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69945557

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Victor%20Folke%20Nelson

Victor Folke Nelson

Victor Folke Nelson (June 5, 1898 – December 9, 1939) was a Swedish-American writer, prisoner, and prison reform advocate. He spent many years incarcerated in both the New York and Massachusetts prison systems and came to the attention of neurologist Abraham Myerson and penologist Thomas Mott Osborne for his potential as a writer. In 1932, Nelson published his book Prison Days and Nights. Early life Victor Folke Nelson was born in Malmö, Sweden on June 5, 1898 to Anna Pehrson and Carl Nelson. Victor's parents immigrated to the state of Massachusetts, USA with him and his three siblings when he was three years old. The Nelson family struggled economically and Victor's mother died when he was seven years old. Victor spent the next six years in Swedish Lutheran Orphanage of Massachusetts. Orphanage records documented that Victor was bright but had difficulties constructively managing his boredom. He frequently ran away and was eventually placed in the Lyman School for Boys. He served in the British Royal Flying Corps from 1916 to 1918, then enlisted in the United States Naval Reserve in 1918. Incarceration Victor Nelson's first charge of larceny occurred when he was 18 years old, but was discharged by a grand jury in New York City. He was incarcerated twice in the Portsmouth Naval Prison—punishment for his absence without leave—where he met and worked as an office clerk for then prison commander Thomas Mott Osborne. Nelson received a dishonorable discharge from the US Naval Reserve in 1920. He cycled in and out of various New York and Massachusetts prisons from 1920 to 1932, spending a total of 12 and a half years incarcerated, primarily for robbery and larceny crimes. In May of 1921, at age 22, Nelson made a sensational and highly publicized run and escape from Charlestown State Prison in Massachusetts. He spent some days planning his escape, even modifying a pair of prison-issued shoes, replacing the heavy soles with homemade felt soles to enable both speed and silent running. He made his break from a line of 13 prisoners after attending evening school in the prison chapel. Despite an attempted intervening tackle from a prisoner trusty and bullets from a guard's gun, Nelson ran some distance, leapt, caught the lower end of the window bars, and scaled the 40-foot high wall of the prison's Cherry Hill section. At the top of the wall, he performed "what was always believed an impossible stunt: throwing his body across a 10-foot space to the wall," where he managed to catch hold of the false coping of a small building in the corner where the south wing joined the main wall. The top of the false coping was too wide for him to grip with his fingers, but he managed to catch it with the crooks of his arms, regain his balance, and then topple over the outer wall to drop 30 feet down to the Boston and Maine railroad tracks, where two brakemen who saw him made no effort to stop him. Nelson’s friends gave him money for clothing and on the day of his escape Nelson joined a game of "scrub" baseball at Boston Common while authorities were searching for him. He remained in Boston for ten days, then traveled through Massachusetts, West Virginia, New York, and Pennsylvania before heading to Ohio. While in Pennsylvania he took a job selling enlarged photographs—work that he was able to continue doing for his employer as a traveling salesmen when worries about being detected by law enforcement made him eager to leave Pittsburgh—and he briefly stayed in East Liverpool, Ohio, due to interest in a local girl he had encountered on the train. After just a short time in East Liverpool, Nelson was nearly apprehended by a team of Pennsylvania and Ohio detectives, but he managed to escape across the state line into West Virginia where none of the detectives had jurisdiction to make arrests. In August 1921, Nelson learned that Thomas Mott Osborne was touring the region to promote a film Osborne had sponsored, The Right Way, and would be speaking at a Cincinnati movie theatre. During his lecture, Osborne spoke about how the new Secretary of the Navy appointed by President Warren G. Harding had terminated the Mutual Welfare League program for prisoners that Osborne had started at Portsmouth Naval Prison, which was a program that had impressed Nelson deeply. Osborne also bemoaned those prisoners who had given innovative prison reform programs a bad name by failing to live constructively after release from prison. Nelson approached Osborne after the lecture, telling Osborne he felt regret for having been the type of prisoner who undermined public faith in Osborne’s prison reform work. Nelson agreed to leave Cincinnati and return to Osborne’s home in Auburn, New York. Nelson remained in Osborne’s home for a week and then was accompanied by Osborne when he decided to turn himself in to Charleston Prison Warden Elmer E. Shattuck. At Nelson's subsequent resentencing trial, Osborne testified on his behalf and helped to persuade the judge not to add too much time to Nelson's sentence as extra punishment for having escaped, despite the protest of Warden Shattuck and the district attorney. During a 1931 hiatus from incarceration Nelson lived with friends in New York, who expected Nelson would work as a writer. Nelson instead picked up odd jobs around the neighborhood, but "failed to do satisfactory work." Nelson's friends subsequently paid his way to Sweden in hopes of getting him out of the neighborhood setting, but Nelson was sent back to the United States by Swedish relatives after one month and soon recidivated. Throughout his years of incarceration and paroles, Nelson at times struggled with morphia addiction and excessive drinking, and he later published writing giving personal insight into the patterns of drug use and recidivism to which many prisoners fall prey. Nelson's final prison sentence was from 1930 to 1932, after which he paroled under the supervision of Abraham Myerson, though he would have additional encounters with the law in his troubled later years. Writing career and marriage Progressive prison official Thomas Mott Osborne and neurologist Abraham Myerson both recognized Victor Nelson's potential as a writer. Before being reincarcerated in 1924, Nelson had worked for Osborne as a librarian and literary assistant while on parole. In a series of articles entitled "In a Prison Cell I Sat," which Nelson wrote for The Boston Record from December 1932 to January 1933, Nelson credited Osborne for inspiring him to cultivate his intellectual pursuits, stating "...the more I read and studied, the stronger became my desire for the intellectual things in life." Osborne served as an informal academic advisor to Nelson, frequently sending him books and suggestions about courses of study. Nelson found his way to additional books through citations listed in the books Osborne sent him. Nelson also became interested in strengthening his skills in the written form of the Swedish language of his childhood, so he acquired the necessary reference books and practiced by translating Scandinavian stories into English. He sent some of these translations to a friend in New York, who then forwarded the translations to a magazine, which resulted in some of the translations being published. Nelson would later publish a piece in The Boston Record in which he would state: "I had always nursed a strong desire to write, and the translating proved to be the accidental means of making me a writer." Nelson easily learned foreign languages, and Boston news reporter Charles P. Haven once wrote that Nelson could "translate foreign books into sparkling English prose." While incarcerated in the Auburn State Prison in New York, Nelson took Columbia University extension courses in writing and began publishing articles on penology. In 1930 he won a Writers' Club of Columbia University prize for his essay "Is Honesty Abnormal?" In 1929 he published a review on The Mårbacka Edition of the Works of Selma Lagerlöf in The Saturday Review of Literature. Nelson also cultivated skills in art and regularly illustrated criminology articles for local newspapers, including his own articles in The Boston Record. He had musical talent as well and worked as a pianist for the prison orchestra during his time at Charlestown State Prison. During the later years of his incarceration, Nelson taught prison evening school courses. In 1932, while Nelson was incarcerated in Dedham, Massachusetts, Abraham Myerson approached him and asked him to write something that would help psychiatrists understand how prisoners perceive those in the psychiatry profession. This piece of writing later became a chapter in Nelson's comprehensive book about prisoners' psychological experiences and prison reform in the United States, the first edition of which was published by Little, Brown, and Company in 1933 under the title Prison Days and Nights. The book was reviewed in newspapers across multiple states. In addition to commenting on the culture and language of prisoners, the book identifies, from the perspective of one who has lived within American prisons, the causes of continually high recidivism rates in a chapter called "Reforming the Criminal": Nelson was paroled in August of 1932 in the midst of the Great Depression. He married a nurse, Pearl Geneva Osborne, daughter of Adeline York and William A. Osborne, on February 27, 1934 in Exeter, New Hampshire, listing his occupation as "writer" on their marriage records. In the years after his release from prison Nelson sometimes wrote and published letters to the editors of various Massachusetts newspapers on the topics of prison policy and broader Great Depression era political issues. Nelson's publications would continue to be cited in 20th and 21st century criminal justice and sociocultural writing and research, though he would never complete the second book he had begun writing, which was on the topic of alcoholism and was to be called Mornings After. Later life and death In 1936 Nelson suffered a broken neck in a car accident. After this injury, which caused him ongoing pain and discouragement, he struggled with depression and began drinking heavily. His wife, Pearl, remained a consistent support to him, despite his growing challenges. However, in August 1936 he was jailed for 30 days on a charge of drunkenness after Pearl filed a domestic violence complaint. In March 1937 he was sentenced by Judge Elmer Briggs of the Boston Plymouth District Court to Bridgewater State Farm (where chronic alcoholics were often sent at the time, and which later became the Bridgewater State Hospital) after assaulting an elderly neighbor while intoxicated. In August 1938 he appeared in Boston municipal court and pleaded not guilty to a charge of defrauding a hotel keeper and in November 1938 was arrested after getting into an automobile accident on Park Drive (parkway) and fined $50 by the Roxbury Court for “operating a vehicle under the influence.” On December 8, 1939, at the age of 41, Nelson phoned his wife after leaving home, telling her he intended to leave the state and that he was contemplating taking his own life. Nelson was found dead on December 9, 1939 in a room at the 66 Bowdoin St. boarding house in West End, Boston. Police had received a call from an anonymous woman who informed them that they "would find a man ill in the room." Police learned that Nelson had rented a room at the boarding house and that shortly after two women had visited him there. Police found lipstick-covered cigarette butts in the room, as well as a mostly full bottle of liquor and some liquor glasses, and they sought the two unidentified women for questioning. A chemical analysis of the liquids in the liquor bottle and glasses was ordered, and a determination of "barbiturate poisoning, manner not known" was entered into the City of Boston Registry Certificate of Death for Nelson. Medical examiner William J. Brickley reported that Nelson had told three different people on previous occasions that he intended to take his own life using drugs. Brickley deemed the cause of Nelson's death "self ingestion of poison." Further investigation by Boston police Captain William D. Donovan and Sergeant Joseph Maraghy revealed that prior to his death, Nelson had registered and left two suitcases filled with writings, personal papers, and clothing at a house on Derne St. in West End Boston. Nelson had been writing a book on alcoholism at the time of his death, which was to be called Mornings After. Written and translation works "Is Honesty Abnormal?" (nonfiction article in Welfare Magazine, The Welfare Bulletin Official Publication of the Illinois Department of Public Welfare Printed by Authority of the State of Illinois, Vol. 18, 1927; reprinted in Copy . . .1930: Stories, Plays, Poems, Essays, Columbia University, University Extension, 1930) "The New Penology" (nonfiction article in Welfare Magazine, The Welfare Bulletin Official Publication of the Illinois Department of Public Welfare Printed by Authority of the State of Illinois, Vol. 19, 1928) "Code of the Crook" (nonfiction article in Welfare Magazine, Vol. 19, Issue 3, 1928) "Anne and the Cow" (English translation of Johannes V. Jensen's "Ane og Koen", 1928) "The Mårbacka Edition" (review of The Mårbacka Edition of the Works of Selma Lagerlöf in The Saturday Review of Literature, January 19th, 1929 issue) "In a Prison Cell I Sat" (series for The Boston Record that ran in 24 instalments from December 1932 to January 1933) "Ethics and Etiquette in Prison" (nonfiction article in The American Mercury, December 1932, pp. 455–462) Prison Days and Nights (nonfiction book, 1933) "Prison Stupor" (nonfiction article in The American Mercury, March 1933, pp. 339–344) "Addenda to 'Junker Lingo'" (nonfiction article in American Speech) References External links Prison Days and Nights Writers from Boston 1898 births 1939 deaths Prisoners and detainees of Massachusetts Memoirs of imprisonment Swedish emigrants to the United States Prisoners and detainees of New York (state) Writers from Malmö 20th-century American male writers Suicides by poison Suicides in Massachusetts American robbers American escapees Escapees from Massachusetts detention 1920 crimes in the United States 20th-century American memoirists

69983847

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Killing%20of%20Amir%20Locke

Killing of Amir Locke

Amir Locke, a 22-year-old Black American man, was fatally shot on February 2, 2022, by a SWAT officer of the Minneapolis Police Department inside an apartment in Minneapolis, Minnesota where police were executing a no-knock search warrant in a homicide investigation. The shooting is under review by the office of Minnesota Attorney General Keith Ellison, the Hennepin County attorney's office, and the Minnesota Bureau of Criminal Apprehension. Minneapolis Mayor Jacob Frey imposed a moratorium on most no-knock warrants on February 4. Background Persons involved Amir Locke was a 22-year-old Black man born in Maplewood, Minnesota, and raised in the Minneapolis–Saint Paul suburbs. According to his mother, Locke was starting a music career and planned to move to Dallas the following week. Mark Hanneman has been a police officer in Minneapolis since 2015. He is a member of the Minneapolis Police Department's SWAT team. According to personnel records released by the department, Hanneman had three past complaints, all closed without disciplinary action. Prior to working with the police department, Hanneman was employed as a police officer in Hutchinson, Minnesota, starting in 2010. Search warrant Locke was shot while police were executing a search warrant in relation to a homicide that occurred in nearby Saint Paul, Minnesota, in January 2022. The Saint Paul Police Department applied for a "knock and announce" warrant, and the Minneapolis police department insisted on a no-knock warrant, according to the St. Paul Police Department. Police also had "probable cause pick up and holds" for three people. Amir Locke was not named in the search warrant and was not a target of the homicide investigation. Incident On February 2, 2022, police unlocked and opened a door to an apartment at approximately 6:48 a.m. Police body camera footage reviewed by reporters "showed several officers quickly rushing into the apartment at the same time", several yelling "Police! Search warrant!", one officer yelling "Hands, hands!", and another yelling "Get on the ground!" Locke was lying on a couch wrapped in a blanket, and an officer kicked the couch. Locke then sat up and turned toward the officers while holding a gun, and in a still image released by police, his trigger finger is along the barrel of the gun. He was then shot twice in the chest and once in the wrist by Hanneman. The time from when police entered the unit, to when Locke was shot, was less than 10 seconds. Locke was treated at the scene and transported to Hennepin Healthcare, where emergency medics pronounced him dead at 7:01 a.m. Investigations The Minnesota Bureau of Criminal Apprehension opened an investigation and Hanneman was placed on paid administrative leave. An autopsy report published on February 4 by the Hennepin County Medical Examiner classified the manner of Locke's death to be homicide due to gunshot wounds. The office of the Attorney General of Minnesota will work with the Hennepin County attorney's office to review the case. Prosecutors will determine whether to bring criminal charges against Mark Hanneman. No-knock warrant policy moratorium and review Following the killing of Amir Locke, Minneapolis Mayor Jacob Frey imposed a moratorium on no-knock warrants on February 4, with an exception for "an imminent threat of harm to an individual or the public and then the warrant must be approved by the Chief", such as hostage situations or extreme domestic violence. Racial justice activist DeRay Mckesson and professor of police studies Peter Kraska of Eastern Kentucky University will work with the city to review possible changes to the no-knock warrant policy during the moratorium. On February 7, the Minneapolis City Council Policy and Government Oversight Committee began discussion about no-knock warrants. Minnesota legislators also plan to consider a ban on most no-knock warrants, and Governor Tim Walz has indicated he will sign the legislation. The Minneapolis Office of Police Conduct Review is also reviewing the no-knock warrant policy. Reaction Family The parents of Amir Locke said the death was an "execution". His parents also stated their son did not live at the apartment. The family said Amir was "a deep sleeper" and may have been startled and "grabbed for his gun". The family also said he had a gun license and a concealed carry permit, and had a gun for protection due to his work for DoorDash. Minnesota attorney Jeff Storms and civil rights attorneys Ben Crump and Antonio Romanucci are representing Locke's family as legal counsel. On February 4, Crump stated, "If we've learned anything from Breonna Taylor, it's that we know no-knock warrants have deadly consequences for Black American citizens." At a press conference on February 7, Crump stated, "Warrants create chaotic, confusing circumstances that put everyone present at risk and those people are disproportionately marginalized people of color." On February 10, family members of Locke and Breonna Taylor held a press conference with Crump, Storms, and Romanucci, and called for a ban on no-knock warrants. Officials On February 3, Minneapolis interim police chief Amelia Huffman said both a knock and no-knock warrant were obtained as part of a St. Paul Police Department homicide investigation so the SWAT team could make its best assessment, and that it was "unclear" if Locke was connected to the St. Paul investigation. A spokesperson for the police department refused to comment due to the ongoing nature of the homicide investigation. Body camera footage was released to the public after Representative Ilhan Omar and members of the Minnesota House of Representatives called for the immediate release of the footage. Based on a still shot from the body cam footage, Huffman stated "That's the moment when the officer had to make a split-second decision to assess [...] an articulable threat, that the threat was of imminent harm, great bodily harm or death, and that he needed to take action" to protect himself and other officers. Huffman also stated, "Ultimately, that decision of whether that threshold was met will be examined by the county attorney's office that reviews this case." Minnesota Attorney General Keith Ellison stated "Amir Locke's life mattered" when it was announced that his office will work with the Hennepin County attorney's office in its review. Minnesota Representative Esther Agbaje, who resides in the building where Locke was shot and was home at the time, said "We need to continue to have a serious conversation about what does policing look like in this city, so it's safe—not only for the police officers but also for the people who live here." Minnesota House Majority Leader Ryan Winkler said, "Minnesotans deserve a thorough and impartial investigation into the events that led to Mr. Locke's death, including the Minneapolis Police Department sharing inaccurate information in the immediate aftermath." Community groups On February 2, local civil rights activists held a vigil and asked police and city leaders for more information, including who authorized the SWAT team. On February 4, during a press conference by Interim Chief Amelia Huffman and Mayor Jacob Frey after the body camera footage was released, reporters and community members, including civil rights attorney Nekima Levy Armstrong, challenged Huffman about her initial description of the body camera footage. Huffman had initially stated officers "loudly and repeatedly announced police search warrant before crossing the threshold into the apartment" and then later encouraged people to "make their own assessment" after the footage was released. On February 7, the Minneapolis NAACP called for a moratorium on no-knock warrants throughout the state, "pending a determination by the Peace Officers Standards and Training (POST) Board as to whether the no-knock procedure is an appropriate use of police power". The American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) noted a lack of a police command to Locke to drop the gun or a warning that he would be shot. The ACLU of Minnesota called for a ban on no-knock warrants. According to Rob Doar, the senior vice president of governmental affairs in the Minnesota Gun Owners Caucus, "Mr. Locke did what many of us might do in the same confusing circumstances, he reached for a legal means of self-defense while he sought to understand what was happening." According to the Chair of the Minnesota Gun Owners Caucus, Bryan Strawser, "Black men, like all citizens, have a right to keep and bear arms. Black men, like all citizens, have the right to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects against unreasonable search and seizure." A statement from the Police Officers Federation of Minneapolis, the local police union, includes: "Policing, particularly with a SWAT team, is a dangerous, high-stress profession where officers are forced to make important split-second decisions in defense of themselves and fellow officers, especially when weapons are involved". Protests In Minneapolis—Saint Paul On the evening of February 4, protesters in cars began honking outside Minneapolis City Hall and then moved through downtown towards where the shooting occurred, until about 8:00 p.m. On February 5, hundreds of people in Minneapolis protested Locke's death. On February 6, protesters gathered outside Huffman's home in the Cedar-Isles-Dean neighborhood of Minneapolis to demand her resignation. On February 8, high school students in St. Paul and Minneapolis organized by MN Teen Activists walked out of class in protest and marched to the residence of the governor. Jerome Treadwell, the executive director of MN Teen Activists, stated, "Our message today is that we need to protect young black lives. We are humans, we deserve to live and we have hopes and dreams." On February 11, a protest of approximately 100 people marched through south Minneapolis during the evening to demand justice over the police killings of Amir Locke and Winston Boogie Smith, who had been killed by law enforcement on June 3, 2021. Along Lake Street, several properties were vandalized and tagged with anti-police and anarchist graffiti. Some demonstrators threw rocks at the Minneapolis Police Department's fifth precinct station building. On February 16, approximately 40 protesters gathered outside the home of Minneapolis Mayor Jacob Frey to demand justice over Locke's death. On February 20, protesters gathered outside the Minnesota State Capitol building in Saint Paul for a "Justice for Amir Locke" rally. Elsewhere In Chicago, Illinois, a protest over Locke's death was held on February 11—the first protest in that city over his death. In Portland, Oregon, protesters planned a demonstration for February 19 in response to the police killings of Amir Locke and Patrick Kimmons, who was fatally shot by Portland police officers in 2018. As people gathered for the demonstration, five people were injured by gunfire, and one woman was killed during a nearby shooting in Normandale Park. See also List of killings by law enforcement officers in the United States, February 2022 List of killings by law enforcement officers in Minnesota 2020–2022 United States racial unrest 2020–2022 Minneapolis–Saint Paul racial unrest Notes References External links Minneapolis public data, "February 2, 2022 officer-involved shooting" 2022 controversies in the United States 2020s in Minneapolis Filmed deaths in the United States Minneapolis Police Department Filmed killings by law enforcement African Americans shot dead by law enforcement officers in the United States No-knock warrant

69989847

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/United%20Kingdom%20and%20the%20League%20of%20Nations

United Kingdom and the League of Nations

The United Kingdom and the League of Nations played central roles in the diplomatic history of the interwar period 1920-1939 and the search for peace. British activists and political leaders help plan and found the League of Nations, provided much of the staff leadership, and Britain (alongside France) played a central role in most of the critical issues facing the League. The League of Nations Union was an important private organization that promoted the League in Britain. By 1924 the League was broadly popular and was featured in election campaigns. The Liberals were most supportive; the Conservatives least so.. From 1931 onward, major aggressions by Japan, Italy, Spain and Germany effectively ruined the League in British eyes. Eric Drummond, Secretary-General, 1920-1933 Between 1918 and 1919, he was a member of the British delegation to the Paris Peace Conference, where he was engaged in the drafting of the Covenant of the League of Nations. In 1919 he accepted the position of the Secretary-General of the League of Nations, on the recommendation of Lord Cecil. Before the 1919 Paris Peace Conference in 1919, much work had been put into finding a suitable candidate for secretary-general of the newly-established League of Nations. Cecil, who played a key role in drafting the Covenant and organising the League, initially wanted a person with a background in politics for the post; there were several suitable candidates, but none accepted his proposal. He believed that only somebody of the highest ability would be sufficient for this role. However, after it transpired that the office holder would not be given as many powers as initially thought, Cecil reconsidered and sought to find somebody who was a well-trained civil servant and less known as a big political figure. He first approached Maurice Hankey, who for some time showed interest in the position but in the end rejected the offer only ten days before the Paris plenary session. In the event that Hankey would turn down the offer, Cecil and the American Edward M. House had developed a contingency plan to substitute Hankey with Sir Eric Drummond. As early as 1915, Drummond expressed himself favourably towards the establishment of an international organisation. As such, Drummond was involved in negotiations regarding the establishment of the League of Nations. In addition, he was also a British national, which Cecil valued very highly. Drummond was an experienced diplomat and had earned a high reputation during his 19 years at the Foreign Office, which helped him to be considered the best choice available. After some initial doubt in which Drummond expressed anxiety about organising the League, he finally accepted the proposal. At the Paris Peace Conference's plenary session on 28 April 1919, the conference accepted the appointment of Drummond as the first secretary-general of the League of Nations. Establishment of permanent secretariat (1919–1920) One of the secretary-general's major deeds was the establishment of a permanent and strictly international secretariat. No such thing had ever been attempted, and prewar secretariats had largely been confined to the national sphere as regards who supplied them and the civil servants who worked there. The creation of an international civil service was problematic, and administrative leaders thought it unthinkable that such a body would ever be united, loyal or efficient. By August 1920 the secretariat was fully established. The secretariat's personnel came from over 30 countries and differed in language, religion and training. They were all appointed by the League, not by national governments. That once again underscored the difference between the new international body and previous national secretariats. In all, the secretariat came to consist of seven sections: a Mandate Section, an Economic and Financial Section, a Section for Transit and Communication, a Social Section, a Political Section, a Legal Section and an International Bureau Section. Leadership style Drummond approached the role conservatively. His somewhat-subdued role in the British Foreign Office easily transferred over to the position of secretary-general. He was not a major political figure and so did not seek to turn the office into a reflection of his personality. Drummond set about creating the administrative divisions for the League. He took no risk in his appointments to senior positions in the League of Nations and chose to appoint only members who supported their nation's government and gave the positions only to members of leading states. Drummond was regarded as taking great care with issues and taking his position very seriously. He would read everything that came to his desk and would often call meetings regularly to discuss various issues. The meetings would often take place with various members of governments, which managed to established contact by his appointments to the League. Drummond thus became aware of sensitive information from various governments and nongovernmental organisations but became someone who could be trusted by various politicians worldwide. He was widely regarded as shying away from the public and political spotlight, despite the high-profile nature of his position. He, however, was believed to be highly political behind the scenes but was often forced to do to appease various nations and because of often lacking support from many governments. One example was his 1920s dealings with Benito Mussolini's policies towards the Balkans, Africa and Europe. Drummond was unable to condemn any of Mussolini's policies publicly, as he did not have the backing of Britain and France. He wanted to maintain good relations with Italy, which helped to render him somewhat impotent. Drummond had to perform his function behind the scenes of the League. He took great care to maintain world peace, as was hoped during the creation of the League, but he also appeased nations, rather than keeping them in check against international law. Despite the limitations coming from outside the League, he largely decided how he would run the office since he was very seldom under any kind of supervision. Drummond became regarded as a central hub within the League of Nations for most issues, and he would often pick the ones that interested him the most and delegate the lesser issues to his staff. He could thus be regarded as a leader who used the office for his own political interests. National links of League officers The ideal underpinning the secretariat and those working there was one much resembling a Weberian understanding of bureaucracy, the idea of a non-political, neutral, effective and efficient bureaucrat. Drummond admitted, "It is not always those who secure public praise to whom thanks are mainly due, and the work unknown to the public which is done behind the scenes is often a large factor in the success which has been obtained". The ideal was not always upheld, and national preferences were never really abandoned. New under-secretaries-general who were appointed were more often than not of the same nationality, with candidates of smaller powers excluded. Drummond did not practice what he preached, which created small national islands from which the appointed officials conducted national, rather than international, politics. In 1929, the Assembly decided to make a thorough investigation of the secretariats, the International Labour Organization and the Permanent Court of International Justice. The minority report showed that the political influence in substantive issues by the secretariats and its main officers was enormous and could not be overlooked. However, that was not recognised by Drummond before the 1950s and until then had readily defended the notion of nonpolitical character of international secretariats. Despite the political character of the international civil service, the Secretariat came to be widely recognised as an instrument of the highest efficiency and the structural framework became a model for future international civil services, such as seen in the United Nations. Role during crises During Drummond's secretary-generalship there were several crises that called for his attention. The League of Nations' Council relied on the willingness of its members to use their militaries to apply its collective security mandate during crises. Many of them centred on border disputes from the collapse of empires after the First World War. As the League got involved in such matters throughout the 1920s with members and non-members alike, Drummond was at the centre of the talks and the negotiations. The League was involved in disputes in Latin America, the Baltics and then China. Peter Yearwood argues that although Drummond was an idealist, as were most other people, he also 'made use' of his connections in politics. Drummond was widely regarded as somebody who shied away from the public and political limelight, despite the high-profile nature of his position. He managed to achieve that but was believed to be highly political behind the scenes. He was often forced to appease various nations because he often lacked support from governments. One example was his dealings with Benito Mussolini's policies in the 1920s towards the Balkans, Africa and the rest of Europe. Drummond was unable to give a public condemnation of Mussolini's policies, as he had the backing of neither Britain nor France and wanted to maintain good relations with Italy. That was one of the many reasons that helped to render him a somewhat impotent leader. Drummond had to perform his function behind the scenes of the League of Nations. He took great care to maintain world peace, as was hoped during the creation of the League of Nations, but he appeased nations, rather than keeping them in check against international law. Despite the limitations coming from outside the League of Nations, he largely decided how he would run the office within it, since he was very seldom under any kind of supervision. He became regarded as a central hub within the League of Nations for most issues, and would often pick the ones that interested him the most and delegate the lesser issues to his staff. He could thus be regarded as a leader who used the office for his own political interests. Another factor that partly drove Drummond's ambitions and his way of handling the crises presented before him was his religion. He was a devout Catholic, which had a significant impact in his dealings with the Polish–Lithuanian War early in his career. He strongly urged a plebiscite to which Poland could agree, most Poles being Catholic. Also, Drummond seemed to be pro-active. On the crisis between Russia and Finland over the latter's independence gained after the First World War, Drummond was one of the first to consider a possible solution. Another important factor of his secretary-generalship was his willingness to step beyond the boundaries given to him in his position. During the crisis over the Chaco War near the end of Drummond's career at the League, he was praised for being a helpful mediator and for doing more than his position allowed. Mukden Incident One of the less successful moments for Drummond was one of the most prominent crises of Drummond's career, the Mukden Incident. China allegedly blew up part of a railroad, which Japan then used as an excuse to invade Manchuria. China appealed to the League for measures against Japan. According to Michael E. Chapman, Drummond's initial response was not that of an imperialistic western leader but that of a bureaucrat. Somewhat limited in his powers, he looked towards the two most powerful Western nations in the region, Britain and the United States, which more or less stated that they were 'too busy' to deal with the crisis at hand. When the crisis reached its peak, Stimson advised Drummond to "strengthen and support treaty obligations" the Japanese action had caused British discomfort. He was advised to try not to arouse nationalist feelings in Japan. Drummond wanted to be an active player in the crisis but was mostly outplayed by Henry Stimson and Hugh R. Wilson. Public opinion in Britain British public opinion was generally favorable toward the League, providing its major basis of popular and financial support. However Conservatives were generally suspicious, especially regarding the danger of naval disarmament to its control of the oceans. David Lloyd George, prime Minister until 1922, believed that the League without the United States was a member was a worthless and probably dangerous organization. He quietly made sure that it dealt with minor items of little importance, and this approach was largely supported by the other powerful member France. (Russia and Germany were not members at first.) The league was heavily a European organization, at a time when most of Asia and Africa was in the control of European powers. The independent nations of the Latin America were all members, but they rarely took leadership roles. Indeed, the Covenant had acknowledged the Monroe doctrine, to the effect that the nations of the Western hemisphere could handle their own affairs without recourse to the League of Nations. League of Nations Union In every member nation, organizations were formed to generate public support and publicity for the League of Nations. The most successful support organization worldwide was the League of Nations Union (LNU) in Great Britain. The LNU was formed by the merger of the League of Free Nations Association in the U.S. and the League of Nations Society in Britain. They were already working for the establishment of a new and transparent system of international relations, human rights, and for world peace through disarmament and universal collective security, rather than traditional approaches such as the balance of power and the creation of power blocs through secret treaties. The LNU promoted international justice, collective security and a permanent peace between nations based upon the ideals of the League of Nations. By the mid-1920s, it had over a quarter of a million subscribers. By contrast the comparable French organization was one-fourth the size. LNU's paid membership peaked in 1931 at 407,000 in 2,982 local branches, 295 junior clubs, and 3,058 local Protestant church chapters (heavily based in Nonconformist churches). After 1931 membership steadily declined. By the 1940s, after the disappointments of the international crises of the 1930s and the descent into World War II, membership fell to about 100,000. There was another problem. Pacifists were less and less willing to maintain membership as the LNU in the 1930s more and more proposed economic sanctions and suggested military sanctions against aggressive nations. Activities According to B. J. C. McKercher, LNU had considerable success in leading the mainstream of British society to its cause, including labour, the churches and the principal newspapers. LNU was most influential in the Liberal Party, although that party was rapidly losing MPs. It had great strength in the Labour Party, which was growing. It was weakest in the Conservative Party, which dominated politics in the 1930s. Most Conservatives were deeply suspicious of the LNU's support for pacifism and disarmament,. The three main leaders were Gilbert Murray (an Oxford professor), Lord Robert Cecil (who helped Woodrow Wilson design the League of Nations Covenant in 1919), and the general secretary, J. C. Maxwell Garnett. In terms of impact on the government, Birn argues that it helped push the government to admit Germany to the League in 1926, impose an arms embargo during the Far Eastern crisis of 1933, and to impose sanctions against Italy in 1935. These were exceptional, Birn argues, because these were rare instances wherte the LNU got its way in controversial issues. Peace Ballot The most famous operation of the LNU was its organisation of the Peace Ballot of 1935. It asked British adults to decide on questions relating to international disarmament and collective security. The Peace Ballot was a private operation not an official government-sponsored referendum. More than eleven million people participated in it, representing strong support for the aims and objectives of the League of Nations, influencing policy makers and politicians. The results were publicised worldwide. The vote for military action against international aggressors, as a matter of last resort, was almost three-to-one. Educational programmes The LNU was highly successful in reaching schools; teachers were eager to join. It provided publications, films, speakers and lesson plans that were endorsed by Local Education Authorities, and the National Union of Teachers. Brian J. Elliott shows the material downplayed simple moralism, criticized narrow nationalism and gave historical studies a broad European perspective. British role in major panels Conference of Ambassadors "The Conference of Ambassadors of the Principal Allied and Associated Powers" was an inter-allied organization of the Allies of World War I following World War I. Formed in Paris in January 1920, it was the successor of the Supreme War Council and was soon incorporated into the League of Nations. It became less active after the Locarno Treaties of 1925 and formally ceased to exist in 1931. The Conference consisted of ambassadors of the United States Great Britain, Italy, and Japan accredited in Paris and French minister of foreign affairs. The American ambassador attended as an observer because the United States was not an official party to the Treaty of Versailles. French diplomat René Massigli was its secretary-general for its entire existence. It was chaired by French foreign ministers, among them Georges Clemenceau, Raymond Poincaré and Aristide Briand. The most important British action in the Conference was brokering an agreement in 1923 between Italy and Greece in the Corfu incident. When brigands murdered several Italian diplomats on the Greek island of Corfu, the Mussolini government issued an overnight ultimatum, bombarded the island, and demanded a large cash payment. Britain brokered a settlement that favored the Italians. Most historians consider it a failure that underlined the basic weakness of the League of Nations when dealing with a powerful member. A minority opinion of historians argues that British action was suitable and honourable. British role in major proposals Åland Islands dispute of 1920–21 When Finland was part of Russia, it controlled the Åland Islands. In 1920 now that Finland was independent, Sweden called on the principle of self-determination, pointing out the island population was 90% Swedish and wished to join Sweden. The British took the lead in setting terms for negotiations before the League of Nations. It ruled in favour of Finland in 1921. Admission of Albania and Bulgaria After extensive debate on the question of admitting Albania and Bulgaria, Lord Cecil proved most convincing, and secured their admission in late 1920. Admission of Germany The admission of Germany was much more complicated. Britain under Lloyd George strongly recommended admission, but France was bitterly hostile. The Germans misplayed their diplomacy so badly that the British gave up trying. The 1924 Locarno agreement enabled German admission, but there were further delays caused by a crisis over giving a permanent seat on the Council to Spain or Brazil. Germany was finally admitted in 1926 and given the permanent seat in question. David Carlton argues that Foreign Minister Austen Chamberlain badly mismanaged Britain's role, defied public opinion inside Britain, and made many Europeans hostile to Britain. Treaty of Mutual Guarantee disarmament was a high priority for the League but it proved increasingly difficult to come up with a solution. The problem is that if almost everyone was disarmed, the remaining armed power would be very dangerous. In the context of Europe in the 1920s, the fear was that Germany could quickly rearm, threaten the neighbor, and the disarmed members of the League would be helpless to stop it. Lord Cecil (at the time a delegate from South Africa) proposed a solution in 1922 called the Treaty of Mutual Guarantee. Every country that signed, and had reduced its armaments according to the agreed schedule, would be protected. If anyone attacked it, the Treaty would guarantee that the victim would be immediately support by all the other signatories. France and Britain, although quarreling on many other issues, supported the proposal. As the other nations debated the proposal, confusion and difficulty arose – some governments said the proposal went too far, others said it did not go far enough, and few were actually satisfied with it. Latin American states ignored the issue. The report of the Permanent Elements Commission, representing military leaders, said such a treaty would never work. Finally in September 1923 a French draft retitled the "Treaty of Mutual Assistance" was supported by majority, with a large dissenting minority. At the time Italy and Greece were at swords' point, so the proposed treaty was not just a hypothetical solution to imaginary problems. Lord Cecil, now a member of the British government, built up support. The new version would empower the Consul to designate an aggressor, apply economic sanctions, mobilize military forces, and supervise their action. This indeed is what happened in 1950 when the United Nations entered the Korean War, but at this point there was little enthusiasm from any government. The Soviet Union and United States rejected the proposed treaty. Germany was critical. Italy and France gave support. The British dominions were opposed. The death blow came in Geneva on 4 September 1924 when Prime Minister Ramsay MacDonald rejected it and called instead for a system of arbitrating disputes. Geneva Protocol of 1924 A draft treaty was assembled in 1923 that made aggressive war illegal and bound the member states to defend victims of aggression by force. Since the onus of responsibility would, in practice, be on the great powers of the League, it was vetoed by Great Britain, who feared that this pledge would strain its own commitment to police its British Empire. The "Geneva Protocol for the Pacific Settlement of International Disputes" was a proposal by British Prime Minister Ramsay MacDonald and his French counterpart Édouard Herriot. It set up compulsory arbitration of disputes and created a method to determine the aggressor in international conflicts. All legal disputes between nations would be submitted to the World Court. It called for a disarmament conference in 1925. Any government that refused to comply in a dispute would be named an aggressor. Any victim of aggression was to receive immediate assistance from League members. British Conservatives condemned the proposal for fear that it would lead to conflict with the United States, which also opposed the proposal. The British Dominions strongly opposed it. The Conservatives came to power in Britain and in March 1925 the proposal was shelved and never reintroduced. Notes See also International relations (1919–1939) Interwar Britain United Kingdom and United Nations Further reading Barros, James. Office Without Power: Secretary-General Sir Eric Drummond 1919–1933 (Oxford 1979). Bendiner, Elmer. A time for angels : the tragicomic history of the League of Nations (1975); well-written popular history. online Birn, Donald S. The League of Nations Union, 1918-1945 (1981) Brierly, J. L. and P. A. Reynolds. "The League of Nations" The New Cambridge Modern History, Vol. XII, The Shifting Balance of World Forces (2nd ed. 1968) Chapter IX, . , by the Englishman who helped found the League. Chaudron, Gerald. New Zealand in the League of Nations: The Beginnings of an Independent Foreign Policy, 1919–1939 (2014) Chaudron, Gerald. "New Zealand’s international initiation: Sir James Allen at the League of Nations 1920–1926." Political Science 64.1 (2012): 62-80 online. Clavin, Patricia. Securing the world economy: the reinvention of the League of Nations, 1920–1946 (Oxford UP, 2013). Clavin, Patricia. "The Ben Pimlott Memorial Lecture 2019—Britain and the Making of Global Order after 1919." Twentieth Century British History 31.3 (2020): 340-359. Dykmann, Klaas. "How International was the Secretariat of the League of Nations?." International History Review 37#4 (2015): 721–744. Egerton, George W. Great Britain and the Creation of the League of Nations: Strategy, Politics, and International Organization, 1914–1919 (U of North Carolina Press, 1978). Farmer, Alan. British Foreign and Imperial Affairs 1919–39 (2000) Feiling, Keith. The Life of Neville Chamberlain (1947) online Gill, George. The League of Nations : from 1929 to 1946 (1996) online Ginneken, Anique H.M. van. Historical Dictionary of the League of Nations (2006) excerpt and text search Gram-Skjoldager, Karen, and Haakon A. Ikonomou. "Making Sense of the League of Nations Secretariat–Historiographical and Conceptual Reflections on Early International Public Administration." European History Quarterly 49.3 (2019): 420–444. Grant, Kevin. "The British empire, international government, and human rights." History Compass 11.8 (2013): 573-583 Henig, Ruth. The Peace that Never was: A History of the League of Nations (Haus Publishing, 2019), a standard scholarly history. Holmila, Antero, and Pasi Ihalainen. "Nationalism and internationalism reconciled: British concepts for a new world order during and after the World Wars." Contributions to the History of Concepts 13.2 (2018): 25-53 online. Housden, Martyn. The League of Nations and the organisation of peace (2012) online Ikonomou, Haakon, Karen Gram-Skjoldager, eds. The League of Nations: Perspectives from the Present (Aarhus University Press, 2019). online review Johnson, Gaynor. Lord Robert Cecil: Politician and Internationalist (London, 2013) excerpt Joyce, James Avery. Broken star : the story of the League of Nations (1919-1939) (1978) online Kaiga, Sakiko. Britain and the Intellectual Origins of the League of Nations, 1914–1919 (Cambridge University Press, 2021). Kaiga, Sakiko. "The Use of Force to Prevent War? The Bryce Group's “Proposals for the Avoidance of War,” 1914–15." Journal of British Studies 57.2 (2018): 308-332. online Kahlert, Torsten. "Pioneers in international administration: a prosopography of the directors of the League of nations secretariat." New Global Studies 13.2 (2019): 190–227. Lloyd, Lorna. "'On the side of justice and peace': Canada on the League of Nations Council 1927–1930." Diplomacy & Statecraft 24#2 (2013): 171–191. McCarthy, Helen. The British People and the League of Nations: Democracy, citizenship and internationalism, c. 1918–45 (Oxford UP, 2011). online review Macfadyen, David, et al. eds. Eric Drummond and his Legacies: The League of Nations and the Beginnings of Global Governance (2019) excerpt Medlicott, W. N. British foreign policy since Versailles, 1919–1963 (1968). pp 46-80, 359 online Mowat, Charles Loch. Britain Between the Wars, 1918–1940 (1955), 690pp; thorough scholarly coverage; emphasis on politics; also online free to borrow Myers, Denys P. Handbook of the League of Nations : a comprehensive account of its structure, operation and activities (1935) online. Northedge, F. S. The troubled giant: Britain among the great powers, 1916–1939 (1966), 657pp online Northedge, F.S The League of Nations: Its Life and Times, 1920–1946 (Holmes & Meier, 1986). Ostrower, Gary B. The League of Nations: From 1919 to 1929 (1996) online, brief survey Pedersen, Susan. The guardians : the League of Nations and the crisis of empire (2015) online; in-depth scholarly history of the mandate system. Reynolds, David. Britannia Overruled: British Policy and World Power in the Twentieth Century (2nd ed. 2000) excerpt and text search, major survey of British foreign policy to 1999 Steiner, Zara. The Lights that Failed: European International History 1919-1933 (Oxford University Press, 2005). Steiner, Zara. The triumph of the dark: European international history 1933-1939 (Oxford University Press, 2011). Swart, William J. "The League of Nations and the Irish Question." Sociological Quarterly 36.3 (1995): 465–481. Taylor, A. J. P. English History, 1914–1945 (Oxford History of England) (1965) excerpt and text search, Witty and scholarly survey; online free to borrow Temperley, A.C. The Whispering Gallery Of Europe (1938), highly influential account of League esp disarmament conference of 1932–34. online Thorne, Christopher G. The limits of foreign policy; the West, the League, and the Far Eastern crisis of 1931-1933 (1972) online online free; the standard scholarly history Webster, Andrew. Strange Allies: Britain, France and the Dilemmas of Disarmament and Security, 1929-1933 (Routledge, 2019). Wilson, Peter. "Gilbert Murray and International Relations: Hellenism, liberalism, and international intellectual cooperation as a path to peace." Review of International Studies 37.2 (2011): 881-909. online Winkler, Henry R. Paths Not Taken: British Labour & International Policy in the 1920s (1994) online Winkler, Henry R. "The Development of the League of Nations Idea in Great Britain, 1914-1919." Journal of Modern History 20.2 (1948): 95-112 online Yearwood, Peter J. Guarantee of Peace: The League of Nations in British Policy 1914–1925 (Oxford UP, 2009). Yearwood, Peter. "‘On the Safe and Right Lines’: The Lloyd George Government and the Origins of the League of Nations, 1916–1918." Historical Journal 32.1 (1989): 131-155. Yearwood, Peter J. "'Consistently with Honour'; Great Britain, the League of Nations and the Corfu Crisis of 1923." Journal of Contemporary History 21.4 (1986): 559-579. Yearwood, Peter J. "‘Real securities against new wars’: Official British thinking and the origins of the League of Nations, 1914–19." Diplomacy and Statecraft 9.3 (1998): 83-109. Yearwood, Peter. "“A Genuine and Energetic League of Nations Policy”: Lord Curzon and the New Diplomacy, 1918–1925." Diplomacy & Statecraft 21.2 (2010): 159-174. Historiography and memory Elliott, Brian J. "The League of Nations Union and history teaching in England: a study in benevolent bias." History of Education 6.2 (1977): 131-141. Gram-Skjoldager, Karen, and Haakon A. Ikonomou. "Making Sense of the League of Nations Secretariat–Historiographical and Conceptual Reflections on Early International Public Administration." European History Quarterly 49.3 (2019): 420–444. Jackson, Simon. "From Beirut to Berlin (via Geneva): The New International History, Middle East Studies and the League of Nations." Contemporary European History 27.4 (2018): 708–726. online Pedersen, Susan "Back to the League of Nations." American Historical Review 112.4 (2007): 1091–1117. in JSTOR Petruccelli, David. "The Crisis of Liberal Internationalism: The Legacies of the League of Nations Reconsidered." Journal of World History 31.1 (2020): 111-136 excerpt. Primary sources League of Nations. Staff of the Secretariat: report presented by the British representative, Mr. A.J. Balfour, and adopted by the Council of the League of Nations, meeting in Rome, on 19th May, 1920 (1920) online Medlicott, W. N. et al. eds. Documents on British Foreign Policy, 1919–1939 (HMSO, 1946), primary sources; many volumes online Wells, H.G. "British nationalism and the league of nations" (1918) online Wiener, Joel H. ed. Great Britain: foreign policy and the span of empire, 1689-1971; a documentary history (vol 4 1972) online League of Nations History of the foreign relations of the United Kingdom Foreign relations of the United Kingdom

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Normandale%20Park%20shooting

Normandale Park shooting

On February 19, 2022, a shooting occurred near Normandale Park, in Portland, Oregon, U.S. One person was killed and five others were injured, including the shooter. The shooting took place near a demonstration for Amir Locke, a 22-year-old Black man who was shot and killed by a Minneapolis police officer and Patrick Kimmons, a 27-year-old Black man killed by Portland police during a 2018 altercation. Shooting The shooting occurred around 8:00 PM. According the District Attorney's office, the suspect is alleged to have fired at a crowd of protestors and struck five. The suspect was then shot near the hip, ending the shooting. The person who shot the suspect cooperated with police and was released, while the suspect was charged with second-degree murder, second-degree attempted murder and second-degree assault with a firearm. On February 20, 2022, Ted Wheeler, Portland's mayor, issued a statement that included, "While many of the details of last night’s shooting near Normandale Park are unclear, we do know one thing for sure: Our community is dealing with the sadness of another senseless act of gun violence." June Knightly was identified as the woman killed. References 2022 in Portland, Oregon 2022 murders in the United States 2022 mass shootings in the United States Mass shootings in Oregon February 2022 crimes February 2022 events in the United States Protest-related deaths

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nikkolas%20Smith

Nikkolas Smith

Nikkolas Smith is an American contemporary artist and activist who predominantly depicts African-American marginalized voices, as well as social justice in his works. His digital paintings are widely shared on social media and have been featured in Times Square, The Washington Post and The New York Times. Early life and education Nikkolas Smith was raised in Spring, Texas as the youngest of six children. He earned a master's degree in architecture from Hampton University in Virginia, where he drew political cartoons for the school's paper. After graduating, Smith moved to Los Angeles, where he worked as a Disney Imagineer until 2019. Art career Smith describes himself as an "artivist", combining activism within his artistic works. Smith's portfolio of artwork ranges in stylization from pop to impressionist, digitally painted on his iPad in Photoshop. His work is influenced by Nina Simone and Norman Rockwell. Smith began his Sunday Sketch series in 2013. He shares weekly Sunday sketches on his Twitter and Instagram channels; select images from this series were compiled into a book. Smith is an author and illustrator of children's picture books. He illustrated the picture book The 1619 Project: Born on the Water (2021), which was inspired by Nikole Hannah-Jones' The 1619 Project. Fast Company described Smith's illustrations as using African symbols, various color palettes, and carefully drawn facial expressions to show the humanity of the enslaved people. Born on the Water ranked number one on The New York Times Best Seller List Children's Picture Book category and was included on Time for Kids, Best Children's and YA book list published in 2021. Smith's paintings from the 2016 Summer Olympics in Brazil went viral on social media. Skyhorse Publishing offered him a book deal, which resulted in the 2016 book The Golden Girls of Rio. The Golden Girls of Rio was nominated for the 2017 NAACP Image Award for Outstanding Literary Work – Children. His art often depicts victims of police brutality, civil rights figures, athletes, and cultural icons. Smith began incorporating activism into his art following the killing of Trayvon Martin. In July 2013, his portrait of Martin Luther King Jr. wearing a hoodie went viral. Black Lives Matter commissioned Smith to paint George Floyd in 2020. The finished work was featured as a centerpiece in Times Square's billboards, and the Beverly Center shopping mall in Los Angeles. He has also painted portraits of Tamir Rice, Tony McDade, Breonna Taylor, Ahmaud Arbery, Philando Castile, Bree Newsome, and Lupita Nyong'o. Smith created an 11 by 10-foot digital painting of Chadwick Boseman after Boseman died from colon cancer in August 2020. The painting, titled King Chad, features Boseman, who played T'Challah in the movie Black Panther, giving the "Wakanda Forever" salute to a child wearing a Black Panther mask. The painting was temporarily on display in Downtown Disney in California.​​ Smith donated his King Chad painting to the Children's Hospital Los Angeles, where it is on permanent display. Other examples of Smith's work include posters for movies such as Dear White People, If Beale Street Could Talk, Southside with You, and Black Panther. Art Basel invited Smith to create the logo for its "what Matters" campaign in 2019. Notable figures have shared Smith's work on social media, including Michelle Obama, Rihanna, Nipsey Hussle, and Janet Jackson. His digital painting of Atatiana Jefferson was shared on the floor of the U.S. House of Representatives. In 2021, Smith created the "First Practicing Vegan" for PETA featuring Cory Booker and other prominent vegans in a reproduction of Rockwell's painting, Freedom from Want. The poster appeared at various bus stops in New Jersey during the 2021 holiday season. Personal life Smith is married to a documentary filmmaker. The couple have a son, Zion, who was born in 2020. References External links 1985 births Living people African-American illustrators American children's book illustrators