddsToRuleKeyFunction; import com.facebook.buck.rules.args.Arg; import com.facebook.buck.rules.args.FileListableLinkerInputArg; import com.facebook.buck.rules.args.SourcePathArg; import com.facebook.buck.rules.args.StringArg; import com.facebook.buck.step.Step; import com.facebook.buck.step.StepExecutionResult; import com.facebook.buck.step.StepExecutionResults; import com.facebook.buck.step.fs.MkdirStep; import com.facebook.buck.swift.toolchain.SwiftTargetTriple; import com.facebook.buck.util.MoreIterables; import com.google.common.annotations.VisibleForTesting; import com.google.common.base.Preconditions; import com.google.common.collect.ImmutableList; import com.google.common.collect.ImmutableList.Builder; import com.google.common.collect.ImmutableMap; import com.google.common.collect.ImmutableSet; import com.google.common.collect.ImmutableSortedSet; import com.google.common.collect.Iterables; import com.google.common.collect.Streams; import java.io.IOException; import java.nio.file.Files; import java.nio.file.Path; import java.util.Arrays; import java.util.Optional; import java.util.SortedSet; /** A build rule which compiles one or more Swift sources into a Swift module. */ public class SwiftCompile extends AbstractBuildRule implements SupportsInputBasedRuleKey { private static final String INCLUDE_FLAG = "-I"; @AddToRuleKey private final Tool swiftCompiler; @AddToRuleKey private final String moduleName; @AddToRuleKey(stringify = true) private final Path outputPath; @AddToRuleKey(stringify = true) private final Path objectFilePath; @AddToRuleKey(stringify = true) private final Path modulePath; @AddToRuleKey(stringify = true) private final Path moduleObjectPath; @AddToRuleKey(stringify = true) private final ImmutableList<Path> objectPaths; private final Optional<AbsPath> swiftFileListPath; @AddToRuleKey private final boolean shouldEmitSwiftdocs; @AddToRuleKey private final boolean useModulewrap; @AddToRuleKey private final boolean compileForceCache; @AddToRuleKey(stringify = true) private final Path swiftdocPath; @AddToRuleKey private final ImmutableSortedSet<SourcePath> srcs; @AddToRuleKey private final SwiftTargetTriple swiftTarget; @AddToRuleKey private final Optional<String> version; @AddToRuleKey private final ImmutableList<? extends Arg> compilerFlags; @AddToRuleKey(stringify = true) private final Path headerPath; @AddToRuleKey private final ImmutableSet<FrameworkPath> frameworks; @AddToRuleKey private final AddsToRuleKeyFunction<FrameworkPath, Path> frameworkPathToSearchPath; @AddToRuleKey(stringify = true) private final Flavor flavor; @AddToRuleKey private final boolean enableObjcInterop; @AddToRuleKey private final Optional<SourcePath> bridgingHeader; @AddToRuleKey private final Preprocessor cPreprocessor; @AddToRuleKey private final PreprocessorFlags cxxDeps; @AddToRuleKey private final boolean importUnderlyingModule; private BuildableSupport.DepsSupplier depsSupplier; SwiftCompile( SwiftBuckConfig swiftBuckConfig, BuildTarget buildTarget, SwiftTargetTriple swiftTarget, ProjectFilesystem projectFilesystem, ActionGraphBuilder graphBuilder, Tool swiftCompiler, ImmutableSet<FrameworkPath> frameworks, AddsToRuleKeyFunction<FrameworkPath, Path> frameworkPathToSearchPath, Flavor flavor, String moduleName, Path outputPath, Iterable<SourcePath> srcs, Optional<String> version, ImmutableList<Arg> compilerFlags, Optional<Boolean> enableObjcInterop, Optional<SourcePath> bridgingHeader, Preprocessor preprocessor, PreprocessorFlags cxxDeps, boolean importUnderlyingModule) { super(buildTarget, projectFilesystem); this.frameworks = frameworks; this.frameworkPathToSearchPath = frameworkPathToSearchPath; this.flavor = flavor; this.swiftCompiler = swiftCompiler; this.outputPath = outputPath; this.importUnderlyingModule = importUnderlyingModule; this.headerPath = outputPath.resolve(SwiftDescriptions.toSwiftHeaderName(moduleName) + ".h"); String escapedModuleName = CxxDescriptionEnhancer.normalizeModuleName(moduleName); this.moduleName = escapedModuleName; this.objectFilePath = outputPath.resolve(escapedModuleName + ".o"); this.modulePath = outputPath.resolve(escapedModuleName + ".swiftmodule"); this.moduleObjectPath = outputPath.resolve(escapedModuleName + ".swiftmodule.o"); this.objectPaths = swiftBuckConfig.getUseModulewrap() ? ImmutableList.of(objectFilePath, moduleObjectPath) : ImmutableList.of(objectFilePath); this.swiftFileListPath = swiftBuckConfig.getUseFileList() ? Optional.of( getProjectFilesystem() .getRootPath() .resolve( BuildTargetPaths.getScratchPath( getProjectFilesystem(), getBuildTarget(), "%s__filelist.txt"))) : Optional.empty(); this.shouldEmitSwiftdocs = swiftBuckConfig.getEmitSwiftdocs(); this.useModulewrap = swiftBuckConfig.getUseModulewrap(); this.compileForceCache = swiftBuckConfig.getCompileForceCache(); this.swiftdocPath = outputPath.resolve(escapedModuleName + ".swiftdoc"); this.srcs = ImmutableSortedSet.copyOf(srcs); this.swiftTarget = swiftTarget; this.version = version; this.compilerFlags = new ImmutableList.Builder<Arg>() .addAll(StringArg.from(swiftBuckConfig.getCompilerFlags().orElse(ImmutableSet.of()))) .addAll(compilerFlags) .build(); this.enableObjcInterop = enableObjcInterop.orElse(true); this.bridgingHeader = bridgingHeader; this.cPreprocessor = preprocessor; this.cxxDeps = cxxDeps; this.depsSupplier = BuildableSupport.buildDepsSupplier(this, graphBuilder); performChecks(buildTarget); } private void performChecks(BuildTarget buildTarget) { Preconditions.checkArgument( !LinkerMapMode.FLAVOR_DOMAIN.containsAnyOf(buildTarget.getFlavors().getSet()), "SwiftCompile %s should not be created with LinkerMapMode flavor (%s)", this, LinkerMapMode.FLAVOR_DOMAIN); Preconditions.checkArgument( !buildTarget.getFlavors().contains(CxxDescriptionEnhancer.SHARED_FLAVOR)); } private SwiftCompileStep makeCompileStep(SourcePathResolverAdapter resolver) { ImmutableList.Builder<String> compilerCommand = ImmutableList.builder(); compilerCommand.addAll(swiftCompiler.getCommandPrefix(resolver)); compilerCommand.add("-target", swiftTarget.getTriple()); if (bridgingHeader.isPresent()) { compilerCommand.add( "-import-objc-header", resolver.getRelativePath(bridgingHeader.get()).toString()); } if (importUnderlyingModule) { compilerCommand.add("-import-underlying-module"); } compilerCommand.addAll( Streams.concat(frameworks.stream(), cxxDeps.getFrameworkPaths().stream()) .filter(x -> !x.isSDKROOTFrameworkPath()) .map(frameworkPathToSearchPath) .flatMap(searchPath -> ImmutableSet.of("-F", searchPath.toString()).stream()) .iterator()); compilerCommand.addAll( MoreIterables.zipAndConcat(Iterables.cycle("-Xcc"), getSwiftIncludeArgs(resolver))); compilerCommand.addAll( MoreIterables.zipAndConcat( Iterables.cycle(INCLUDE_FLAG), getBuildDeps().stream() .filter(SwiftCompile.class::isInstance) .map(BuildRule::getSourcePathToOutput) .map(input -> resolver.getRelativePath(input).toString()) .collect(ImmutableSet.toImmutableSet()))); boolean hasMainEntry = srcs.stream() .map(input -> resolver.getAbsolutePath(input).getFileName().toString()) .anyMatch(SwiftDescriptions.SWIFT_MAIN_FILENAME::equalsIgnoreCase); compilerCommand.add( "-c", enableObjcInterop ? "-enable-objc-interop" : "", hasMainEntry ? "" : "-parse-as-library", "-serialize-debugging-options", "-module-name", moduleName, "-emit-module", "-emit-module-path", modulePath.toString(), "-emit-objc-header-path", headerPath.toString(), "-o", objectFilePath.toString()); if (shouldEmitSwiftdocs) { compilerCommand.add("-emit-module-doc", "-emit-module-doc-path", swiftdocPath.toString()); } version.ifPresent( v -> { compilerCommand.add("-swift-version", validVersionString(v)); }); compilerCommand.addAll( Iterables.filter(Arg.stringify(compilerFlags, resolver), arg -> !arg.equals("-Xfrontend"))); if (swiftFileListPath.isPresent()) { compilerCommand.add("-filelist", swiftFileListPath.get().toString()); } else { for (SourcePath sourcePath : srcs) { compilerCommand.add(resolver.getRelativePath(sourcePath).toString()); } } ProjectFilesystem projectFilesystem = getProjectFilesystem(); return new SwiftCompileStep( projectFilesystem.getRootPath(), ImmutableMap.of(), compilerCommand.build()); } @VisibleForTesting static String validVersionString(String originalVersionString) { // Swiftc officially only accepts the major version, but it respects the minor // version if the version is 4.2. String[] versions = originalVersionString.split("\\."); if (versions.length > 2) { versions = Arrays.copyOfRange(versions, 0, 2); } if (versions.length == 2) { Integer majorVersion = Integer.parseInt(versions[0]); Integer minorVersion = Integer.parseInt(versions[1]); if (majorVersion > 4 || (majorVersion >= 4 && minorVersion >= 2)) { return String.format("%d.%d", majorVersion, minorVersion); } else { return originalVersionString.length() > 1 ? originalVersionString.substring(0, 1) : originalVersionString; } } else { return originalVersionString.length() > 1 ? originalVersionString.substring(0, 1) : originalVersionString; } } private SwiftCompileStep makeModulewrapStep(SourcePathResolverAdapter resolver) { ImmutableList.Builder<String> compilerCommand = ImmutableList.builder(); ImmutableList<String> commandPrefix = swiftCompiler.getCommandPrefix(resolver); // The swift compiler path will be the first element of the command prefix compilerCommand.add(commandPrefix.get(0)); compilerCommand.add("-modulewrap", modulePath.toString(), "-o", moduleObjectPath.toString()); compilerCommand.add("-target", swiftTarget.getTriple()); ProjectFilesystem projectFilesystem = getProjectFilesystem(); return new SwiftCompileStep( projectFilesystem.getRootPath(), ImmutableMap.of(), compilerCommand.build()); } @Override public boolean isCacheable() { // .swiftmodule artifacts are not cacheable because they can contain machine-specific // headers. More specifically, all files included in a bridging header will be // literally included in the .swiftmodule file. When the Swift compiler encounters // `import Module`, it will include the headers from the .swiftmodule and those // headers are referenced via an absolute path stored in the .swiftmodule. This // means that Obj-C headers can be included multiple times if the machines which // populated the cache and the machine which is building have placed the source // repository at different paths (usually the case with CI and developer machines). return !bridgingHeader.isPresent() || compileForceCache; } @Override public SortedSet<BuildRule> getBuildDeps() { return depsSupplier.get(); } @Override public void updateBuildRuleResolver(BuildRuleResolver ruleResolver) { this.depsSupplier = BuildableSupport.buildDepsSupplier(this, ruleResolver); } @Override public ImmutableList<Step> getBuildSteps( BuildContext context, BuildableContext buildableContext) { buildableContext.recordArtifact(outputPath); Builder<Step> steps = ImmutableList.builder(); steps.add( MkdirStep.of( BuildCellRelativePath.fromCellRelativePath( context.getBuildCellRootPath(), getProjectFilesystem(), outputPath))); swiftFileListPath.map( path -> steps.add(makeFileListStep(context.getSourcePathResolver(), path))); steps.add(makeCompileStep(context.getSourcePathResolver())); if (useModulewrap) { steps.add(makeModulewrapStep(context.getSourcePathResolver())); } return steps.build(); } private Step makeFileListStep(SourcePathResolverAdapter resolver, AbsPath swiftFileListPath) { ImmutableList<String> relativePaths = srcs.stream() .map(sourcePath -> resolver.getRelativePath(sourcePath).toString()) .collect(ImmutableList.toImmutableList()); return new Step() { @Override public StepExecutionResult execute(ExecutionContext context) throws IOException { if (Files.notExists(swiftFileListPath.getParent().getPath())) { Files.createDirectories(swiftFileListPath.getParent().getPath()); } MostFiles.writeLinesToFile(relativePaths, swiftFileListPath); return StepExecutionResults.SUCCESS; } @Override public String getShortName() { return "swift-filelist"; } @Override public String getDescription(ExecutionContext context) { return "swift-filelist"; } }; } @Override public SourcePath getSourcePathToOutput() { return ExplicitBuildTargetSourcePath.of(getBuildTarget(), outputPath); } /** * @return the arguments to add to the preprocessor command line to include the given header packs * in preprocessor search path. * <p>We can't use CxxHeaders.getArgs() because 1. we don't need the system include roots. 2. * swift doesn't like spaces after the "-I" flag. */ @VisibleForTesting ImmutableList<String> getSwiftIncludeArgs(SourcePathResolverAdapter resolver) { ImmutableList.Builder<String> args = ImmutableList.builder(); // Arg list can't simply be passed in since the current implementation of toToolFlags drops the // dependency information. Iterable<Arg> argsFromDeps = cxxDeps .toToolFlags( resolver, PathShortener.byRelativizingToWorkingDir(getProjectFilesystem().getRootPath()), frameworkPathToSearchPath, cPreprocessor, Optional.empty()) .getAllFlags(); args.addAll(Arg.stringify(argsFromDeps, resolver)); if (bridgingHeader.isPresent()) { for (HeaderVisibility headerVisibility : HeaderVisibility.values()) { // We should probably pass in the correct symlink trees instead of guessing. Path headerPath = CxxDescriptionEnhancer.getHeaderSymlinkTreePath( getProjectFilesystem(), getBuildTarget().withFlavors(), headerVisibility, flavor); args.add(INCLUDE_FLAG.concat(headerPath.toString())); } } return args.build(); } public ImmutableList<Arg> getAstLinkArgs() { if (!useModulewrap) { return ImmutableList.<Arg>builder() .addAll(StringArg.from("-Xlinker", "-add_ast_path")) .add(SourcePathArg.of(ExplicitBuildTargetSourcePath.of(getBuildTarget(), modulePath))) .build(); } else { return ImmutableList.<Arg>builder().build(); } } ImmutableList<Arg> getFileListLinkArg() { return FileListableLinkerInputArg.from( objectPaths.stream() .map( objectPath -> SourcePathArg.of( ExplicitBuildTargetSourcePath.of(getBuildTarget(), objectPath))) .collect(ImmutableList.toImmutableList())); } /** @return The name of the Swift module. */ public String getModuleName() { return moduleName; } /** @return List of {@link SourcePath} to the output object file(s) (i.e., .o file) */ public ImmutableList<SourcePath> getObjectPaths() { // Ensures that users of the object path can depend on this build target return objectPaths.stream() .map(objectPath -> ExplicitBuildTargetSourcePath.of(getBuildTarget(), objectPath)) .collect(ImmutableList.toImmutableList()); } /** @return File name of the Objective-C Generated Interface Header. */ public String getObjCGeneratedHeaderFileName() { return headerPath.getFileName().toString(); } /** @return {@link SourcePath} of the Objective-C Generated Interface Header. */ public SourcePath getObjCGeneratedHeaderPath() { return ExplicitBuildTargetSourcePath.of(getBuildTarget(), headerPath); } /** * @return {@link SourcePath} to the directory containing outputs from the compilation process * (object files, Swift module metadata, etc). */ public SourcePath getOutputPath() { return ExplicitBuildTargetSourcePath.of(getBuildTarget(), outputPath); } /** * @return {@link SourcePath} to the .swiftmodule output from the compilation process. A * swiftmodule file contains the public interface for a module, and is basically a binary file * format equivalent to header files for a C framework or library. * * A swiftmodule file contains serialized ASTs (and possibly SIL), it conforms to * Swift Binary Serialization Format, more details about this binary format can be found here: * https://github.com/apple/swift/blob/7e6d62dae4bae4eb3737a6f76c0e51534c1bcca3/docs/Serialization.rst. */ public SourcePath getSwiftModuleOutputPath() { return ExplicitBuildTargetSourcePath.of(getBuildTarget(), modulePath); } }

#!/usr/bin/env bb (import (java.net ServerSocket)) (require '[clojure.java.io :as io] '[clojure.string :as str]) (def debug? true) (def user "admin") (def password "admin") (def base64 (-> (.getEncoder java.util.Base64) (.encodeToString (.getBytes (str user ":" password))))) (def notes-file (io/file (System/getProperty "user.home") ".notes" "notes.txt")) (def file-lock (Object.)) (defn write-note! [note] (locking file-lock (io/make-parents notes-file) (spit notes-file (str note "\n") :append true))) ;; hiccup-like (defn html [v] (cond (vector? v) (let [tag (first v) attrs (second v) attrs (when (map? attrs) attrs) elts (if attrs (nnext v) (next v)) tag-name (name tag)] (format "<%s%s>%s</%s>\n" tag-name (html attrs) (html elts) tag-name)) (map? v) (str/join "" (map (fn [[k v]] (format " %s=\"%s\"" (name k) v)) v)) (seq? v) (str/join " " (map html v)) :else (str v))) (defn write-response [out session-id status headers content] (let [cookie-header (str "Set-Cookie: notes-id=" session-id) headers (str/join "\r\n" (conj headers cookie-header)) response (str "HTTP/1.1 " status "\r\n" (str headers "\r\n") "Content-Length: " (if content (count content) 0) "\r\n\r\n" (when content (str content)))] (when debug? (println response)) (binding [*out* out] (print response) (flush)))) ;; the home page (defn home-response [out session-id] (let [body (str "<!DOCTYPE html>\n" (html [:html [:head [:title "Notes"]] [:body [:h1 "Notes"] [:pre (when (.exists notes-file) (slurp notes-file))] [:form {:action "/" :method "post"} [:input {:type "text" :name "note"}] [:input {:type "submit" :value "Submit"}]]]]))] (write-response out session-id "200 OK" nil body))) (defn basic-auth-response [out session-id] (write-response out session-id "401 Unauthorized" ["WWW-Authenticate: Basic realm=\"notes\""] nil)) (def known-sessions (atom #{})) (defn new-session! [] (let [uuid (str (java.util.UUID/randomUUID))] (swap! known-sessions conj uuid) uuid)) (defn get-session-id [headers] (if-let [cookie-header (first (filter #(str/starts-with? % "Cookie: ") headers))] (let [parts (str/split cookie-header #"; ")] (if-let [notes-id (first (filter #(str/starts-with? % "notes-id") parts))] (str/replace notes-id "notes-id=" "") (new-session!))) (new-session!))) (defn basic-auth-header [headers] (some #(str/starts-with? % "Basic-Auth: ") headers)) (def authenticated-sessions (atom #{})) (defn authenticate! [session-id headers] (or (contains? @authenticated-sessions session-id) (when (some #(= % (str "Authorization: Basic " base64)) headers) (swap! authenticated-sessions conj session-id) true))) ;; run the server (with-open [server-socket (let [s (new ServerSocket 8080)] (println "Server started on port 8080.") s)] (loop [] (let [client-socket (.accept server-socket)] (future (with-open [conn client-socket] (try (let [out (io/writer (.getOutputStream conn)) is (.getInputStream conn) in (io/reader is) [_req & headers :as response] (loop [headers []] (let [line (.readLine in)] (if (str/blank? line) headers (recur (conj headers line))))) session-id (get-session-id headers) form-data (let [sb (StringBuilder.)] (loop [] (when (.ready in) (.append sb (char (.read in))) (recur))) (-> (str sb) (java.net.URLDecoder/decode))) _ (when debug? (println (str/join "\n" response))) _ (when-not (str/blank? form-data) (when debug? (println form-data)) (let [note (str/replace form-data "note=" "")] (write-note! note))) _ (when debug? (println))] (cond ;; if we didn't see this session before, we want the user to re-authenticate (not (contains? @known-sessions session-id)) (let [uuid (new-session!)] (basic-auth-response out uuid)) (not (authenticate! session-id headers)) (basic-auth-response out session-id) :else (home-response out session-id))) (catch Throwable t (binding [*err* *out*] (println t))))))) (recur)))

Interactions of alpha-helices with lipid bilayers: a review of simulation studies. Membrane proteins, of which the majority seem to contain one or more alpha-helix, constitute approx. 30% of most genomes. A complete understanding of the nature of helix/bilayer interactions is necessary for an understanding of the structural principles underlying membrane proteins. This review describes computer simulation studies of helix/bilayer interactions. Key experimental studies of the interactions of alpha-helices and lipid bilayers are briefly reviewed. Surface associated helices are found in some membrane-bound enzymes (e.g. prostaglandin synthase), and as stages in the mechanisms of antimicrobial peptides and of pore-forming bacterial toxins. Transmembrane alpha-helices are found in most integral membrane proteins, and also in channels formed by amphipathic peptides or by bacterial toxins. Mean field simulations, in which the lipid bilayer is approximated as a hydrophobic continuum, have been used in studies of membrane-active peptides (e.g. alamethicin, melittin, magainin and dermaseptin) and of simple membrane proteins (e.g. phage Pf1 coat protein). All atom molecular dynamics simulations of fully solvated bilayers with transmembrane helices have been applied to: the constituent helices of bacteriorhodopsin; peptide-16 (a simple model TM helix); and a number of pore-lining helices from ion channels. Surface associated helices (e.g. melittin and dermaseptin) have been simulated, as have alpha-helical bundles such as bacteriorhodopsin and alamethicin. From comparison of the results from the two classes of simulation, it emerges that a major theoretical challenge is to exploit the results of all atom simulations in order to improve the mean field approach.

Noncomplement fixing, IgG4 autoantibodies predominate in patients with anti-epiligrin cicatricial pemphigoid. This study characterized the specific reactivity, IgG subclass, and complement fixing ability of anti-laminin-5 IgG from 12 patients with anti-epiligrin cicatricial pemphigoid. Circulating IgG from all patients bound the dermal side of 1 M NaCl split skin, immunoprecipitated laminin-5 produced by biosynthetically radiolabeled human keratinocytes, and (in 10 of 12 cases) immunoblotted the laminin-alpha3 subunit. Analysis of the distribution of IgG subclasses in these patients' circulating anti-laminin-5 autoantibodies by semiquantitative indirect immunofluorescence microscopy using the HP series of subclass-specific monoclonal antibodies revealed: (i) IgG4 predominant autoantibodies in seven of 11 sera; (ii) IgG1 and IgG2 at substantially lower levels in a smaller number of sera; and (iii) no specific IgG3 anti-laminin-5 autoantibodies in any patients. The same IgG4-dominant profile of anti-laminin-5 autoantibodies was found in enzyme-linked immunosorbent assay studies of purified human laminin 5. Direct immunofluorescence microscopy of six skin biopsies from three patients found that IgG4 was also the predominant subclass of IgG in epidermal basement membranes in situ. Consistent with these findings, sera from 11 of 11 patients with anti-laminin-5 IgG autoantibodies did not fix C3 to epidermal basement membranes in vitro. These immunochemical studies suggest that complement activation does not play a major role in the pathophysiology of this disease and that subepidermal blisters in these patients may develop via a direct effect of anti-laminin-5 IgG itself.

# 算法_61_把字符串转化成整数 ## Question 将一个字符串转换成一个整数，要求不能使用字符串转换整数的库函数。 数值为0或者字符串不是一个合法的数值则返回0 ``` Solution1 class Solution1: def StrToInt(self, s): try: return ____ except: return 0 Solution2 class Solution2: def StrToInt(self, s): if not s: return 0 num = [] numbers = {'1':1,'2':2,'3':3,'4':4,'5':5,'6':6,'7':7,'8':8,'9':9} for i in s: if i in numbers.keys(): num.append(numbers[i]) elif i == '+': continue elif i == '-': continue else: return 0 ans = 0 for i in num: ans = ans * 10 + i if s[0] == '-': ans = 0 - ans return ____ ``` %!A. int(s), ans!% %!B. s, ans!% %!C. int(s), 0!% %!D. s, 0!% ------ ## Answer @!A!@ ------ ## Analysis 思路一： 使用int() 思路二：就是一些特殊处理，比如 +123，就不合理，123前面不需要+，但是-123就合理，因为这是个负数

Q: How to draw lines on the bitmap used in ImageViewZoom? I recently started using ImageViewZoom (https://github.com/sephiroth74/ImageViewZoom) and what I'm going to do is to draw some lines on the bitmap used in this View from time to time. I tried to do it in the following way, but the result is that the View is no longer able to zoom. protected void onDraw(Canvas canvas) { // TODO Auto-generated method stub super.onDraw(canvas); Canvas bmp_canvas = new Canvas(bmp);//bmp is the original bitmap Paint paint = new Paint(); //Draw map paint. setColor(Color.BLUE); paint. setStrokeWidth(10); int i; for(i=0; i<toDraw.size();i++) { Segment now = toDraw.get(i); //toDraw is a List and stores the lines PointType tmp_start = now.s; PointType tmp_end = now.e; bmp_canvas.drawLine((float)tmp_start.x, (float)tmp_start.y, (float)tmp_end.x, (float)tmp_end.y, paint); } Matrix matrix = getImageViewMatrix(); setImageBitmap(bmp, matrix, ZOOM_INVALID, ZOOM_INVALID); return; } So what is the correct way to do it? Thank you very much! A: Well, I solved it myself! I did it in the following way: public void drawMap(Bitmap bmp) //a new function outside of onDraw() { Bitmap now_bmp = Bitmap.createBitmap(bmp); Canvas canvas = new Canvas(now_bmp); Paint paint = new Paint(); //Draw map paint. setColor(Color.BLUE); paint. setStrokeWidth(10); int i; for(i=0; i<toDraw.size();i++) { Segment now = toDraw.get(i); PointType tmp_start = now.s; PointType tmp_end = now.e; canvas.drawLine((float)tmp_start.x, (float)tmp_start.y, (float)tmp_end.x, (float)tmp_end.y, paint); } Matrix matrix = getDisplayMatrix(); setImageBitmap(now_bmp, matrix, ZOOM_INVALID, ZOOM_INVALID); } In short, just create a Canvas with the origin Bitmap, then draw something on it, the result will be stored in the bitmap, and get the current matrix, and set the new bitmap to the ImageViewZoom, that's all.

Q: How do I apply AddHandler using OnCommand in ASP.NET I've been racking my brain trying to get this to work. My event for my LinkButton isn't firing. I'm figuring that it has SOMETHING to do with ViewState and that the button is not there when it tries to fire the event after the Postback or something. When I click the Add button,it adds the link to the page and then when I click the Diplay Time" linkbutton it should fire the event and display the CommandArgument data but it's not and i can't figure out why. Here's my code: <%@ Page Language="VB" %> <!DOCTYPE html PUBLIC "-//W3C//DTD XHTML 1.0 Transitional//EN" "http://www.w3.org/TR/xhtml1/DTD/xhtml1-transitional.dtd"> <script runat="server"> Protected Sub Page_Load(ByVal sender As Object, ByVal e As System.EventArgs) End Sub Protected Sub btnDelete_OnCommand(ByVal sender As Object, ByVal e As System.Web.UI.WebControls.CommandEventArgs) Response.Write(e.CommandArgument) End Sub Protected Sub Button1_Click(ByVal sender As Object, ByVal e As System.EventArgs) Dim btn As New LinkButton() btn.ID = "lbn" btn.Text = "Display Time" btn.ValidationGroup = "vgDeleteSigner" AddHandler btn.Command, AddressOf btnDelete_OnCommand btn.CommandArgument = Now.TimeOfDay.ToString() btn.EnableViewState = True Panel1.Controls.Add(btn) End Sub </script> <html xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml"> <head runat="server"> <title></title> </head> <body> <form id="form1" runat="server"> <div> <asp:Button ID="Button1" runat="server" Text="Button" OnClick="Button1_Click" /> <asp:Panel ID="Panel1" runat="server"> </asp:Panel> </div> </form> </body> </html> A: The reason that's happening is that your dynamic button "lbn" needs to be drawn again on post back when it's clicked because the button doesn't exist after you click it. Basically you just have to dynamically add the button to the page again on post back of click of that button. I would recommend having the button already on the page but visible = false and then just showing it when you click the other button.

One of the most anticipated hard rock reunions of the past few years will finally take place when Dokken reunite their classic lineup of Don Dokken, George Lynch, Jeff Pilson and “Wild” Mick Brown for seven shows. The brief trek begins with a single U.S. date on Sept. 30 at Badlands Pawn Guns Gold and Rock ‘N’ Roll, a sold-out show that will be filmed for a possible video release later this year. (They're also performing what is being called a special "VIP dress rehearsal" show on Sept. 29. One hundred fans can buy tickets to the event, which is expected to quickly sell out. And it looks like the band is doing its best to avoid any spoilers for the real gig by including the following message on the ticketing page: No cameras, video or audio equipment allowed, including all cellphones. All attendees must check all phones and cameras at the door.) After that, the group will head to Japan for Unleashed in the East tour dates -- six shows happening between Oct. 5 and Oct. 12. Once the tour wraps up in Tokyo, “we’re all going to go back to our own lives,” as Don Dokken put it during a recent chat with Ultimate Classic Rock. We spoke with Dokken and bassist and singer Jeff Pilson in separate interviews to get their thoughts on the upcoming shows. As fans are aware, there have been several attempts in the past few years to launch a reunion, including one that found the band members getting together in Pilson’s studio and working on three new songs. “That was about three or four years ago and I honestly don’t remember how the songs went, I don’t remember what they were,” Dokken says. “I don’t remember the lyrics, I don’t remember anything. They had some ideas and George was like, “What do you think of this?” And I go, “Oh, that’s pretty cool.” It was just like a brainstorming session, and Jeff goes, “Well, how about we do this for the chorus?” We did that and we spent a day and did three songs, just roughed them out and that was the end of it. We never took it to the next level.” New music is again on the agenda as part of the reunion. Pilson says initial work had been done on a new song, which is still in development. “So far it’s just the music," he says. “It’s very Dokken sounding. It’s very tricky to try and come up with something that sounds authentic but sounds sincere, and I think we did it. We kind of just let all go and let our inhibitions fly and it came out.” But a few weeks later, Dokken revealed that with things coming down to the wire, he wasn’t sure what would happen with the new song. “Jeff and George wrote a riff and some music, and they sent it to me. I’ve been super-busy and I’ve been trying to write lyrics. The song really hasn’t spoken to me as much, so I let Mick take a crack at it,” Dokken explains. “Mick wrote an entire lyric and the whole song and it’s really good, but it’s too high. It’s just out of everybody’s range. So that needs to be taken into consideration. I think it was written in the wrong key for me. You’d have to either sing really low, and it wouldn’t sound good, or like super-high, and I’m stuck in the middle. Jeff and I are going to try to get together.” Besides the tour, Dokken's current lineup also has some shows lined up. The groups' frontman says he’s been juggling a lot lately, but that he feels like he and Pilson will come away with something. “I’m sleeping three or four hours a night," he notes. "When you go to do a tour, nobody will understand the logistics of work visas, tax, I.R.S., hotels, flights, equipment, production -- it’s just never-ending on a daily basis. “Jeff’s busy -- he’s out with Foreigner, and George is getting ready, he’s got shows. I’m hoping to get to Jeff’s house in the next four or five days and I’ve got some alternative ideas that I think might be even better [for the new song], like more of an anthemic up-tempo ‘Paris Is Burning’ kind of song. It’s not going to be hard -- Jeff and I are kind of on the same page -- we were cut from the same cloth as far as our likes, Beatles, the Hollies.” Both Pilson and Dokken say they’re not surprised that this reunion is finally happening. Each of them point to busy schedules as the main factor that kept things from coming together earlier. “We’ve been kind of dabbling and trying to talk about it for a long time,” Pilson explains. “Scheduling was the thing we couldn’t figure out. When Japan came along and offered us a date that happened to fall in a Foreigner break, it worked out great for me. How do you say no to that?” “[Jeff] reminds me of me 15 years ago," Dokken says. "I owned a recording studio for almost 15 years, and I lived in that studio. I rarely went home. I’d just make music, music, music every day. When I sold the studio, I kind of fell out of that. But Jeff has a recording studio, so when he comes home, that’s where he is comfortable. He likes to be on the console. He’s very, very good at Pro Tools, so he doesn’t need an engineer, and that’s my weak spot. I can’t play guitar and push buttons at the same time. I just can’t do it." When the short Dokken run of Japanese shows wraps up on Oct. 12, Pilson will be back on the road with Foreigner two days later, playing a show with the band. But he's not thinking about the super-busy schedule. Instead, he's concentrating on playing with his old bandmates again. “I do love these guys," he says. "There’s a lot of history. When George and Mick and I play as the musical bed of the band, there is something really special that’s going to feel really good. ... There’s been times in the band when we, for one reason or another, weren’t at our best, and this time, I really hope we’re at our best. I’d love to see that. That’s what I’m really looking forward to. The satisfaction of knowing that we’ve fulfilled a lot of our potential. There is a lot of talent in the band. There is a chemistry about the band that’s undeniable. When it functions, it can be really great, and I really want one more chance to show that.” Could there be additional dates featuring the classic lineup? Lynch has indicated that he felt like there was a “50/50 chance” of that happening, at the same time choosing his words carefully when it came to discussing the current reunion. For Pilson, it would again come down to scheduling. “I would be open to it. It’s just got to fall in places that I can do it.," he says "But if this also ends up being the last of it, I’m also happy there. I’ve seen Don call it an exclamation point, to go to Japan, and if this is the end, I can’t think of a better way to end it.” Since the reunion was announced, Dokken has been adamant that the upcoming shows would be the only chance to see the classic lineup. He stands by that now. He says a promoter recently called him and showed interest in booking the reunited band for more shows. "He told me how much, and it was like, ‘Wow, that’s a lot of money,’" he recalls. “But it’s a dilemma. How can I? Why would I want to kill my own franchise? If we go and do those [shows], then what do I do? We’re supposed to go back with the other lineup, and we keep going? It would hurt the franchise. And Jeff’s in Foreigner. Forever. He’s not in Dokken. He’s going to be in Foreigner. And George is going to do Lynch Mob. So it doesn’t make any sense when the truth is, I’ll still be playing those same festivals next summer with this current lineup. I just won’t make as much money, that’s all.” But he says that's not a concern. “I’ve been very lucky," he explains. "I have a lot of good friends that play with us, and I see what they’re making, and I say, ‘God, guys, how do you do that?’ You’ve got plane flights, hotels, a van, you’ve got to rent a trailer, I mean, how do you tour and just make a very little amount of money? Where’s all your money? You guys have platinum records. Everybody’s got a story: I got divorced three times, I was doing drugs, I bought too many fancy cars, I bought a mansion with 10 bedrooms thinking it would go on forever, and it turns out it didn’t go on forever. These stories go on and on and on with all of these bands from the ‘80s. You take a bunch of kids in their twenties that don’t know anything and were all poor and never had a pot to pee in. And all of a sudden, you’re making all of this money. You’ve got a million dollars in the bank, and you buy your first home and you get married and you have kids and now you have expenses, and they just keep you going and going and going. You think it’s going to go on forever.” Dokken's past, particularly the conflict among group members, is part of their history. There are many layers to what caused friction over the years, both Dokken and Pilson agree. “But probably one of the reasons we broke up at the top of our game was that we’d already been on the road for a year and a half,” Dokken says. “By the time Monsters of Rock came, nobody had been on the road for a couple of years. We show up with our tails in between our legs after doing Aerosmith, AC/DC, touring Japan, Judas Priest -- all over the country. We were tired, and when you get tired, that’s when the problems start. You get the drugs, you get the alcohol, you’re taking sleeping pills at night to go to bed. You’re drinking too much, because you’ve got nine guys on a bus and it’s noisy. And then you start to argue and you start to disagree and you start to not get along. Nobody was saying, ‘Hey guys,’ they just said, ‘Keep going, you’re making money, we’re making lots of money off of you guys -- c’mon, keep going. If you die, you’ll be even more famous!’ "And that’s what happened -- after Monsters of Rock, I was toast. Worn down physically and worn down spiritually. I think Jeff was too. He was doing a lot of drugs, a lot of drinking -- as was everybody. I didn’t do drugs, but I did plenty of drinking and plenty of Valium, but cocaine was never my drug of choice. I didn’t understand it and never got it.” Pilson says he's aware of the stories that surfaced over the years, "you know, Don and George hated each other, and I was the mediator. You can make it that simple, but It wasn’t that simple, of course. It was much more involved. There was a lot of unique personalities. There was a lot of ego, and there was a lot of agendas going on. Mine included. We weren’t appreciative enough of what we had and we weren’t smart enough to know how to pull it together and make it work so that we had one agenda instead of multiple agendas. Because had we done that, we could have been a much better force to work with. "Had we had healthy competition, we could have gone much further,” he continues. “We allowed the conflict to turn into much more than that. And it’s not entirely our fault. Early on, our publicist decided that the hook about the band was that we’d talk about the conflict between Don and George. That became a self-fulfilling prophecy, and that’s dangerous when you do things like that. Not that it wasn’t there to some extent, but it’s so much more complicated and involved than the simple press soundbite could ever describe. Was I the levelheaded guy in Dokken? Sometimes. Was I pretty out of my mind sometimes? Yes. So I think there’s no simplification for it. It was a complex thing that we didn’t handle as well as we should have."

At long last, the Koch brothers and their conservative allies in state government have found a new tax they can support. Naturally it’s a tax on something the country needs: solar energy panels. For the last few months, the Kochs and other big polluters have been spending heavily to fight incentives for renewable energy, which have been adopted by most states. They particularly dislike state laws that allow homeowners with solar panels to sell power they don’t need back to electric utilities. So they’ve been pushing legislatures to impose a surtax on this increasingly popular practice, hoping to make installing solar panels on houses less attractive. Oklahoma lawmakers recently approved such a surcharge at the behest of the American Legislative Exchange Council, the conservative group that often dictates bills to Republican statehouses and receives financing from the utility industry and fossil-fuel producers, including the Kochs. As The Los Angeles Times reported recently, the Kochs and ALEC have made similar efforts in other states, though they were beaten back by solar advocates in Kansas and the surtax was reduced to $5 a month in Arizona. But the Big Carbon advocates aren’t giving up. The same group is trying to repeal or freeze Ohio’s requirement that 12.5 percent of the state’s electric power come from renewable sources like solar and wind by 2025. Twenty-nine states have established similar standards that call for 10 percent or more in renewable power. These states can now anticipate well-financed campaigns to eliminate these targets or scale them back.

WhatsApp stores its message database and nightly backups thereof in plain sight on your memory card, no matter if your memory is built-in or added on a microSD card. That's great if you want to mix'n'match your WhatsApps and SMSs with apps like Backup Text for WhatsApp and SMS to Text, but not so great if you want to keep nosy apps out of your texts. Anything with SD card access can read along. WhatsApp could easily have prevented this by encrypting your messages. They gave it a shot after the shit hit the fan, but so far without success. That's because WhatsApp used the same key to encrypt all messages from everyone. Yep, that's almost impossible to believe, but they really used a skeleton key to lock up your private chats. So here's what WhatsApp should do: use a proper full-blown encryption method to protect the database that holds your messages. While they're playing with encryption anyway, full end-to-end encryption to keep Facebook and the NSA out of our chats would be most welcome too. Of course WhatsApp should provide a method to let other apps into your messages if you allow them to. I don't want to lose Backup Text for WhatsApp and SMS to Text, and the long overdue multi-network app that includes WhatsApp needs access to your WhatsApps too. To cut a long story short: WhatsApp should encrypt its database and let us decide for ourselves who gets the keys and who does not. Let's blame Android Android treats your memory card the same way your computer treats your hard drive. Apart from a tiny bit of protected storage (that mysterious ".android_secure" folder that tops the list in your file browser) anything on your card can be read, altered, deleted, stolen, smeared, raped, and tinkered with by any app that has the "storage" Android permission. Most apps have that permission, so anything on your memory card that is not encrypted is up for grabs. That includes all those naked selfies that you shot after emptying the final bottle. But what about sandboxing? That works for the app-specific internal storage that you can only get at if you root your phone. It doesn't work for the storage that you can see on your computer when you hook it up with your phone's USB cable. If you give an app access to your memory card, it gets access to all of your memory card, including your private collection of wildlife movies. The good news is that this could prevent future WhatsAppgates. The bad news is that it will break a lot of useful things too. Save your email attachments with your mail app and edit them with another app? Forget it. Delete a picture from an alternative gallery app like QuickPic? Forget it. Zap old Nandroid backups with ES File Explorer? Forget it. The sledgehammer approach to SD card security is a disaster for cross-app access to files and folders. Now what? Locking down your external storage is a bad idea. It breaks too much, and forces us to move our data to the cramped and expensive built-in storage, or send it to the cloud and burn up our data and battery for no good reason. Keeping everything wide open is a bad idea, because I don't want Obama snooping around in my WhatsApps. Solution? Fix the broken Android permission system so we can decide for ourselves what app can access what. The "external storage" permission should be split into two permissions: "access to folders created by my app" and "access to the rest of the memory card." Anything that's too sensitive for the second permission should be encrypted by the app that made it, and then the user should decide who gets the keys. Until then, lets hope an Xposed module will fix what Android 4.4 broke. Update: the Xposed module to fix external SD cards on KitKat is ready. It's called HandleExternalStorage. Grab your copy from the Xposed installer.

Relevance and usability of a computerized patient simulator for continuous medical education of isolated care professionals in sub-saharan Africa. to explore the relevance and usability of using a computerized patient simulator as a tool for continuous medical education and decision support for health professionals in district hospitals in Sub-Saharan Africa. based on the diagnosis pathway and decision analysis in uncertainty context, interactive clinical vignettes are developed using VIPS, a computerized patient simulator, taking into account clinical problem situations whose relevance was identified. Vignettes were adapted to take into account local epidemiology, availability of diagnostic and therapeutic resources, and local socio-cultural constraints. The evaluation on VIPS software was made by care professionals and students. a computerized patient simulator can be used to provide initial and continuing medical education in Sub-Saharan Africa. But many challenges exist. further research is needed to measure potential improvements in knowledge, skills, decision-making abilities as well as patient outcome.

IRAN & RUSSIA: AREN'T RIVALS According to IRNA, Deputy Minister of Petroleum and Managing Director of National Iranian Gas Company (NIGC) Hamid-Reza Araqi said the Islamic Republic of Iran intends to access European market through LNG but in this connection, it has no plan to compete with or replace Russia. Iran is to raise daily gas output to one billion cubic meters, being capable of exporting 30 billion cubic meters of gas a day to Europe. Of course, it plans to raise the exports through LNG. Russia is now the biggest exporter of gas to the green continent and highest amount of European energy requirements are met through Russia. So, there are wide-scale discussions that Iran gas might replace that of Russia in Europe. To this end, Iran has stressed that though intending to win considerable share in European energy market, Iran is not after being a substitute for Russia in gas market of the continent. Ministry of Petroleum quoted Araqi as saying that based on guidelines of the Supreme Leader of Islamic Revolution Ayatollah Seyed Ali Khamenei, there should be exports in the Economy of Resilience and we should play our role in the world trade. Araqi said Iran has now a share of one percent in the world gas trade and it should rise to 10 percent. 'We are not going to replace Russia and we do not have any such goal. Iran has its own market and our neighbors need gas.' Iran will in the long-run have engagement with many countries and it can access European market through LNG, said Araqi, adding that since world's hugest gas reserves are in Iran, the country has high capacity to meet gas requirements of its neighbors and such issues as price and the technical and political problems should be gradually solved. He noted that Iran is the only country in the region which is capable of meeting neighbors' gas and on the other hand, they need the gas. He stressed t hat gas production in Iran will rise to 1.260 billion cubic meters a day in the next four years from 600 million cubic meters a day now. Iran's extractio of gas from South Pars reserves will be equal with that of Qatar next year and we can turn the gas into value-added, according to the expert. He hoped for 60 million to 100 million cubic meters saving in household gas consumption in the winter season and the amount of gas will be turned into value-added. Chronicle: PENNENERGY - The Trump administration accused Russia on Thursday of a concerted, ongoing operation to hack and spy on the U.S. energy grid and other critical infrastructure, and separately imposed sanctions on Russian officials for alleged high-tech interference in the 2016 American presidential election. IAEA - IAEA Director General Yukiya Amano commended efforts by Pakistan to increase nuclear safety and security as the country works to triple its nuclear power capacity. Prime Minister Shahid Khaqan Abbasi commended the IAEA for the support provided to Pakistan in the use of peaceful nuclear applications. Pakistan “was ready to further strengthen its partnership with the IAEA and contribute towards the achievement of the Sustainable Development Goals worldwide,” the Prime Minister said. PLATTS - "The increase in competition induced new practices in the market that resulted in imports returning to normal," Petrobras' Jorge Celestino said during a presentation of the company's 2017 financial results. PLATTS - The objective of this program is to increase its domestic refinery utilization rates to 90% from current levels of 10-20%, Kragha said speaking to Platts in Cape Town on the sidelines of the African Refiner Association conference.

For today's Mailbag Friday, we hear from Barbara Z. of Norfolk, VA. She writes: "On the radio I was listening to the beginning of "The Thomas Jefferson Hour" in which Clay Jenkinson speaks as if he were Jefferson. I heard him say the following: 'I happen to live in the first great era when books were widespreadly available...' "Widespreadly? That one is new to me!" Mr. Jenkinson's impersonation of Thomas Jefferson is an impressive feat. He holds forth extemporaneously as if Jefferson had time-warped to the present day, and since Jefferson was known as a voracious polymath, he covers a diverse range of topics. (Past shows are archived here. The sentence above occurs in Show 731, "Influential Books," but you can also hear Jenkinson-as-Jefferson muse on everything from terrorism to Greek and Latin.) Historical reenactors are always careful to avoid committing anachronisms. We wouldn't want to see a role-player at Colonial Williamsburg whipping out an iPhone, for instance. (A recent episode of "South Park" lampooned the earnest authenticity of reenactors who never break character.) But Jenkinson's use of widespreadly was not an anachronistic modernism put into the mouth of Jefferson. Nor was it a genuine lexical artifact of the Jeffersonian era that he salvaged for the occasion. As best as I can tell, widespreadly would have sounded just as odd two centuries ago as it does now. There are actually some adverbs ending in -ly that were acceptable in early modern English but are no longer considered standard. Take adjectives that already end in -ly, like friendly, manly, costly, and deadly. If you used friendlily, manlily, costlily, or deadlily now, most people would look at you funny. But that wasn't always the case. As the Oxford English Dictionary explains in its entry for -ly: It was, down to the 17th c., somewhat frequently attached, with this function, even to adjs. in -ly, as earlily, godlily, kindlily, livelily, lovelily, statelily; but these formations are now generally avoided as awkward, while on the other hand it is felt to be ungraceful to use words like godly, goodly, lovely, mannerly, timely, as advs.; the difficulty is usually evaded by recourse to some periphrastic form of expression. Periphrastic, the VT tells us, means "roundabout and unnecessarily wordy." But really, we're being necessarily wordy when we say "in a friendly manner/way/tone" instead of friendlily, since the single-word form has been "blocked" by the -ly ending already present on the adjective. Similarly, Jenkinson could only have rephrased his sentence to avoid widespreadly, changing it to "...when books were available on a widespread basis," or simply "...when books were widely available." (Nothing too roundabout about that.) So why does widespreadly sound wrong to most speakers of American or British English? (It may be acceptable in other varieties of World English; a search on Google Scholar, for instance, turns up hundreds of examples from writers in Asia and elsewhere, though many of them may be non-native speakers of English.) It has to do with the composition of the adjective widespread, which combines the modifier wide with the past participle spread. Spread is one of those irregular verbs where the past participle is the same as the base form, like burst, come, hurt, run, shut, and split. Other irregular verbs have less predictable past participial forms; they often end in -en or -n, like shave - shaven or grow - grown, but sometimes the vowel sound in the base form is changed, like wear - worn or speak - spoken. Regular verbs, meanwhile, form their past participles simply by adding -ed or -d, and we seem to be much better at creating adverbs from them: think of doggedly, excitedly, half-heartedly, mean-spiritedly, pointedly, and unexpectedly. Try to make an adverb out of an irregular past participle, or a compound adjective ending in one like widespread, and you're asking for trouble. Ill-advisedly, ill-naturedly, and ill-temperedly all sound fine, but ill-bredly, ill-chosenly, or ill-shapenly? Not so much. As with widespread, we have to resort to periphrastic measures to express these words adverbially, like "in an ill-bred manner" or "in an ill-chosen fashion." The amazing thing is that native English speakers know rules like this one without ever having been taught them explicitly. It's all part of English morphology, or the internal structure of words. So what happened to Clay Jenkinson's morphology? I think it was just a speaking error: he was probably juggling "books were widely available" and "books were widespread" and came up with a blended version, "widespreadly available." Such slip-ups happen even to the most careful speakers of English. I bet they even happened to Thomas Jefferson. Do you have your own question about the history of a word or phrase that you'd like to have discussed in a future Mailbag Friday? Click here and let us know!

Category Archives: University of the 99% I believe quality education and effective social change cannot be separated. For the occupy movement, if our vision is to make a world which does not serve the 1% at the expense of the 99%, we seek social relationships that have not existed for millennia. Because the world we wish to see does not exist in our memory, we activists are stumbling in the darkness towards a destination there is no road map for. Yet we still follow this journey because the goal is so important. Hopefully, we make a map while walking the path, marking the wisdom we have gained so that the uncertainty becomes easier to navigate; so that others can better find their way and invent their own wisdom; so that our impact is not just on our own lives but on society at large. This is a process of education, and of social change. No matter how much we march, no matter how many actions we do, we cannot actually change the world unless we continuously realize lessons that change how we live. For example, how can we have peace and justice without learning about the cruelty behind many of our privileges, the aspects of our culture which reinforce suffering, our ability to generate energy within ourselves that can resist oppression and promote healing, our prospects for being inviting to people so they will want to join our movement, our ability to act in the face of the fear which often paralyzes us, our ability to show love, and our ability to evolve our resistance according to the unique challenges of the time and place where we live. Such learning is born from action and translated into action. This is the perpetual cycle of praxis. Learning becomes social change, social change becomes learning, and action without education is just as pointless as education without action. All this is why I wish to work on creating a free University at Occupy DC, in order to help integrate learning into the daily activities of the occupation. A couple of weeks ago I saw a a large sign which read “University of the 99%.” People were talking about classes where “anyone can teach and anyone can learn.” It was such a beautiful idea. I also met people from Occupy Wall Street who were spreading a practice they called “Think Tank.” This involved people discussing a subject, sharing their ideas, and those ideas being recorded, transcribed, and put online. Lastly I have been involved in the national effort to train occupiers in how to be trainers, and have attended two trainings in Philadelphia given by Training for Change and the Ruckus Society. This helped develop my own educational skills, and increased my appreciation for the value of education. I believe our commitment to education astronomically enhances our ability to create change. I believe an hour spent in a workshop is generally more productive than an hour spent at the GA, or at the majority of marches. I also believe that our commitment to education is central to our ability to sustain ourselves for the long haul. My hope is that there can be a lot of universities for the 99%. This is needed, not only for the movement of 99%, but to salvage our faltering educational system.

Archive With the recent introduction of Ubuntu Touch a very interesting change of strategy is emerging for Canonical. As Phoronix and others have discovered, Ubuntu Phone and Touch are using SurfaceFlinger as their compositor. SurfaceFlinger uses OpenGL ES to render applications screens/windows in a hardware accelerated way using the OpenGL driver of the GPU directly. Now, Canonical is promising a completely integrated experience for Ubuntu 14.04 which will run Phone, Touch, TV and Desktop applications in one common GUI environment. How will they be able to fulfill their promise for Linux desktop applications currently running on Xorg? So far, everyone has believed that the Ubuntu desktop is migrating from Xorg to Wayland. This migration has been going so slow that there is actually no visible sign of happening any time soon. It seems that Canonical has slightly changed the “to” part of their migration plans. They are not moving to Wayland, they are moving to SurfaceFlinger. I, for one, think that this is a brilliant idea. Compared to Android’s SurfaceFlinger, Wayland has not much appeal from the “possible benefits” point of view. SurfaceFlinger is developed by Google and is already deployed on countless Android devices. It has a sizable amount of developers working on it and its future is certain as long as Android is with us (which is pretty likely given its current market share and trends). Migration to Wayland hasn’t started in earnest so there would not be much effort thrown out of the window. With the recent merging of the Android and the mainline Linux kernels, porting Linux desktops to Android hardware has already become somewhat easier. Wifi, Bluetooth and other hardware components can be accessed through the Android kernel released by the producer of the SOC/board. The biggest remaining problems are making Xorg and audio working. Xorg is used by all desktop applications while audio is used by only some (media players, screen-capture apps…etc). Xorg seems to be a fairly big problem because Android hw producers usually don’t provide X drivers at all and that makes the porting effort a show-stopper for hardware which otherwise run Android very well. An Ubuntu desktop running on SurfaceFlinger would be a much easier subject for porting to common Android hardware compared to the current situation (as the quickly growing number of devices supporting Ubuntu Touch demonstrates this spectacularly). OpenGL ES driver comes with the Android kernel, released by the hw manufacturer, so SurfaceFlinger works right-away. The most important part of the migration to Wayland has been the GTK and Qt backend implementations. These can also be created relatively quickly for SurfaceFlinger so 90% of the standard Linux apps would display on it right away (Qt may already has Android/SurfaceFlinger support based on their Git repository) OK, but SurfaceFlinger is only one part of the problem, what about the rest? It is very much possible that Canonical/Ubuntu is planning to migrate heavily to Android backend services (not only SurfaceFlinger) in order to take advantage of the huge popularity of Android among the hardware manufacturers. Possibly, a wrapper may be created for the PulseAudio API to execute sound services with AudioFlinger. The opposite was deemed possible by one of the developers of PulseAudio, so it is certainly an option. This would make the typical audio-using Linux desktop application work on top of Android’s AudioFlinger on a stock Android kernel released by the SOC/board manufacturer. Other Android services may also be targeted in a similar way. Hardware accelerated video playing would be a notable example but acceleration sensor, camera and GPS services would also become easy accessible for traditional Linux applications. With such a services-migration completed, one could do a mostly complete Ubuntu port in a matter of days to Android hardware and the required skills would be way-fewer than they are now. As a result, Ubuntu would be available for almost every hardware which supports Android. Some of the ports would be done by Canonical (Nexus devices) and most of them by the community (with the Cyanogen community doing the heavy lifting in many cases). I think this is a good strategy since it brings Linux desktop applications to commodity Android hardware. Personally, I don’t care what backend services allow my applications to run as long as they do it efficiently and without (many) bugs. Closing the gap between Android technologies and the Linux desktop would allow the latter to stay competitive and make an integrated experience possible. Linux desktops would eventually become capable of running Android applications (Dalvik would be just another Java-like VM, next to OpenJDK and Snoracle Java) Also, Linux desktop applications may become able to run on Android as first-class citizens (by packaging the necessary wrapper libraries to SurfaceFlinger and others). Why do I think this is a necessity? It is widely rumored that the next major version of Android will introduce some kind of desktop environment for keyboard/mouse work. This would allow Android to start shipping on desktop PCs. Given the weight of Google, I imagine that PC vendors would immediately start selling x86/PC hardware with Android. They already do it with ChromeOS which is much more limited than Android, so a desktop-toting Android version would easily beat that in functionality (huge number of apps and an ecosystem rapidly growing up to the weight that of Windows). In an environment like that, desktop Linux would rapidly loose its remaining competitive advantage and very soon the desktop would be dominated by Android alone (only in the Linux camp, not meaning Windows, although I think that it would eventually become a strong Windows-competitor). If desktop Linux is as easy to port to any hardware as Android and runs Android apps next to traditional Linux apps, the competitive advantage remains. It is way too early to tell if the above is the plan of Canonical but using SurfaceFlinger points to this direction. I would definitely like to see Ubuntu and other desktop Linuxes on every possible Android devices. UPDATE: Soon after the article had been published, Canonical announced the development of their own compositor (Mir) and declared SurfaceFlinger as a component to be removed from the Ubuntu phablet stack. This mostly invalidates the assumption on their strategy. If Mir will be able to work with binary OpenGL ES drivers of GPU producers, that will probably make Ubuntu easier to port but definitely not as easy as an OS heavily based on Android technologies. I believe that the current market trends make Canonical’s Ubuntu for Android project the most important development in the recent history of Linux. Current trends Desktop Linux is slowly gaining market share but its advancement is excruciatingly slow. The desktop itself is loosing market share to mobile operating systems like Android and iOS primarily because Internet usage is shifting towards mobile devices. A lot of people use their mobile phone as their primary computing device and mobile phone hw is developing leaps and bounds to serve these use-cases (bigger screens, quad-core processors…etc). Due to its touch-oriented, mobile-centric features + Google’s strong push, Android is rapidly expanding its market share among the mobile operating systems and is the most successful Linux distribution ever. Ubuntu for Android (UfA) Ubuntu for Android blends Android and Ubuntu in the perfect manner. Ubuntu and Android share the same Linux kernel instance so there is no dual-booting, they run in parallel. When the need arises, the user can switch to the desktop interface of Ubuntu for productive work, typically when a mouse and keyboard gets attached to the device (via a docking station, a lapdock or simply a bluetooth keyboard/mouse) The two operating systems are completely synergistic. Some examples: Ubuntu is capable of using the databases of Android (e.g. uses Android’s contact database in the email software) Ubuntu uses Android’s network management You keep all of your touch applications and use them on the Android interface but you also have the full desktop arsenal when you switch to Desktop Mode Android’s touch applications can also be displayed on Ubuntu’s desktop interface (in windows) and you can use them with keyboard and mouse Why Android needs Ubuntu and the Linux desktop: Android is heavily touch oriented and cannot very well serve desktop-oriented productive use-cases (like editing a spreadsheet) even though ARM hardware is now absolutely capable to make a phone or a smartbook a primary computer. Desktop Mode is important in order to make a mobile device a no-compromise, primary computing solution. Today’s touch-interfaces alone can only serve content consumption. Current Android office suites are no match for LibreOffice and the touch interface in general is no match for the Desktop when productive work is to be done. Ubuntu includes a lot of other powerful desktop productivity software in their repositories. It provides the full spectrum of sophisticated software like GIMP, Open/LibreOffice, Dia, full-blown Java applications like MindCraft, SweetHome3D, TimeslotTracker, JED, Azureus…etc. Full-featured browsing with Firefox (including plugins like AdBlock), proper, full-blown email client like Thunderbird…etc. Desktop Mode is a weapon in the mobile OS wars and it would be a key feature against WinRT and iOS. WinRT will have no meaningful Desktop Mode but Apple may decide to migrate desktop features to iOS (from OS X). Since Apple’s new strategy of keeping older iOS devices on the market is very successful, Android needs further innovation and distinguishing features. This is a very good article which has similar arguments as my own. Why Linux/Ubuntu/Canonical need Android? Android is still spreading at an impressiverate. Apart from mobile phones, tablets and tablet/smartbook hybrids like the Transformer Prime, it gets into smart-TVs, set-top-boxes (Mele A1000) and other devices. Android is a well-known consumer brand now, much-much stronger than Ubuntu or Linux in general. A lot of hardware manufacturers are now releasing their devices with Android because that immediately gives market recognition and a huge selection of readily available apps. UfA has the potential for bringing a lot of users to Ubuntu/Linux and this may be the best way to achieve a much higher market penetration. Canonical may as well stop developing the standalone desktop and still have a growing penetration if UfA becomes successful. The Problems There is a set of problems ahead for UfA and Canonical. Canonical is currently focusing to dockable mobile phones as the sole target for UfA. Although it is true that mobile phones are the highest-volume Android devices at the moment, they are not necessarily the best devices for expressing the synergy between the two operating systems. Tablet/smartbook hybrids like the Transformer Prime are a more natural target since they already have a sufficiently big screen attached and keyboard/mouse built-in the docking station part of the device. For using UfA with a mobile phone (with acceptable performance) you would need a state-of-the art mobile phone and extra accessories (like a docking station). Docking stations are not widespread at all, you practically cannot buy them with the exception of some phone models like the Atrix. With the Transformer Prime+its dock, you immediately have everything you need to use UfA, no extra expenses. Ubuntu for Android is practically a closed-source product at the moment and it is not available for the general public. The reasoning behind this is somewhat understandable since installing UfA into an Android instance is a technically complex task and requires rooting the device + a lot of hw-specific settings and configurations (e.g. the X Server). It is really not like selecting an app from Google Play and pushing the Install button. For this reason, Canonical decided that it will try to market UfA exclusively through OEM partnerships so UfA will arrive pre-installed with your device or not at all. The biggest problem with the above is that it limits UfA adoption severely. Since UfA was announced and presented at the beginning of this year, we should have already heard about a lot of announcements by Canonical and device manufacturers. With the obvious lack of those announcements, we have to assume that there are not enough OEMs which recognize the importance and distinguishing features of UfA. I believe this may be the problem of chicken & egg. First, users must see UfA in action in order to recognize that they need this feature in their next phone/tablet/smartbook/set-top-box and demand it from the manufacturers. The closed-source nature of UfA also makes it impossible for the Linux community to contribute. I strongly suggest that Canonical select some successful, high-volume mobile devices which are already on the market and release UfA for them as after-market mods. My first target would be the Transformer Prime but the HTC One X and the Samsung Galaxy S3 may also be good targets. Partnering with the Cyanogen Mod team may be a good way to do this since they already support a wide range of devices (they are especially strong with HTC models) and established themselves as the prime producers of after-market ROMs. The cooperation may give birth to a special Cyanogen edition (let’s call it Cyanobuntu) in order to distinguish the base Cyanogen ROMs from the Ubuntu-extended editions. Once Cyanobuntu gets sufficiently well known on a set of devices, OEMs may be much more easier to persuade about the advantages of Ubuntu for Android. Time is of the essence Ubuntu for Android started off at a very good time but the competition is not standing in one place either. WinRT and Windows8 (for x86) tablets are coming this fall and may prove strong contenders in the mobile computing segment. Windows8 will have both an unlimited Desktop Mode and the Metro touch interface. WinRT will have no meaningful Desktop Mode but it will ship with MS Office so it will have appeal for a set of users. There is no time to loose, Android and Ubuntu must be ready when Windows 8 makes it début. Many have predicted, that tablets will replace netbooks completely. While I cannot agree with this absolute statement, I admit that tablets serve a set of use-cases better than netbooks. The touch-interface and low power-consumption of tablets make content consumption more comfortable (e.g. no heating, no fan-noise, longer battery runtime, less weight to lug around…etc). That said, there are areas where tablets just cannot give enough. For example, any kind of work which requires more serious input while being mobile. The problem of efficient input can be solved with accessories like a bluetooth mouse and keyboard. Usually, when you prepare your tablet for extra-home journeys, you buy a case which also hosts the keyboard. If we stop here for a moment, we may realize that a tablet in a foldable bluetooth keyboard case is actually a modular netbook (or a smartbook if you like) which is capable of loosing its keyboard for added mobility. This realization, however, is imprecise because the typical netbook software stack is mostly missing: a full-featured office suite, a browser with your favourite extensions and all of the desktop bells-and-whistles you are used to. How could we improve on this situation? In the case of Linux based mobile operating systems like Android, WebOS and MeeGo, the answer is fairly simple: bring back the Desktop Mode as the second work environment besides the touch interface. Desktop Mode may automatically activate when you attach a keyboard or a mouse and runs all of your traditional Linux desktop applications. The user is of course should be allowed to easily switch between touch-mode and desktop mode (preferably with a dedicated hw button) If you think this as a lunacy, think again. Microsoft has already announced that Windows 8 will have this double nature (the metro UI for touch applications and the desktop for traditional applications). Some people think that the typical ARM based tablet hardware would not be able to run desktop heavyweights like OpenOffice and Firefox. They are wrong and nothing proves this better than the Ubuntu ports already done for the Toshiba AC100 (a video about it is here). This video clearly demonstrates that Tegra2 level hardware with even 512Mb of RAM (and run from an external SD card) is capable of running these applications with acceptable speed (e.g.: cold startup time of 8 seconds for OpenOffice 3.2 Writer). We can safely say that a HP Touchpad’s dual-core SOC overclocked to 1.7Ghz will run these applications significantly faster from the internal SSD and with 1GB of RAM. An even more powerful, Kal-El (Tegra3) based tablet with 1-2GB of RAM will clearly pass Atom-based netbook performance. Of course, there have already been attempts for providing the Desktop Mode for Android machines. The Webtop interface of the Motorola Atrix is fundamentally a desktop environment, albeit a very limited one. As I have suggested recently for the HP Touchpad, I believe that every Linux based mobile OS should provide a lightweight desktop environment and a full complement of desktop applications by default (or at least an extremely easy way to install them). Only this way can they counter the very real advantage a dual-mode Window8 would have. The Touchpad has been discontinued by HP when the company has changed its business strategy recently (getting rid of the whole PC business arm). A lot of people think that this was an absolutely unnecessary and sorely mistaken step, especially in light of the possible revival of the Touchpad after the PC business has been separated. Not that the Touchpad is a very competitive device in its current form. It has many glaring design mistakes by HP like missing ports (HDMI out, USB host), no expandable storage …etc but it also has many good features like its high-quality IPS-screen, Beats audio system and over-clockable processor. WebOS also has a huge disadvantage compared to iOS and Android: very few applications, and this seems to be quite a show-stopper in the current situation (a chicken-and-egg problem). How could HP make this product more successful without resorting to souch brutal fire-sales like the one we have recently seen? I believe, that HP should exploit one of the big strengths of the core of WebOS: Linux. WebOS is built on the Linux kernel and it already uses a set of Linux desktop technologies on top of it (Gstreamer, PulseAudio…etc). In a particular sense, it is a heavily customized Linux distribution (distro), like Ubuntu, which is purposefully made incompatible with the grand armada of Linux desktop applications in order to allow applications which use strictly WebOS-only APIs. The development strategy of allowing WebOS-only applications makes sense, since it ensures a consistent level of user experience (e.g.: all applications are properly touch-oriented) and makes it easy to enhance the foundations of WebOS without breaking applications. However, it locks HP into an uphill battle which seems impossible to win from the current situation. Therefore, I suggest a change of development strategy, which concurrently allows significantly enhancing the number of applications available for WebOS and makes the system appealing for different use-cases. The main component of the new strategy would be to allow running full-desktop Linux applications on the Touchpad in a so-called Desktop Mode. This Desktop Mode would automatically activate when WebOS senses a keyboard or mouse attached to the system (only Bluetooth in case of the Touchpad). Desktop Mode would make it possible to use the TouchPad as a Linux netbook while keeping the touch oriented interface for the tablet-mode. Best of both worlds. Desktop Mode would be a completely standard, lightweight Linux desktop (e.g: XFCE). and would run the traditional Linux desktop applications and also display the WebOS applications in separate windows. This work environment would not be very different from the Webtop interface of the Motorola Atrix but it would not be such a limited environment. It would be a full-blown, configurable Linux desktop with all of its advantages. Ideally, you should be able to easily switch back and forth between the Desktop Mode and the Card Interface of WebOS (possibly with a dedicated hw button on new models). Since Desktop Mode would run every imaginable Linux desktop applications (including Java, Python and even Mono ones), it would make the TouchPad an extremely versatile mobile device. It would be more welcome in the enterprise than its competitors. The hardware of the TouchPad (dual-core processor clocked at 1.7 Ghz and 1GB RAM) should be absolutely able to handle both Desktop Mode and the Card Interface applications concurrently. Obviously, desktop heavyweights like OpenOffice would open and run slower, but I imagine they would be fast enough to be usable. HP could ship Desktop Mode with lightweight applications (Abiword, Gnumeric…etc) while allowing the easy installation of heavy programs (at your own peril). The best option for the Desktop Mode would be a chrooted Ubuntu instance because that would mean a very powerful application environment with a lot of readily installable aplications in its repositories (appstore). The WebOS Internals team already ship the X-Server for WebOS, so a well-working Linux desktop is absolutely doable on top of WebOS. HP could also sell a netbook-kit as an accessory to the Touchbook, which would include a case with a built-in stand and a built-in keyboard. When the TouchPad is in the case and oriented for netbook-mode, the Desktop Mode would automatically activate. Of course, this solution would not fully compensate the inherent weaknesses of the Touchpad but it would make it more appealing for those people who consider netbooks as usable devices and expect their tablet to be as capable as their predecessors in mobility. The AC100 is an early attempt from Toshiba to create an ARM based netbook (a smartbook) with Nvidia’s successful Tegra2 chipset. Although, the AC100 looks like proper hardware design, it became only mildly successful. Some of the reasons may have to do with the primary operating system, Android (see my earlier article about this) but even more can be attributed to the design decisions Toshiba made. Since these machines are now available in my home country (Hungary) at quite attractive price points (~$250 USD, some people seem to be trying to get rid of it soon after purchase) I can’t help bumping into it all the time. Since I am a gadget fan, I always have my hand trembling seeing those prices and I need to cool myself down before doing some impulse-buy, I regret later. What could make me click on the “Buy” button? More memory First of all, 1-2GB of RAM instead of the measly 512MB the AC100 hosts. Why the heck tried Toshiba sell a netbook with 512MB of RAM when ALL of the Atom N450 netbooks seemed to come with 1-2 GB at that time? This amount of RAM would allow to slap Ubuntu onto the machine and not worry about running out of memory when loading up OpenOffice. Ubuntu has been demonstrated on the AC100 and even looks snappy. (see this site dedicated to Ubuntu on the AC100). Toshiba could easily put 2GB of RAM into the machine without major cost-increase. Desktop OS and/or Android Putting 1-2GB of RAM into the AC100 would open the gate for using a proper, netbook-oriented desktop OS which can take advantage of the form-factor. They should use Ubuntu, since that could be fixed up on this hardware in no time (especially if they purchase some consultancy from Canonical). I don’t think that Android needs to stay on the machine but if Toshiba still thinks it is such a good idea for any user-group, they could make the AC100 dual-boot, or even better, run both OSes in parallel (2GB of RAM would make this absolutely possible). Android would be the light-and-easy OS on the device but the user could any time switch to a full Ubuntu desktop with an Android launcher icon and start using OpenOffice or other decent desktop software. The paravirtualization developed by B-labs would be an instant solution for this problem and would future proof the machine for a possible Windows8 scenario later. More battery The 8 hour runtime of the AC100 is decent enough but more battery-time is always welcome. The enclosure has a LOT of free/empty space under the keyboard due to the ultra-compact nature of Tegra2 and its supporting circuitry. Toshiba should again take advantage of the form-factor and add one or more extra battery docking bays under the keyboard which could extend the runtime to 16-24 hours. (Admittedly, they would make the unit weight much more but since these batteries would be optional, this decision would be up to the user. A 24-hour runtime with a 3-battery arrangement would make the AC100 extremely appealing for a large-set of users. It would be acceptable that the batteries are charged in series (so the recharge process is lengthier) so that Toshiba doesn’t have to switch to a more expensive power supply. (Although the power supply issue is probably not a serious cost factor). What else Of course, there would be a lot of things to be improved (more USB ports, higher-resolution display…etc) but I tried to draw up things which require smaller redesign so that an improved version could be implemented faster. I believe the AC100 line could be made really successful and Toshiba should take steps to make this happen. According to this article, Microsoft is pestering Intel to produce low-power Atom-based, x86 processors for server machines. I am wondering why they would force this direction. Do they know server requirements better than Intel? Why do they think that low-power x86 server chips are so important? I believe the answer comes from the following factors: Power efficiency is becoming more and more important in the server room. Intel processors (Microsoft’s home turf) have less than stellar watt/performance efficiency but they are the best in raw performance / cores. ARM provides the best watt/performance in general computing (far far better than Intel x86) and ARM is seemingly scalable to the server performance range (with multiple cores and coming to 28nm high-performance production processes) Microsoft doesn’t have a server operating system presence on the ARM architecture. Linux on the other hand runs on ARM, has optimized distributions for ARM SOCs. If 4-16 core ARM server processors appear in the near future, servers built with them would have superior watt/performance ratios so they may quickly gain acceptance. These systems would be perfectly served by Linux distributions (Red Hat, Ubuntu, Suse) and Microsoft could not offer anything for them. Linux is already the strongest player in the datacenter and this would grow its market share considerably while reducing the market-share of Windows simultaniously. Even if Microsoft manages to create a stable Win8 server OS solution with all the required additional Windows sw (database systems, application servers…etc) on ARM in 2-3 years, it will be pretty much too late. They will need to play catch-up with Linux. The Microsoft Win8 solution will have to sell for peanuts to be in the game which would make it very much unprofitable in the short-medium run. Moreover, as x86 server market share goes down, their x86 Windows Server OS profits also go down. All in all: If ARM processors appear in the market in the near future, Microsoft may face a steep uphill battle in the datacenter. If x86 based Atom server can slow down the onslaught of ARM servers, Microsoft may gain enough time to come up with a Win8/ARM server solution and avoid serious loss of server market-share. Reading about the likely launch of Tegra3 at Mobile World Congress 2011 and seeing this video, one cannot help wondering how big a mistake Intel made when denied Atom hardware interfaces from Nvidia some time ago. Doing that, it practically forced Nvidia to abandon mobile-x86 solutions and pour all of its resources into Tegra/ARM development. Nvidia has recently announced its Project Denver effort which also shows how seriously the graphics company wants to transform into an all-out computer technology company shipping mobile, desktop and server processors as well not only graphics solutions. As a result, Intel will have to face not only AMD in the desktop/server segment but a big-name ARM technologist as well. (And several smaller ones like Nufront) If Nvidia can produce this on the GlobalFoundries 28nm process (or similar), we can be quite certain that the new SOC will still be viable for smartphones and will be an extremely appealing solution for tablets and Motorola Atrix-like phone/netbook/tablet modular solutions. It will make Moorestown Atoms a very-very hard sell for Intel in the mobile phone and tablet space since the computing-power advantage of Moorestown is gone and Tegra3 will be much more efficient (being an all-out ARM solution). Android-centered OEMs will most likely go with ARM anyway and if there is a big-name producer like Nvidia with a powerful solution for their premium products, they will certainly pick that up instead of the Intel gear. And this is only the mobile space. When Project Denver from Nvidia and Nufront start selling ARM based server SOCs, Intel will have to fight a battle in the datacenter which was absolutely home-turf so far. All of this may not have happened at all (or would have happened years later, giving Moorestown a chance) if Intel had not chosen to deny Nvidia the hardware interfaces for building Ion2. They switched a huge threat and possible cut-throat competition in every computing segment for a very short-term gain in one segment.

The general hospitals' role in the care of the seriously disabled mentally ill. Acute-care general hospitals play an important role in the care of the seriously disabled mentally ill (SDMI), especially in the State of Hawaii. Currently there are 4 private hospitals on the island of Oahu that have acute psychiatric wards: (1) Castle Medical Center has a unit with both locked and unlocked wards; (2) The queen's Medical Center (QMC) has a unit with locked and unlocked wards as well as a 24-hour psychiatric resident physician coverage for the emergency room; (3) St. Francis Hospital has a small unlocked combined medical and psychiatric unit; and (4) Kahi Mohala, a psychiatric hospital, has a large locked and unlocked unit. In addition, Tripler Medical Center serves military-related cases on Oahu and there are 3 Neighbor Island general hospital psychiatric units. The emergency rooms in the acute hospitals are the frequent entryways to the care system for the SDMI. For many such patients, they continue to be the focus for treatment and, for some, they are almost the exclusive source of treatment.

SH479, a Betulinic Acid Derivative, Ameliorates Experimental Autoimmune Encephalomyelitis by Regulating the T Helper 17/Regulatory T Cell Balance. CD4+ T helper cells, especially T helper 17 (TH17) cells, combined with immune regulatory network dysfunction, play key roles in autoimmune diseases including multiple sclerosis (MS). Betulinic acid (BA), a natural pentacyclic triterpenoid, has been reported to be involved in anti-inflammation, in particular having an inhibitory effect on proinflammatory cytokine interleukin 17 (IL-17) and interferon-γ (IFN-γ) production. In this study, we screened BA derivatives and found a BA derivative, SH479, that had a greater inhibitory effect on TH17 differentiation. Our further analysis showed that SH479 had a greater inhibitory effect on TH17 and TH1, and a more stimulatory effect on regulatory T (Treg) cells. To evaluate the effects of SH479 on autoimmune diseases in vivo, we employed the extensively used MS mouse model experimental autoimmune encephalomyelitis (EAE). Our results showed that SH479 ameliorated clinical and histologic signs of EAE in both prevention and therapeutic protocols by regulating the TH17/Treg balance. SH479 dose-dependently reduced splenic lymphocyte proinflammatory factors and increased anti-inflammatory factors. Moreover, SH479 specifically inhibited splenic lymphocyte viability from EAE mice but not normal splenic lymphocyte viability. At the molecular level, SH479 inhibited TH17 differentiation by regulating signal transducer and activator of transcription-3 (STAT3) phosphorylation, DNA binding activity, and recruitment to the Il-17a promoter in CD4+ T cells. Furthermore, SH479 promoted the STAT5 signaling pathway and inhibited the nuclear factor kappa-light-chain-enhancer of activated B cells (NF-κB) signaling pathway. Together, our data demonstrated that SH479 ameliorated EAE by regulating the TH17/Treg balance through inhibiting the STAT3 and NF-κB pathways while activating the STAT5 pathway, suggesting that SH479 is a potential novel drug candidate for autoimmune diseases including MS.

Wednesday, April 30, 2008 The BCS is just fine thanks BCS caretakers are currently huddled in an oceanfront resort in Florida discussing any tweaks to make the system better. [extreme sarcasm on] As if you could make this perfect system better?!? [extreme sarcasm off] Up for discussion is the idea of a plus-one model where four teams would participate in a semifinal before the actual national championship. Now, we at TNL highly endorse anything that gets college football closer to a playoff to truly decide the national champion... like... on the field... you know... so it's actually won and not calculated by some computer. What a thought. Unfortunately, standing in the way with crossed arms and a stern look is none other than our glorious commissioner Jim Delany. The plus-one may not seem complicated. But the plan requires unanimous approval, and the Big Ten and Pac-10 have already made clear they oppose it. The other conferences have been noncommittal. Big Ten commissioner Jim Delany said Monday that moving to a plus-one would equate to a playoff, and he sees no support for that option among the league's pesidents. God, Jim's easy to love isn't he? But don't throw hate Jim's way it's not all his fault, or so he would have you believe. "The perception that the Big Ten and Pac-10 are holding this back is not right," Delany said, after exiting a Tuesday morning meeting of conference commissioners and bowl and television representatives at an oceanfront hotel here. "We're seen as obstructionists when we did what we did to evolve the system. The calls for change are external. Ask others here how strongly they feel for a call for change. I don't see it." "I think there are a lot of other people who like where they are, but they should say it," Delany said. "There are others in the room who like where we're at. There are no raised voices here. Everybody's mind is open for discussion." Yes, I'm sure all the commissioners from the major conferences love the cash cow that you've created for them and don't want that aspect to change. While I could sit here and opine all day about the financial side of things the truth of the matter is this system has very little support among the people that actually support the schools: the fans. But don't let that get in the way, we're unimportant. [extreme sarcasm on] What's really at stake here is the student athletes. [extreme sarcasm off] Swofford said league commissioners and athletic directors attending the BCS meetings have raised specific concerns about the plus-one model. The logistical difficulties of getting a team from a potential semifinal game at Dolphin Stadium in Miami to a championship game in Glendale, Ariz., seven days later, is among the concerns. Swofford said having a two-week period between the semifinals and BCS title game, like the NFL does with the conference championship games and Super Bowl, probably isn't plausible because university presidents have adamantly opposed extending college football's postseason beyond he first week of January. "You run into the problem of taking it too deeply into second semester, which the presidential level says is unacceptable," Swofford said. Yes, getting a WHOLE team from point A to point B WOULD prove extremely difficult because it's so hard to find a plane these days. We certainly wouldn't want to run into the second semester because... ah... well... I have no idea but it's just bad, take our word for it. As silly as that is the next statement is just absurd on new levels. "The BCS has had controversy, but it's done some things well," Delany said. "I think everybody would have to concede it has done some things well. Even when the coaches and sportswriters were determining the national champion, there was controversy." Delany said college football's rising popularity is proof the current BCS format works. First and foremost I concede nothing, it's a heaping pile of smelly dog shit that is worse than the previous method and solves nothing. The only thing it's accomplished is to create a revenue stream for the major conferences and their members while all but eliminating small schools from getting their piece of the pie. It has done a fantastic job at that but I wouldn't call that a good thing. Lastly, Delany must have smoked some good shit in Florida if he thinks his last statement isn't retarded in every sense of the word. The rising popularity is proof that the BCS is liked by the fans?!? By that logic one could conclude that the explosion of AIDS in Africa is proof people actually like the disease. Sorry, Jim I don't believe you when you say there isn't voice for change and I certainly don't believe you when you say the BCS is in good standing. It sucks and the people that suffer the most are the fans. Ask administrators from Georgia and USC what they think of the system. Hell, ask coach Paterno what he thinks of the system, he'll be happy to tell you to remove the C from the BCS, he's said so in the past. Until there's something that resembles a playoff I'll forever wave my flag. 6 comments: Anonymous said... Why wouldn't the Big Ten want to keep the current system. It has allowed an unworthy Ohio State team to get into the championship game the last two years. With all their returning players they probably have a good chance of getting back again for a third beat down next year. As a college football fan I desperately want a least a plus-one, but would definitely prefer that a playoff be implemented to 1A. I would accept at least the plus-one, but think about having 11 conference champions plus 5 at large bids playing in december/january. Yes it might be difficult and blah blah blah. Its all excuses because this is about the haves and have-nots. The big-six don't want the other conferences getting into their part of the college football money pie, which right now is being handsomely funded by the networks. The big ten benefits the most because due to all the special rose bowl deals we're virtually garunteed two spots every year. Common, you guys have to admit it is just not feasible for fans to travel through a playoff system to watch their team win a national championship. While I once agreed to sell my first born for the ticket money if Penn State ever makes a national title appearance again, imagine if the Lions were to go through a 2 round playoff in 2005. I traveled to the Orange bowl in 2005 and the trip was tiring and expensive. Transportation, hotels, dining, and tickets for Miami alone was enough to set me back quite a bit. But a BCS win was well worth it. Now imagine if it was a playoff system and Penn State had to travel to Tempe to face the winner of USC-Texas. Not only do fans have short notice to plan their next destination, imagine the logistical and financial burdens you are asking of loyal fans. Just making my voice heard supporting a very unpopular system we have currently. I have more here: A full blown playoff with 8 teams (which would mean three rounds) played in the bowls would not be feasible for fans. But a two game playoff? You know, where there's money to be made there will be opportunity. Travel agencies would buy blocks of hotel rooms at each of the sites of the plus one and offer package deals for fans. If your team doesn't win, no problem you get a refund but they could offer cheep round trip airfare/hotel combinations. They would definitely figure something out to make it affordable. I think any playoff would need to have a homefield aspect to it with the exception of the championship game. It's about time Southern teams come up to play in the cold instead of northern fans always having to travel half the country for games.

Nuclear trafficking during plant innate immunity. Land plants possess innate immune systems that can control resistance against pathogen infection. Conceptually, there are two branches of the plant innate immune system. One branch recognizes conserved features of microbial pathogens, while a second branch specifically detects the presence of pathogen effector proteins by plant resistance (R) genes. Innate immunity controlled by plant R genes is called effector-triggered immunity. Although R genes can recognize all classes of plant pathogens, the majority can be grouped into one large family, encoding proteins with a nucleotide binding site and C-terminal leucine rich repeat domains. Despite the importance and number of R genes present in plants, we are just beginning to decipher the signaling events required to initiate defense responses. Recent exciting discoveries have implicated dynamic nuclear trafficking of plant R proteins to achieve effector-triggered immunity. Furthermore, there are several additional lines of evidence implicating nucleo-cyctoplasmic trafficking in plant disease resistance, as mutations in nucleoporins and importins can compromise resistance signaling. Taken together, these data illustrate the importance of nuclear trafficking in the manifestation of disease resistance mediated by R genes.

Matthew Willis Matthew Willis may refer to: Matt Willis (born 1983), UK musician Matt Willis (American football) (born 1984), American football player Matthew Willis (musician), saxophonist Matt Willis (1913–1989), American actor, known for The Return of the Vampire and other early movies

Category: tea I had been enjoying John King’s Instagram feed when he posted the following summary of a new tea, a wild tree tea from the Bulang region in Menghai county. “Regarding these wild tree, we still don’t know how old they are.What it attracts me was the unique bitterness and soon coming Huigan (sweetness from aftertaste) and fell in love with it when I first tried it accidentally in Menghai.Always hard to find accurate description words on this bitterness.It is a wild, naughty flavor.” I do really enjoy the way John describes his teas. It is slightly poetic, yet at the same time highly specific and descriptive. As someone who enjoyed bitterness, (Broccoli Raab is one of my favorite vegetables, when I was drinking I imbibed copiously of the Amaro…) I almost felt like he was daring me to try this tea! Who wouldn’t want to try a tea with, “a wild, naughty flavor”? When I finally got around to ordering a cake of the tea he was describing, he said he would include some samples of others he thought I might like, given my interest in his Bitterly Wild and Naughty Tea. I suppose I should have considered myself warned. This tea is a blend of tea leaves from Wild trees and Old trees from the BanPen (班盆 which belongs to BanZhang tea area). The opening flavors are quite bitter, they lead to middle flavors that are OK, but not amazing. Tobacco, Leather. Where this tea shines is in its outstanding and lengthy finish, camphor like flavors which seems to almost evaporate from your tongue. Oh, and it is one of those teas where you’re a couple cups in, and realize that it is zippy. Very Zippy. Or as John says, “Strong ChaQi makes mind clear and breath smooth and clear.” Isn’t something like that the Mental Mantra from Frank Herbert’s “Dune”? As I mentioned before the Chinese region of Yunnan borders Vietnam, Laos, and Myanmar in a sort of indistinct mountainous area. Tea trees grow naturally in the neighboring areas of of all three countries. As I understand it, John King, the proprietor of King Tea Mall tried some teas in small villages of Laos near Burma and became entranced with the potential of the tea trees there. Usually, when we say “tea trees”, calling them “trees” is being generous. Most are kind of bushy and spindly, not getting much taller than a man. In commercial tea producing areas, it doesn’t make much sense to let them get too big, it just makes them harder to harvest. In these areas of Laos, some of these tea trees have been growing wild, apparently for years or decades. John has some great pictures of the workers climbing trees like squirrels to harvest the tender shoots and leaves of these enormous tea trees. I’ll let him describe the tea. “That is a flavor I have never tasted before. Though there is near the south border of YI WU tea region in China, but the taste is far different. Also different from teas from other regions in Yunnan. “Ever the bitterness turns out in the beginning or sweetness which comes from aftertaste are obvious like a weather I experienced these days in that tea sourcing trip. The sun was shining brightly. Soon a group of cloud dropped by and brought a sudden rainfall. Meanwhile, the sun was still shining from higher sky. When the cloud passed by minutes later, sky turned back to normal as before. I can’t do any better than that, but I will say the later steeps of this tea exhibit some great fruit flavors that I believe will only be enhanced as it ages. Usually, the term “Puerh” is reserved solely for tea made in Yunnan, China. Others can be called “Dark Tea”, but they aren’t Puerh. John brought in tea harvesters and processors from Yunnan, did the early stages of tea processing in Laos. Then moved the tea to Menhai, Yunnan, where the processing was completed. So, at the very least it is Laotian Tea processed in Puerh Style. I mentioned when I ordered a couple teas from Yin Xiang Hua Xia Tea, they sent along a few samples. One was this mysterious entity, marked only in Chinese characters. The single serving Chicklet/Tile shape intrigued me, but I couldn’t find anything very similar on their website. Opening the package, it seemed like a white tea of some sort. I sent a note off the the tea company asking what it was, but went ahead and brewed it at the slightly lower temps I use for white tea. When I tasted it, I was pretty sure it was a white tea, as it reminded me strongly of Fujianese Bai Mudan or White Peony type tea. It was quite tasty and surprisingly zippy, with the typical tasting notes you’d give a white tea. Light body, floral, yet earthy/minty flavors. Good length of aftertaste and a bit more re-steepability than you would expect from even a Bai Mudan. I did eventually hear back from the company and find out the tea is what they call Songya Mudan from 2012. Songya Mudan is a classification of Fujianese white tea with fewer buds than Bai Mudan. It’s important to note that the main classifications of white tea are based mostly on the ratio of buds to leaves, Silver Needle, White Peony, etc., and that they aren’t exactly related to quality of the tea. Instead, the amount of bud in the tea will affect the character of the brewed tea. In general, the more buds, the more subtle the flavor, the more leaves, the more white tea will taste like the flavors you normally associate with tea. There can be very good (and very bad) teas in any of these classifications, so it is more important to find an importer you trust, and whose taste matches yours, than to decide based solely on Silver Needle vs White Peony vs whatever. Also, Silver Needle teas, because of the increased labor involved with picking more buds per gram of tea, will be more expensive. There’s an interesting saying that the Chinese have about White Teas: “一年茶、三年药、七年宝” or “First Year it’s Tea, In the Third Year it’s Medicine, after Seven Years it’s Treasure” So, finding out Yin xiang hua xia tea, had sent me not just a sample, but an actual “treasure” was quite a surprise! As regards the medicinal claims for white tea, I will say while drinking so much White Tea through December and January, I was rarely ill, while those around me in the office fell prey repeatedly to colds and flus. Another point of interest, because the leafier versions of White Tea are so fragile, it actually makes sense to buy it in cakes. The last time I ordered White Tea from China, it was opened and inspected by US Customs. I think unpacking and squeezing the white tea bags was among their priorities, so my tea arrived pretty crushed. If I had, instead, ordered white tea cakes, it might not have been as damaged. The second (or sometimes the first ranked) green tea almost always included in the classic list of “China’s 10 Famous Teas” is called Bi luo Chun, from Suzhou in the Jiangsu province of China. Suzhou is a two hour drive North from Hangzhou, the home of Dragon Well tea. Suzhou is closer to Shanghai, basically directly West from there. This Bi Luo Chun is from Yin xiang hua xia tea and I believe it is their “Fresh Bi Luo Chun”. Bi is green, Luo is Snail, and Chun is spring, so the tea’s name translates to Green Snail Spring. The sort of double twist that the tea is shaped into is said to resemble a snail out of its shell, (though it is harder to tell with these fine buds than it was with the coarse Bi Luo Chun from Yunnan.) It is very green, especially when Fresh, and it is only harvested in spring when the buds are smallest. Bi Luo Chun is a much more delicate tea than Dragon Well. This is a particularly fine version, almost entirely the tiniest buds with very few leaves. It reminds me a bit of the Ai Lao Mountain Jade Needle White Tea, though it does have some of the same nut character as Dragon Well. It is almost light enough to be a white tea, and it is certainly as bud forward as the Jade Needle tea was, though, of course, the Yunnan tea had much larger buds than these tiny things, which are barely bigger than your fingernail. For being such a light tea, it is suprisingly re-steepable, with a clean refreshing broth and very long lasting aftertaste. I believe I’ve mentioned before, there is a classic list of “China’s 10 Famous Teas”. There’s a bit of waffling about some of the 4-6 Green Teas usually on the list, but one that is always on, and almost always first, is Long Jing Dragonwell from Hangzhou in China’s Zhejiang province. I’ve had a bit of a love/hate/fear relationship with Dragon Well tea. I drank it almost exclusively for several years, accidentally super overdosed one time, and now am a bit nervous about trying it again. The problem with highly regarded, highly produced, highly desired, and often expensive Chinese teas, is, you run the risk that the producers will use chemicals or you will actually not get what you asked for. Like the fact that far more Olive Oil is sold as Italian Extra Virgin Olive Oil than could possibly be produced in Italy, more tea is sold as “Long Jing Dragonwell” than could possibly be produced in that Chinese province. Most often it is simply green tea from another region made in the style of Dragon Well. I sort of suspect the tea I had such an adverse reaction to may not have been actual Dragon Well and may have been treated with chemicals. In any case, that is not this Dragon Well. You can see the typical flattened spear shape and lighter olive green color. Brewed well with water this tea expresses a wonderful nutty taste, chestnut is the flavor used to describe what it evokes, but I get a little bit of coconut. It has a rich broth, lingering flavor, and re-steepability beyond what you would expect from a green tea. There is a little bit of tannic sensation in the later steeps, but no bitterness at all. I brewed it in a Gaiwan, though it is more typical to brew Dragon Well Tea in a pitcher or glass, refilling with water as you go along. I’m glad I overcame my reluctance and renewed my acquaintance with Dragon Well, one of China’s Top Teas. So, one of the fun things about writing about tea on instagram is that there is a pretty active community of tea drinkers and tea marketers. As I mentioned before, it’s not that unusual to post about a type of tea and have someone message you and say, “If you liked their Baihaoyinzhen, you need to try my Baihaoyinzhen!” Which is pretty fun. I was kind of finishing up with White Tea by this point, but I thought, “Why Not?” Plus, they had some other pretty tempting teas listed on their Instagram Account. Anyway, if you are looking for a very good Fuding White Tea, you should think about ordering from Yin Xiang Hua Xia Tea, as this is about the best White Tea of this type I’ve tried. Amazingly clean taste, great re-steepability, and a length of aftertaste that just won’t quit. Not to mention a nice zippy buzz. When I first started writing about tea on instagram, I got a message out of the blue from Chao Zhou Tea Growers, aka @wudongtea, asking if I would like to try some Organic Oolong Tea. Oolong tea is not particularly common in the US. I had tried a few over the years, but didn’t really know much about it. In fact, I had sort of been avoiding it, as from what I had read, Oolong was basically a whole other world of tea and tea terminology from the basics of White, Green, and Black teas. Many Oolong teas are highly coveted and often quite expensive. But, how could I refuse some samples? The usual rule with these deals, I come to understand, is, you buy some of their teas, and they send along some small samples of their other teas. The first batch, I bought 100g of their Honey Orchid Oolong, and they sent along samples of their Ya Shi Xiang, aka Duck Poop Fragrance varietal tea. I drank all the Honey Orchid, but really liked their Duck Shit Oolong, so decided to re-up my supply of that with my next order. The previous bunch of teas and samples they had sent had all been in the “Orchid” family of flavors, so I asked them to send me a couple samples that were different varietals/flavors/fragrances. I sort of thought yesterday’s “Jade Dragon” would be the highlight of the Yunnan Sourcing Spring 2018 Green Tea Sampler, but this tea is even more interesting. First, due to the name of the village it is grown in. “This lovely tea is grown in Mengku County of Lincang in a village called “Dofu Zhai” (aka Tofu Village).” Tofu Village! Second, it is a special varietal local to “Tofu Village” that is a hybrid of pure Camellia sinensis var. assamica and another varietal called “Change Ye Bai Hao”. The name, “Song Zhen,” (or “Pine Needles,”) of course, comes from the appearance of the processed tea. After the “kill green” step, they are rolled super tightly along the rib to have the appearance, for all anyone knows, of being a pile of pine needles. But, mostly, the tea is amazing due to its flavor. It comes out of the gate with a buttery caramel-esque flavor. Seriously. Which gives way to a mild stonefruit core. Finishes with sweetness, a touch of astringency, a very pleasant buzz, and a camphor/menthol sensation that seems to evaporate from your tongue. The term “Pekoe” in the name of this tea is a bit confusing for me. Usually, “Pekoe” refers, when combined with the word “Orange”, to a non-tippy type of broken black tea, from an obscure British/Dutch tea classification system. However, as soon as I taste this tea, I am far less confused. While it isn’t quite the green powerhouse that the Teng Chong Hui Long Zhai was, nor is it the mild mannered tea of either the Green Snail or the Cui Ming. It charts a nice path right down the upper middle of the green teas I’ve tried, with very good vegetal pea/bean flavor, nice re-steepability, and a lengthy sweet after-taste. And a pleasantly zippy caffeine buzz. I could defintely drink the heck out of this one, whatever its pedigree. There are a group of teas, or type of teas, which are classically called, “China’s 10 Famous Teas” (or sometimes 8 famous teas). This classification goes back to before the communist revolution, at least late 1800s or early 1900s, maybe earlier. The list slightly varies a bit from source to source, but it is usually about half green tea. At the time, among those green teas, Lake Tai/Dongting Green Snail Spring from Suzhou, Jiangsu, was often considered the best of the best. Suzhou is in the Central Eastern province, Jiangsu, near Shanghai. This isn’t Lake Tai/Dongting Green Snail. It is from Yunnan, which is a province in Southern China, bordering Myanmar, Laos, and Vientam. The tea grown in the Jiangsu area tend to be on small leafed bushes. The tea grown in Yunnan area tend to be on big leafed, well, actual trees. Distinct varieties of tea are grown in each area, due to the differences in climate. I haven’t had actual Bi Luo Chun from Jiangsu, so I can’t tell you how much this one resembles the other, but given the differences in regions, I don’t actually expect that this Yunnan Green Snail Bi Luo Chun tastes much like the real thing, from Jiangsu. However, another distinguishing factor in “Green Snail” tea is how it is formed. As I mentioned, after the “Kill Green” step, green tea is usually formed into shapes which allow it to be stored without damaging the leaves. In the case of “Green Snail” the tea is formed into a sort of double coil. First the leaf is rolled vertically, then it is rolled horizontally. The shape is said to resemble a snail which has been cooked and pulled out of its shell. Well, which you can see from the picture, it does. Yum. While this tea may not be real “Bi Luo Chun” from Jiangsu, it is a very solid green tea. I find with these assortments from Yunnan Sourcing, there is usually a couple exceptional teas, one unusual tea, and one that is just a solid, well priced example of the classification. A daily drinker, if you will. This tea seems to be the daily drinker in this bunch. It is a super solid example of Yunnan green tea. Good clean flavor, forgiving of careless brewing, stands up to multiple brews, but doesn’t require it. I took it to my Mom’s house over the holiday and drank it every day.

Detection of Blastomyces dermatitidis antigen in patients with newly diagnosed blastomycosis. Blastomycosis is a serious and potentially fatal infection, and diagnosis can be difficult at times. We evaluated the diagnostic utility of a commercially available assay for detection of Blastomyces dermatitidis antigen, recently modified to permit quantitation, in subjects with newly diagnosed blastomycosis. Twenty-three of 27 (85.1%) subjects had detectable B. dermatitidis antigenuria. In 2 of these 23, positive results were obtained after concentration of the urine specimen. Nine of 11 (81.8%) subjects had detectable B. dermatitidis antigen in serum, including 3 subjects with negative results before treatment of serum with ethylenediaminetetraacetic acid (EDTA) and positive results after EDTA treatment. B. dermatitidis antigen was not detected in specimens from 50 control subjects but was detected in 15 patients with histoplasmosis. B. dermatitidis antigen was detected in most of the patients with blastomycosis and can be a useful tool for timely diagnosis.

Search through deals Best Electronics Deals Get daily deals delivered to your inbox! The best deals in the world, sorted by newest added to our database, is shown below. Choose a deals category to limit the display to those deals. Everyday, the Wise Bread deals team hand-picks the top 20 deals of the day. Enter your email address above to subscribe to Wise Bread's Best Deals Today newsletter. HP Home & Home Office discounts a selection of desktops, laptops, tablets, printers, and more as part of its Winter Sale. Plus, all items bag free shipping. Printers start at $29.99, tablets start at $99.99, desktops start at $199.99, and laptops start from $299.99. Best Buy offers the Google Chromecast Streaming Media Player bundled with a $20 Google Play Store credit for $29.99 with free shipping. It attaches to your HDTV's HDMI port and connects to your wireless network to receive streaming online video, music, websites, and more from your smartphone, tablet, or laptop. HP Home & Home Office Store takes up to 50% off sitewide, including laptops, desktops, monitors, printers, and accessories as part of its HP High Performance Sale. Even better, coupon code "15HPDEALNEWS" takes $15 off orders of $75 or more, or get 20% off $999 or more via coupon code "PC12999". (The 20% off won't stack with existing discounts; it will replace them.) Ending today, Lenovo cuts up to 45% off a selection of its Lenovo laptops, desktops, and tablets during its New Year, New Savings Sale. (Some items require coupons listed on product pages for discounts while others have instant savings. Desktops and tablets are available under the grey banners at the top of the page.) Plus, all orders receive free shipping. eBay takes up to 86% off a wide selection of electronics, apparel, accessories, phones, and more as part of its Year-End Deal Frenzy. (The sale banner advertises up to 70% off, but we found larger discounts within.) Plus, all items bag free shipping. Ending today, NeweggFlash cuts up to 84% off a selection of laptops, desktops, headphones, routers, and more as part of its Year-End Clearance Sale, with prices starting at $2.29. Plus, all orders receive free shipping. Save on hard drives cases, cables, speakers, IP cameras, and much more. AT&T cuts $20 off accessories orders of $25 or more via coupon code "COLIN20" or "ETHAN20". Even better, purchase two or more accessories and receive an extra 20% off. Plus, all orders qualify for free shipping. With many items available in-store only, Fry's Electronics discounts a selection of TVs, laptops, tablets, home theater and audio items, and more during its After Christmas Sale. For items available online, shipping starts at $1.99, but many orders bag free shipping. (Note that stock is limited.) Today only, Office Depot and OfficeMax takes up to 50% off a selection of computers, electronics, and more as part of its Flash Sale. Shipping starts at $9.95, but orders over $35 receive free shipping. Starting January 2015, T-Mobile will implement Un-carrier 8.0, which will let customers roll unused high-speed data into the next month. Plus, all eligible customers will get a 10GB starting Data Stash. (Unused data rolls over into the stash.) It's available for select postpaid Simple Choice plans; click here for more details. Best Buy cuts up to 25% off select items as part of its Green Monday 2-Day Sale. Plus, these items are eligible for free shipping. Items on sale include laptops, monitors, HDTVs, cameras, watches, and more. Best Buy cuts up to 25% off select items as part of its Green Monday 2-Day Sale. Plus, these items are eligible for free shipping. Items on sale include laptops, monitors, HDTVs, cameras, watches, and more. Best Buy takes up to $200 off 20 items as part of its Early Access Black Friday Deals via the coupon codes listed on the sale page. Plus, most items bag free shipping. (For orders under $35, it starts at $1.99.) Sony discounts a selection of electronics as part of its Black Friday Week Specials. Plus, many items include free gifts, such as cases and memory cards. Even better, all orders receive free shipping. Shop for HDTVs, smartphones, digital cameras, headphones, and home theater speaker systems.

Q: Constant Password Checking? I have read on stackoverflow the following: never store the users password or even a hash of the password in session or cookie data. I'm in the middle of making a system to check for a constant password, if it's different from one saved in a session, then force a logout; something like facebook does? When you change your password, or a password has been changed, you get logged out. My code follows below: function ConstantPassword($Password) { if ($_SESSION['Password'] !== $Password) { include "Logout.php"; } } But, If it's said not to store passwords in a session/cookie? What could be another workaround for this? A: You can do the check once, and then store a $_SESSION['logged_in'] = TRUE variable. On logging out, you unset($_SESSION['logged_in']) it and session_destroy() the session. No need to put the password nor the salt in the session. Also, you should not implement passwords on your own but instead, use this: https://github.com/ircmaxell/password_compat It's the library that's going to be in PHP 5.5.